WEBVTT

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Welcome back to the Deep Dive. Today we are pulling

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apart a phrase that sits right at the intersection

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of bureaucracy and bulldozers. It is a term you

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have likely heard thrown around in city council

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meetings, seen on campaign flyers, or maybe read

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on a placard at a construction site. Urban renewal.

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It's a fascinating term, isn't it? Linguistically,

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renewal. Right. It sounds so incredibly benign.

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It evokes spring cleaning or a spa day or maybe,

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you know, fixing a leaky roof. It sounds like

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something absolutely no one could possibly object

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to. Exactly. I mean. Who is pro -decay? Nobody.

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But when you actually dig into the sources we

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have today, and we have a massive stack here,

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we're talking global policy documents, Supreme

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Court transcripts, historical records from the

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19th century. The story isn't quite so rosy.

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Urban renewal is a concept that hides a history

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of, well, dynamite, mass displacement, and some

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of the most intense ideological battles over

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how human beings should live together. It is

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a euphemism that does a lot of heavy lifting.

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I mean, on the surface, the premise is simple.

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Take a neighborhood that is struggling physically,

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economically, socially, and make it better. Right.

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But the core question, the one that runs through

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every single document we are looking at today

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is better for whom? That is the million dollar

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question, isn't it? Is it better for the people

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living there or better for the people who want

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to be living there? Our mission today is to unpack

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that tension, the tension between progress. the

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shiny new skyscrapers, the convention centers,

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the six -lane highways, and place. And place

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means the actual community, the history. The

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messy, complex networks of people who call those

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so -called blighted areas home. And we are going

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to see that word blight come up over and over

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and over again. It is the engine that drives

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this whole machine. Before we get into the history,

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let's actually stick a pin in that word. Because

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words matter in policy and blight is a heavy

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one. They really do. I mean, blight is originally

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a biological or an agricultural term. Like on

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a plant. Exactly. It refers to a plant disease,

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a fungus, something that infects a crop and kills

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it from the inside out. Or it refers to, you

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know, gangrenous tissue on a body. So when urban

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planners and politicians started applying that

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specific word to neighborhoods in the early 20th

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century, they were doing something very psychological.

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They were pathologizing the city. Precisely.

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They were framing it as a disease. Right. Because

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if a neighborhood is just poor, maybe you send

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aid. You cut it out. You excise it. You don't

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negotiate with a tumor. Wow. So by labeling a

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neighborhood as blighted, you are implicitly

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justifying a radical and often destructive intervention.

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You are saying that the area is not just struggling,

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but that it is a threat to the health of the

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entire city. Okay, so let's define the scope

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here. When we say urban renewal or sometimes

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you hear urban regeneration or redevelopment,

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what is the actual technical definition? Are

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we talking about fixing potholes or are we talking

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about leveling entire city blocks? Well, technically

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it covers the whole spectrum. At its core, urban

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renewal is any initiative, usually state -led

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or state -enabled, that's meant to address urban

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decay. On the really mild end of the spectrum,

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you have micro -renovation. Micro -renovation.

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So that's upgrading infrastructure. Sure. Better

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sewers, new streetlights, fixing facades on buildings.

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You keep the buildings, you keep the people,

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you just make the environment work a little better.

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But that's not usually what makes the history

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books. No, not at all. On the other far end of

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the spectrum, you have slum clearance. Right.

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And this is the tabula rasa approach, the blank

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slate. You designate an area as completely unsalvageable.

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You evict the population. You demolish every

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structure and you build something entirely new

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on top of the ruins. And that is where the conflict.

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really explodes, isn't it? It's that clash between

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economic revitalization, bringing tax base and

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capital back into a city and the just the raw

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reality of displacement. It is about power. At

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the end of the day, it's about who has the power

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to look at a map, draw a line and say this stays

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and this goes. And historically, the people living

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in the this goes zones have not been the ones

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holding the pen. Now, I think most people, when

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they hear this, they associate the concept with

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the 1950s, you know, the era of Robert Moses,

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big highways, concrete housing blocks. But our

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sources suggest the DNA of urban renewal goes

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back. Much, much further. Oh, way further. We

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have to start in the 19th century, right in the

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smog of the Industrial Revolution. If you look

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at cities like London, Manchester, or even early

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industrial New York, they were undergoing this

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terrifying transformation. Industrialization

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was just sucking people in from the countryside

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by the millions. That classic Dickensian nightmare

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scenario. It really was. You had extreme overcrowding,

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basically zero sanitation, frequent cholera outbreaks,

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soot and smoke everywhere. And the reaction to

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this among the ruling classes was it was a mix

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of genuine concern for public health and a very

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heavy dose of moral panic. Moral panic. What

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do you mean by that? There was this progressive

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doctrine that emerged in Victorian England. And

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the belief was that the physical squalor of the

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slums was directly causing moral squalor. If

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people lived in filth, they would become filthy

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citizens. Therefore, if you improve the housing,

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you could actually morally reform the poor. So

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it wasn't just let's stop the rats from spreading

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disease. It was let's make them into proper upstanding

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British subjects by giving them better bricks

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and plumbing. Exactly. It was social engineering

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through architecture. And you see this with figures

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like George Peabody and the Peabody Trust. In

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the mid -19th century, they targeted this notorious

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slum in Westminster called the Devil's Acre.

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The Devil's Acre. That's a subtle name. I assume

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the realtors didn't come up with that one. I

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think it's safe to say they did not. It was a

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rough place. The Trust bought it, cleared it,

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and built what they called a model dwellings.

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These were sturdy brick estates. They had shared

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laundry facilities, courtyards. And compared

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to the slum, plum they replaced, they were miracles

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of hygiene and order. But the underlying philosophy

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was deeply paternalistic. It was the wealthy

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deciding how the poor should live. Yes, it was

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about imposing order from the outside. Speaking

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of imposing order, we have to talk about Paris.

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Because when I think of Paris, I think of romance

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and croissants and these wide, beautiful boulevards.

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I don't think of urban renewal. But the Paris

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we see today is actually the result of one of

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the most aggressive renewal projects in history.

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Oh, absolutely. What we call Hausmann's Paris.

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In 1853, Napoleon III ordered Baron Hausmann

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to modernize the city. At the time, Paris was

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still essentially medieval, a maze of narrow

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winding streets, incredibly dense, very dark.

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And Haussmann didn't just tweak it. He sliced

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through it. He carved those massive boulevards

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right through the existing neighborhoods. He

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didn't go around them. He went through them.

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What was the scale of that? He demolished roughly

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19 ,000 buildings. Wow. Displaced thousands and

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thousands of people. And while the stated goals

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were, you know, better airflow, sanitation, and

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traffic circulation, there's a very clear military

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objective too. The barricades. The barricades.

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Exactly. France had a long, long history of revolutions.

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1830, 1848. And it is very easy to block a narrow,

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winding medieval street with furniture and cobblestones

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to fight off the army. Right. It is very, very

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hard to block a boulevard that is 80 feet wide.

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Houseman's avenues were designed to be difficult

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to barricade and very easy to fire cannons down.

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So urban renewal as a counterinsurgency strategy,

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that is a wild connection I had never made. It's

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all about state control over the urban environment.

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And this idea of sanitizing the city. for both

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health and political reasons. It hopped the Atlantic

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to the U .S. in the 1890s with what was called

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the City Beautiful Movement. This was the era

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of the World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago,

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right? The famous white city. Yes, that was the

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model. The American upper middle class looked

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at their industrial cities, which were becoming

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crowded and smoky and full of immigrants, and

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they decided they needed a facelift. They wanted

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neoclassical architecture, grand monuments, sweeping

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civic centers. They wanted American cities to

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look like Rome or Paris. Exactly. But again,

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to build a grand civic center or a massive parkway,

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you have to put it somewhere. And that somewhere

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was usually where the poorest people live. Almost

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always. The City Beautiful movement really established

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the precedent in the U .S. that aesthetics and

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this vague notion of civic virtue could trump

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the property rights of the poor. OK, so that's

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the prologue. A century of establishing the idea.

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But the main event. The era of the sledgehammer

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really kicks off in the 20th century. And the

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catalyst, as it seems to be for everything in

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modern history, was World War II. The war broke

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the world and it had to be put back together.

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In Europe, reconstruction was brutally literal.

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Cities like London, Berlin, Rotterdam, Warsaw,

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they were just piles of rubble. They didn't have

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a choice. They had to rebuild from scratch. And

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this gave the urban planners a blank slate that

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they'd only dreamed of before. It really did.

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It was the golden age of functionalism. Architects

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like Luc Robussier had been arguing for decades

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that the old city was obsolete, that it was unhealthy

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and inefficient. You wanted the tower in the

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park, right? The tower in the park. High -rise

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residential blocks completely separated from

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industrial zones, all connected by high -speed

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roads. No more messy, mixed -use streets where

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people lived above the shop. Order and separation

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were key. So in the UK, you get the Town and

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Country Planning Act of 1947, which leads to

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the building of the new towns and the big council

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estates. In France, you get the Grands Ensembles

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on the outskirts of Paris. Correct. But here

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is the critical divergence. The United States...

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was not bombed. Right. We did not have rubble

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in our city centers. We had intact functioning

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if crowded cities. But American planners and

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politicians adopted the exact same logic of reconstruction.

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They treated their own cities as if they had

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been destroyed by war. They treated the slums

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as an internal enemy that had to be defeated

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with the same kind of total war mentality that

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they had just used on external enemies. And the

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mechanism they created to do this was the Housing

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Act of 1949. I want to drill down on this act

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because the financial structure of it seems to

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be the key to understanding why everything happened

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the way it did. It wasn't just the government

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building houses, was it? No, and that's a really

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common misconception. The Housing Act of 1949

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created a partnership, a mechanism, where the

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federal government provided loans and grants

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to cities. Okay. The cities then used that money

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to exercise eminent domain, that's the power

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to take private property for public use, to acquire

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all the land in a designated slum area. Then

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the city would pay to clear a land, demolish

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the buildings, and prepare the site for new construction.

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So the taxpayer bears the full cost of the destruction

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and the site prep. 100 % correct. And then, and

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this is the kicker, the city would sell that

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cleared, prepped land to a private developer

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at a huge discount. It was called the write -down.

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So it was a massive subsidy for private development.

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You're basically saying the public absorbs the

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loss and the private developer gets cheap, clean

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land to build on. That's precisely it. The argument

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at the time was that the cost of buying and clearing

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slumland was just too high for the free market

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to handle on its own. No developer would buy

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a block of tenements, evict 500 tenants and tear

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it all down. It just wouldn't be profitable.

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So the government stepped in to do the dirty

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work. They did the dirty work and they absorbed

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the financial loss, effectively assembling the

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land for private capital to then swoop in and

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profit from. And then the Housing Act of 1954

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comes along and kind of rebrands it, right? It

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does. It shifted the terminology from urban redevelopment

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to the much friendlier sounding urban renewal.

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There's that word again. They also introduced

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FHA -backed mortgages for these new developments,

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which just greased the wheels even further. It

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made it incredibly, incredibly profitable to

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destroy the old and build the new. But we have

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to ask the question, who was living in the old?

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When the planners and politicians drew those

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red lines around the blighted areas on the map,

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Who were they circling? The data is stark and

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it's completely undeniable. The blight label

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was overwhelmingly disproportionately targeted

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at black and immigrant neighborhoods. This brings

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us to the human cost. I mean, we can talk about

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legislation and finance all day, but the reality

00:12:31.350 --> 00:12:33.629
on the ground was families watching their homes,

00:12:33.710 --> 00:12:35.870
their churches, their businesses get bulldozed.

00:12:35.950 --> 00:12:38.830
James Baldwin, the great novelist and social

00:12:38.830 --> 00:12:41.769
critic, he didn't mince words. In an interview

00:12:41.769 --> 00:12:45.370
in the 1960s, he famously said. Urban renewal

00:12:45.370 --> 00:12:48.730
is Negro removal. That's a gut punch of a phrase.

00:12:48.950 --> 00:12:51.169
It was a play on words, but it was statistically

00:12:51.169 --> 00:12:54.409
accurate. In city after city, African -American

00:12:54.409 --> 00:12:57.389
communities were displaced at rates far, far

00:12:57.389 --> 00:13:00.629
higher than any other group. And the deep tragedy

00:13:00.629 --> 00:13:03.389
was that, especially in the early years under

00:13:03.389 --> 00:13:07.250
that 1949 act, there was often no legal requirement

00:13:07.250 --> 00:13:10.629
to provide any replacement housing. So they just

00:13:10.629 --> 00:13:12.649
evicted them? It was just, here's a check for

00:13:12.649 --> 00:13:15.830
your house, now get out. essentially. And usually

00:13:15.830 --> 00:13:18.590
the check was for the fair market value of a

00:13:18.590 --> 00:13:20.830
home in an area that the government itself had

00:13:20.830 --> 00:13:23.049
just declared blighted, which was, you know,

00:13:23.049 --> 00:13:25.370
peanuts. So it's not enough to buy anything comparable

00:13:25.370 --> 00:13:27.830
anywhere else. Not even close. So these families

00:13:27.830 --> 00:13:29.330
were pushed out of their communities or social

00:13:29.330 --> 00:13:31.009
networks were shattered and they were forced

00:13:31.009 --> 00:13:32.950
to find housing in other parts of the city. But

00:13:32.950 --> 00:13:35.409
because of segregation and redlining, their options

00:13:35.409 --> 00:13:37.929
were severely limited. They usually ended up

00:13:37.929 --> 00:13:40.289
squeezing into already overcrowded neighborhoods

00:13:40.289 --> 00:13:43.289
nearby. Which just spreads the overcrowding and

00:13:43.289 --> 00:13:46.360
the blight. new areas. It created a vicious cycle.

00:13:46.500 --> 00:13:48.460
Let's look at some specific case studies here,

00:13:48.539 --> 00:13:50.940
because the scale of this is hard to grasp without

00:13:50.940 --> 00:13:53.720
concrete examples. The outline mentions Berman

00:13:53.720 --> 00:13:56.659
v. Parker. This was a Supreme Court case involving

00:13:56.659 --> 00:14:00.519
southwest Washington, D .C. This is a landmark

00:14:00.519 --> 00:14:04.259
moment, a crucial turning point. In the 1950s,

00:14:04.259 --> 00:14:07.659
planners targeted southwest D .C. It was a predominantly

00:14:07.659 --> 00:14:10.019
African -American neighborhood working class.

00:14:10.399 --> 00:14:13.899
They argued it was unsanitary and blighted. Okay.

00:14:14.019 --> 00:14:16.840
They utilized eminent domain to seize all the

00:14:16.840 --> 00:14:19.600
properties. The plaintiffs, the homeowners argued,

00:14:19.779 --> 00:14:23.139
hey, my specific building is emblaided. My department

00:14:23.139 --> 00:14:25.460
store is fine. You can't take it just because

00:14:25.460 --> 00:14:27.440
the neighborhood around it is poor. That seems

00:14:27.440 --> 00:14:29.039
like a reasonable argument. What did the Supreme

00:14:29.039 --> 00:14:31.000
Court say? They ruled against the homeowners

00:14:31.000 --> 00:14:33.879
unanimously. They established the principle that

00:14:33.879 --> 00:14:35.779
the government could take property not just for

00:14:35.779 --> 00:14:38.019
a specific public structure like a school or

00:14:38.019 --> 00:14:41.039
a road, but for the broader, more abstract goal

00:14:41.039 --> 00:14:44.179
of community redevelopment. It greenlit the entire

00:14:44.179 --> 00:14:47.799
practice. It absolutely did. It gave the constitutional

00:14:47.799 --> 00:14:50.460
green light to wholesale clearance of entire

00:14:50.460 --> 00:14:53.700
neighborhoods. And in southwest D .C., thousands

00:14:53.700 --> 00:14:56.299
of families were displaced. The historic community

00:14:56.299 --> 00:14:59.440
was just erased. And it wasn't just D .C. The

00:14:59.440 --> 00:15:01.659
notes mention the Hill District in Pittsburgh.

00:15:02.190 --> 00:15:04.610
The Hill District was a cultural phenomenon.

00:15:04.929 --> 00:15:07.870
I mean, it was known as the Harlem of Pittsburgh.

00:15:08.370 --> 00:15:11.049
It was the center of the jazz scene, home to

00:15:11.049 --> 00:15:13.929
playwright August Wilson, a place with a deep,

00:15:13.950 --> 00:15:16.370
vibrant social fabric. How many people lived

00:15:16.370 --> 00:15:19.009
there? About 8 ,000 residents. The city declared

00:15:19.009 --> 00:15:21.929
it blighted and cleared nearly 100 acres. And

00:15:21.929 --> 00:15:23.990
what did they build? What was so important that

00:15:23.990 --> 00:15:26.649
it justified wiping out a community of 8 ,000

00:15:26.649 --> 00:15:29.830
people? The Civic Arena. Yeah. A sports venue.

00:15:29.950 --> 00:15:32.169
They traded a community of 8 ,000 people for

00:15:32.169 --> 00:15:34.590
a hockey rink. A hockey rink and a massive parking

00:15:34.590 --> 00:15:36.570
lot. And this is what we mean when we talk about

00:15:36.570 --> 00:15:39.549
that tension between progress and place. To the

00:15:39.549 --> 00:15:42.350
city planners, a shiny new arena was progress.

00:15:42.529 --> 00:15:45.370
It put Pittsburgh on the map. It brought in suburban

00:15:45.370 --> 00:15:48.429
dollars for games. But to the people of the Hill

00:15:48.429 --> 00:15:50.669
District, it was the erasure of their entire

00:15:50.669 --> 00:15:53.929
world. The collective memory of that place was

00:15:53.929 --> 00:15:57.600
just severed. We see the same story in eastern

00:15:57.600 --> 00:15:59.700
Pennsylvania with the destruction of Syrian Town,

00:15:59.899 --> 00:16:02.299
which was a multi -ethnic hub. We see it in almost

00:16:02.299 --> 00:16:05.820
every single major American city. But there was

00:16:05.820 --> 00:16:07.879
another tool of renewal being built at the same

00:16:07.879 --> 00:16:10.100
time that was arguably even more destructive

00:16:10.100 --> 00:16:12.879
than the housing projects. The highway. The Interstate

00:16:12.879 --> 00:16:15.279
Highway. The Federal -Aid Highway Act of 1956.

00:16:15.779 --> 00:16:18.059
This was the largest public works project in

00:16:18.059 --> 00:16:21.019
American history. The stated goal was to connect

00:16:21.019 --> 00:16:23.559
the country for commerce and defense. But in

00:16:23.559 --> 00:16:26.059
the cities, the goal was to facilitate the suburban

00:16:26.059 --> 00:16:28.379
commute. Bring the white -collar workers in from

00:16:28.379 --> 00:16:30.019
the suburbs in the morning, get them out at night.

00:16:30.159 --> 00:16:32.580
Exactly. But to bring a six - or eight -lane

00:16:32.580 --> 00:16:34.700
freeway into the center of a dense city requires

00:16:34.700 --> 00:16:38.000
a massive amount of land. And the planners had

00:16:38.000 --> 00:16:39.919
to decide where to put these highways. And they

00:16:39.919 --> 00:16:41.679
followed the path of least political resistance.

00:16:42.330 --> 00:16:45.590
Of course. Which means they didn't bulldoze the

00:16:45.590 --> 00:16:47.769
wealthy neighborhoods. They didn't go through

00:16:47.769 --> 00:16:50.470
the country club district. No. Those people had

00:16:50.470 --> 00:16:53.350
lawyers and political connections. They replaced

00:16:53.350 --> 00:16:56.789
tax -paying neighborhoods with tax -exempt concrete.

00:16:57.309 --> 00:17:00.250
Precisely. It accelerated the very decline they

00:17:00.250 --> 00:17:02.409
were supposedly trying to stop. It is a heavy,

00:17:02.429 --> 00:17:04.609
heavy history. But people didn't just, you know,

00:17:04.609 --> 00:17:07.259
take it lying down. There was a backlash. And

00:17:07.259 --> 00:17:09.140
you can't talk about the backlash without talking

00:17:09.140 --> 00:17:11.779
about Jane Jacobs. The patron saint of the sidewalk

00:17:11.779 --> 00:17:16.240
and absolute legend. So 1961, she publishes her

00:17:16.240 --> 00:17:18.660
book, The Death and Life of Great American Cities.

00:17:19.740 --> 00:17:23.039
Why was this book such a bombshell? Because up

00:17:23.039 --> 00:17:26.410
until that point. The experts, the planners,

00:17:26.589 --> 00:17:28.470
the architects, the bureaucrats, they held all

00:17:28.470 --> 00:17:30.289
the cards. They had the degrees, the titles.

00:17:30.430 --> 00:17:32.589
They went to meetings with big maps and said,

00:17:32.630 --> 00:17:35.529
we know how to fix the city. Jane Jacobs was

00:17:35.529 --> 00:17:37.509
a journalist. Right. She wasn't a planner. She

00:17:37.509 --> 00:17:39.690
wasn't a planner. She was a mother living in

00:17:39.690 --> 00:17:41.869
Greenwich Village looking out her window. She

00:17:41.869 --> 00:17:44.710
was a regular person, an observer. And she used

00:17:44.710 --> 00:17:47.450
that perspective to systematically dismantle

00:17:47.450 --> 00:17:50.180
their entire philosophy. She argued that the

00:17:50.180 --> 00:17:52.180
planners were looking at cities from an airplane

00:17:52.180 --> 00:17:54.819
view. They were looking for geometry for order

00:17:54.819 --> 00:17:57.440
for the separation of functions. She looked at

00:17:57.440 --> 00:17:59.420
the city from the sidewalk. The famous ballet

00:17:59.420 --> 00:18:02.119
of the sidewalk. Yes. She pointed out that what

00:18:02.119 --> 00:18:05.619
the planners called chaos the mix of shops apartments

00:18:05.619 --> 00:18:08.759
bars people sitting on stoops was actually a

00:18:08.759 --> 00:18:11.559
very sophisticated system of social order and

00:18:11.559 --> 00:18:13.930
safety. She coined the phrase eyes on the street,

00:18:14.029 --> 00:18:16.109
right? Eyes on the street. A busy street is a

00:18:16.109 --> 00:18:18.170
safe street because shopkeepers and neighbors

00:18:18.170 --> 00:18:21.130
are constantly informally watching out for each

00:18:21.130 --> 00:18:23.480
other. So when the planners came in and separated

00:18:23.480 --> 00:18:25.779
everything housing over here in this sterile

00:18:25.779 --> 00:18:27.579
tower, the shopping mall way over there, the

00:18:27.579 --> 00:18:29.680
park over there, they were actually removing

00:18:29.680 --> 00:18:31.619
the natural safety mechanisms of the community.

00:18:31.900 --> 00:18:35.339
Exactly. She also argued that cities need old

00:18:35.339 --> 00:18:38.000
buildings. Why old buildings? Because old buildings

00:18:38.000 --> 00:18:40.940
have lower rents and lower rents allow for small

00:18:40.940 --> 00:18:44.079
businesses, for artists, for weird little bookshops,

00:18:44.079 --> 00:18:47.099
for diversity. New construction is always expensive,

00:18:47.259 --> 00:18:49.900
so it only attracts big chain stores and banks.

00:18:50.099 --> 00:18:53.150
It's sterile. She famously went toe to toe with

00:18:53.150 --> 00:18:55.390
Robert Moses, the master builder of New York,

00:18:55.450 --> 00:18:57.490
who wanted to run a highway right through lower

00:18:57.490 --> 00:19:00.230
Manhattan. And she won. She and her community

00:19:00.230 --> 00:19:03.230
activists beat him. And that victory sparked

00:19:03.230 --> 00:19:05.309
a movement. You had the freeway revolts popping

00:19:05.309 --> 00:19:07.569
up all across the country. San Francisco is a

00:19:07.569 --> 00:19:10.470
great example. Oh, huge. The state of California

00:19:10.470 --> 00:19:13.049
wanted to wrap San Francisco in freeways. It

00:19:13.049 --> 00:19:16.059
would have destroyed entire neighborhoods. And

00:19:16.059 --> 00:19:18.920
the citizens mobilized. The protests were so

00:19:18.920 --> 00:19:23.220
intense that in 1966, Mayor Joseph Alioto actually

00:19:23.220 --> 00:19:26.380
stood up and repudiated the entire urban renewal

00:19:26.380 --> 00:19:28.799
plan. And they stopped the freeways. They did.

00:19:28.880 --> 00:19:31.400
If you go to San Francisco today, you can literally

00:19:31.400 --> 00:19:33.799
see the stumps where the highways just stop in

00:19:33.799 --> 00:19:37.029
midair. The infamous Embarcadero Freeway was

00:19:37.029 --> 00:19:39.250
eventually torn down after the 1989 earthquake,

00:19:39.410 --> 00:19:41.990
and it completely reconnected the city to its

00:19:41.990 --> 00:19:44.150
waterfront. It was a huge victory. And Boston,

00:19:44.210 --> 00:19:46.250
too, right? Yes. Activists in Boston managed

00:19:46.250 --> 00:19:48.849
to stop the Southwest Expressway, although there's

00:19:48.849 --> 00:19:50.950
a tragic detail there. What's that? They stopped

00:19:50.950 --> 00:19:52.769
it after three miles of land had already been

00:19:52.769 --> 00:19:54.789
cleared, so the neighborhood was destroyed, the

00:19:54.789 --> 00:19:57.089
people were displaced, but the road was never

00:19:57.089 --> 00:19:59.430
actually built. That is a special kind of failure.

00:20:00.029 --> 00:20:03.460
Just a scar on the land. But these protests did

00:20:03.460 --> 00:20:06.059
lead to real policy changes, right? Yeah. I mean,

00:20:06.059 --> 00:20:08.539
we aren't doing 1950s -style slum clearance anymore.

00:20:08.759 --> 00:20:11.480
The policy definitely shifted. The pendulum swung.

00:20:11.640 --> 00:20:14.440
By the 1970s, you get the Uniform Relocation

00:20:14.440 --> 00:20:17.440
Assistance Act. And this finally, finally acknowledged

00:20:17.440 --> 00:20:19.519
that if the government takes your house, they

00:20:19.519 --> 00:20:21.700
actually owe you decent compensation for your

00:20:21.700 --> 00:20:23.980
moving expenses, not just the devalued price

00:20:23.980 --> 00:20:27.319
of your home. And then in 1974, the Community

00:20:27.319 --> 00:20:30.799
Development Block Grant, or CDBG program, changed

00:20:30.799 --> 00:20:33.950
the focus. Instead of federal money for demolish

00:20:33.950 --> 00:20:37.089
and rebuild, the focus shifted to rehabilitate

00:20:37.089 --> 00:20:40.430
and preserve. So less dynamite, more renovation.

00:20:40.809 --> 00:20:43.710
Generally, yes. The era of the federal bulldozer,

00:20:43.710 --> 00:20:45.869
for the most part, came to an end. I want to

00:20:45.869 --> 00:20:47.990
pivot now to the how. We've talked about the

00:20:47.990 --> 00:20:50.730
history, but what are the tools in the modern

00:20:50.730 --> 00:20:53.410
urban renewal toolbox? Because even if we aren't

00:20:53.410 --> 00:20:55.670
using the term slum clearance as much, the mechanisms

00:20:55.670 --> 00:20:58.150
of taking land still exist. They do. We touched

00:20:58.150 --> 00:21:00.599
on eminent domain earlier. But there is a modern

00:21:00.599 --> 00:21:02.920
case that really redefined it for the 21st century.

00:21:03.200 --> 00:21:06.420
Kelo v. City of New London. This case is absolutely

00:21:06.420 --> 00:21:09.000
critical for understanding modern redevelopment.

00:21:09.099 --> 00:21:12.339
It happened in 2005, and the fallout is still

00:21:12.339 --> 00:21:15.200
being felt today. So set the scene for us. What

00:21:15.200 --> 00:21:18.079
happened in New London? Okay, so you have Suzette

00:21:18.079 --> 00:21:20.759
Kelo. She owned a house in New London, Connecticut.

00:21:20.940 --> 00:21:23.240
It was a little pink house with a view of the

00:21:23.240 --> 00:21:26.309
water. Okay. Her neighborhood was not a slum.

00:21:26.329 --> 00:21:28.190
It was a working class neighborhood, maybe a

00:21:28.190 --> 00:21:31.049
bit tired, but perfectly fine. The city, however,

00:21:31.130 --> 00:21:33.349
was struggling economically, and they struck

00:21:33.349 --> 00:21:35.210
a deal with a private development corporation.

00:21:35.609 --> 00:21:38.089
They wanted to clear the entire neighborhood

00:21:38.089 --> 00:21:40.630
to build a new research facility and conference

00:21:40.630 --> 00:21:43.609
center, hoping to attract Pfizer, the pharmaceutical

00:21:43.609 --> 00:21:45.690
giant, which was building a new headquarters

00:21:45.690 --> 00:21:48.769
nearby. So the city tried to take her house using

00:21:48.769 --> 00:21:51.970
eminent domain. But usually eminent domain is

00:21:51.970 --> 00:21:56.470
for a clear public use, a road, a school, a military

00:21:56.470 --> 00:21:59.089
base. This was for a private developer. And that

00:21:59.089 --> 00:22:01.730
was exactly her argument. Kelo sued the city.

00:22:01.789 --> 00:22:03.950
She argued, you can't take my private property

00:22:03.950 --> 00:22:05.549
and give it to another private party just because

00:22:05.549 --> 00:22:08.049
they might pay more taxes than I do. Seems like

00:22:08.049 --> 00:22:09.990
a pretty foundational argument for property rights.

00:22:10.230 --> 00:22:12.759
What did the Supreme Court say? They ruled against

00:22:12.759 --> 00:22:16.339
her in a very controversial 5 -4 decision. They

00:22:16.339 --> 00:22:19.039
expanded the definition of public use to include

00:22:19.039 --> 00:22:22.299
public benefit. What does that mean? They said

00:22:22.299 --> 00:22:24.420
that because the new development might bring

00:22:24.420 --> 00:22:27.299
jobs and might bring more tax revenue, it served

00:22:27.299 --> 00:22:29.920
a public purpose and therefore the taking of

00:22:29.920 --> 00:22:32.759
her home was constitutional. That feels like

00:22:32.759 --> 00:22:35.319
a massive loophole. Theoretically, couldn't a

00:22:35.319 --> 00:22:38.500
city use that logic to take my house and give

00:22:38.500 --> 00:22:40.579
it to a Walmart just because Walmart generates

00:22:40.579 --> 00:22:43.259
more tax revenue than I do? That was precisely

00:22:43.259 --> 00:22:45.579
the argument made in the dissenting opinion.

00:22:45.819 --> 00:22:48.099
It made every home and small business in the

00:22:48.099 --> 00:22:50.259
country vulnerable to corporate interests with

00:22:50.259 --> 00:22:53.819
a better development plan. But here is the tragic

00:22:53.819 --> 00:22:57.559
epilogue to the Kelo story. Oh, no. Suzette Kelo

00:22:57.559 --> 00:23:00.000
lost her home. Her neighbors lost their homes.

00:23:00.059 --> 00:23:02.980
The entire neighborhood was bulldozed. And then...

00:23:03.289 --> 00:23:05.750
The financing for the big development fell through.

00:23:05.890 --> 00:23:08.269
You're kidding me. Pfizer eventually pulled out

00:23:08.269 --> 00:23:10.630
of the area entirely. The development was never

00:23:10.630 --> 00:23:14.130
built. For years, the land where Suzette Kelo's

00:23:14.130 --> 00:23:16.970
little pink house stood was just a vacant field

00:23:16.970 --> 00:23:19.869
of weeds used as a dumping ground for storm debris.

00:23:20.109 --> 00:23:23.329
That is infuriating. It's just so senseless.

00:23:23.490 --> 00:23:25.849
It is the ultimate example of what's called speculative

00:23:25.849 --> 00:23:29.240
future development. And you see this Rust Belt

00:23:29.240 --> 00:23:31.799
phenomenon in places like Syracuse, Cincinnati,

00:23:32.200 --> 00:23:36.019
Niagara Falls. Cities get desperate for a turnaround.

00:23:36.160 --> 00:23:38.619
They clear entire neighborhoods for a developer

00:23:38.619 --> 00:23:41.000
who promises the moon. And then the market shifts.

00:23:41.240 --> 00:23:42.940
The market shifts, the developer walks away,

00:23:43.160 --> 00:23:45.339
and the city is left with nothing but a surface

00:23:45.339 --> 00:23:47.759
parking lot where a community used to be. Let's

00:23:47.759 --> 00:23:49.319
talk about another financial tool I see mentioned

00:23:49.319 --> 00:23:53.240
constantly in these documents. TIFF. Tax Increment

00:23:53.240 --> 00:23:56.339
Financing. It sounds boring, but apparently...

00:23:56.539 --> 00:23:58.380
It's how everything gets built these days. TIF

00:23:58.380 --> 00:24:00.839
is the magic wand of modern municipal finance.

00:24:01.160 --> 00:24:02.980
It's a little complex, but it's really important

00:24:02.980 --> 00:24:05.220
to understand. Okay, walk us through it. Here

00:24:05.220 --> 00:24:08.220
is how it works, simply. A city designates a

00:24:08.220 --> 00:24:10.880
certain area as a TIF district, an area they

00:24:10.880 --> 00:24:13.339
want to redevelop. They look at how much tax

00:24:13.339 --> 00:24:15.539
revenue that district is generating right now.

00:24:16.059 --> 00:24:18.259
Let's say, for argument's sake, it's a million

00:24:18.259 --> 00:24:21.000
dollars a year. They freeze that number. That's

00:24:21.000 --> 00:24:22.759
the baseline. Okay, baseline is set at a million.

00:24:23.130 --> 00:24:26.309
Then the city borrows a bunch of money by issuing

00:24:26.309 --> 00:24:28.930
bonds, and they use that money to fix up the

00:24:28.930 --> 00:24:31.750
infrastructure in that district. New roads, new

00:24:31.750 --> 00:24:35.069
sewers, new sidewalks, maybe a park. The theory

00:24:35.069 --> 00:24:37.309
is that these public improvements will make the

00:24:37.309 --> 00:24:39.789
area more attractive, so property values will

00:24:39.789 --> 00:24:43.130
rise. And when property values rise, tax revenues

00:24:43.130 --> 00:24:46.289
rise. Exactly. But here's the trick. The schools,

00:24:46.529 --> 00:24:49.170
the police, the fire department, they still only

00:24:49.170 --> 00:24:51.289
get that original frozen million dollars from

00:24:51.289 --> 00:24:53.730
that district. All the new tax money, the increment

00:24:53.730 --> 00:24:56.670
above that baseline, doesn't go into the general

00:24:56.670 --> 00:24:59.109
fund. It goes directly into a special account

00:24:59.109 --> 00:25:01.369
to pay off the debt for the improvements. So

00:25:01.369 --> 00:25:03.029
they were betting on the future to pay for the

00:25:03.029 --> 00:25:05.630
present. That's a perfect way to put it. It allows

00:25:05.630 --> 00:25:08.089
cities to fund big development projects without

00:25:08.089 --> 00:25:10.349
technically raising taxes on everyone today.

00:25:10.940 --> 00:25:13.720
When it works, it can be a great tool. But if

00:25:13.720 --> 00:25:15.720
the property values don't rise as much as they

00:25:15.720 --> 00:25:18.359
predicted, or if critics argue they would have

00:25:18.359 --> 00:25:20.900
risen anyway without the subsidy, then you're

00:25:20.900 --> 00:25:23.279
just diverting tax money away from schools and

00:25:23.279 --> 00:25:25.779
essential services to pay off a bad bet made

00:25:25.779 --> 00:25:27.920
years ago. Let's move to a different kind of

00:25:27.920 --> 00:25:32.160
strategy. Event -led renewal. The Olympics strategy.

00:25:32.500 --> 00:25:34.759
Or the Bilbao effect, as it's often called. Right.

00:25:34.819 --> 00:25:36.859
Let's start with Bilbao. This is the Guggenheim

00:25:36.859 --> 00:25:40.880
Museum story. Yes. Bilbao, Spain was a gritty,

00:25:40.900 --> 00:25:44.259
fading industrial port city in the 1990s. It

00:25:44.259 --> 00:25:46.319
was not a tourist destination. They decided to

00:25:46.319 --> 00:25:48.900
gamble and gamble big. They hired the famous

00:25:48.900 --> 00:25:51.160
architect Frank Gehry to build the Guggenheim

00:25:51.160 --> 00:25:53.160
Museum right on the derelict waterfront. That

00:25:53.160 --> 00:25:55.700
crazy titanium spaceship of a building. It is

00:25:55.700 --> 00:25:58.900
an architectural masterpiece and it worked. It

00:25:58.900 --> 00:26:02.000
completely worked. Millions of tourists flocked

00:26:02.000 --> 00:26:04.440
to see the building itself. It revitalized the

00:26:04.440 --> 00:26:07.259
local economy. It completely rebranded the city

00:26:07.259 --> 00:26:10.039
from industrial rust to cultural hotspot. And

00:26:10.039 --> 00:26:12.339
it spurred all kinds of other developments around

00:26:12.339 --> 00:26:15.380
it. And now every post -industrial city in the

00:26:15.380 --> 00:26:19.299
world wants an iconic museum or a star architect

00:26:19.299 --> 00:26:21.799
designed concert hall to save them. They do.

00:26:21.859 --> 00:26:24.160
They all want their own Bilbao effect. But does

00:26:24.160 --> 00:26:26.519
it usually work? Or is Bilbao the exception that

00:26:26.519 --> 00:26:28.750
proves the rule? Bilbao is largely the exception.

00:26:29.029 --> 00:26:31.410
For every Bilbao, there are dozens of cities

00:26:31.410 --> 00:26:34.130
that built a massive convention center or a jagged

00:26:34.130 --> 00:26:36.369
glass museum that sits empty most of the year.

00:26:36.529 --> 00:26:39.390
You can't just drop a shiny object into a city

00:26:39.390 --> 00:26:42.490
and expect it to fix deep systemic economic issues.

00:26:42.710 --> 00:26:44.490
Let's take this global for a bit. We've been

00:26:44.490 --> 00:26:47.670
very U .S. centric, but urban renewal is a worldwide

00:26:47.670 --> 00:26:49.910
phenomenon. Let's look the U .K. again, but more

00:26:49.910 --> 00:26:52.750
recently, the London Docklands. The Docklands

00:26:52.750 --> 00:26:56.500
is a fascinating and controversial case. In the

00:26:56.500 --> 00:27:00.059
1980s, the shipping industry had moved to huge

00:27:00.059 --> 00:27:03.160
container ports further down the river. The historic

00:27:03.160 --> 00:27:06.059
East London docks were just miles of abandoned,

00:27:06.339 --> 00:27:09.799
derelict wasteland. The Thatcher government created

00:27:09.799 --> 00:27:12.920
a special Urban Development Corporation to redevelop

00:27:12.920 --> 00:27:15.539
it. And they specifically bypassed the local

00:27:15.539 --> 00:27:17.660
planning councils to speed things up. And they

00:27:17.660 --> 00:27:19.619
built Canary Wharf. They built Canary Wharf,

00:27:19.720 --> 00:27:21.720
which is basically a second financial district

00:27:21.720 --> 00:27:25.220
to rival the historic city of London. Massive

00:27:25.220 --> 00:27:28.160
skyscrapers, global banks, high -end apartments.

00:27:29.119 --> 00:27:30.819
Economically, you can't argue with it. It generated

00:27:30.819 --> 00:27:34.240
huge wealth and tax revenue. But socially? Social,

00:27:34.319 --> 00:27:36.440
it's very complicated. It was heavily criticized

00:27:36.440 --> 00:27:38.539
for being an island of incredible wealth that

00:27:38.539 --> 00:27:40.180
was just dropped into one of the poorest parts.

00:27:40.299 --> 00:27:43.039
of London. You have bankers making millions a

00:27:43.039 --> 00:27:45.299
year in these glass towers. And just a few streets

00:27:45.299 --> 00:27:47.240
away, you have some of the most deprived communities

00:27:47.240 --> 00:27:49.900
in the country that saw very little trickle -down

00:27:49.900 --> 00:27:52.559
benefit from it all. Now, let's go to Singapore.

00:27:53.799 --> 00:27:56.039
Whenever I read about urban planning or public

00:27:56.039 --> 00:27:59.059
policy, Singapore is held up as the gold standard

00:27:59.059 --> 00:28:02.420
of getting things done. Singapore is the success

00:28:02.420 --> 00:28:06.220
against all odds narrative. In the 1960s, it

00:28:06.220 --> 00:28:09.119
was a tiny island nation with no natural resources

00:28:09.119 --> 00:28:11.700
and a huge percentage of the population lived

00:28:11.700 --> 00:28:14.200
in squatter settlements and overcrowded, unsanitary

00:28:14.200 --> 00:28:17.299
slums. Right. The government, led by Lee Kuan

00:28:17.299 --> 00:28:20.140
Yew, embarked on one of the most aggressive and

00:28:20.140 --> 00:28:22.500
comprehensive public housing programs in world

00:28:22.500 --> 00:28:25.420
history. The HDB, the Housing and Development

00:28:25.420 --> 00:28:28.160
Board. They cleared the slums and moved basically

00:28:28.160 --> 00:28:30.420
everyone into high -rise apartment blocks. Yes.

00:28:30.539 --> 00:28:33.839
And today, Singapore is famously clean, efficient,

00:28:34.019 --> 00:28:36.720
safe, and wealthy. Over 80 % of the population

00:28:36.720 --> 00:28:39.079
lives in this public housing. It's a remarkable

00:28:39.079 --> 00:28:41.740
achievement. But there is a trade -off. There's

00:28:41.740 --> 00:28:43.359
always a trade -off. A scholar named Professor

00:28:43.359 --> 00:28:46.279
Kenneth Paul Tan has written about this. He argues

00:28:46.279 --> 00:28:48.420
that the constant tearing down and rebuilding

00:28:48.420 --> 00:28:51.400
this national obsession with the new has led

00:28:51.400 --> 00:28:54.119
to a profound loss of a sense of place. The collective

00:28:54.119 --> 00:28:56.380
memory again. Exactly. If the building you grew

00:28:56.380 --> 00:28:58.480
up in is gone and the shop your grandfather went

00:28:58.480 --> 00:29:01.160
to is gone and the entire street layout has changed

00:29:01.160 --> 00:29:03.740
three times in your lifetime, do you still feel

00:29:03.740 --> 00:29:06.960
rooted to your city? Tan suggests that the culture

00:29:06.960 --> 00:29:09.619
of comfort, the universal air conditioning, the

00:29:09.619 --> 00:29:12.299
pristine shopping malls is a kind of compensation

00:29:12.299 --> 00:29:14.779
for the loss of heritage and community memory.

00:29:14.980 --> 00:29:16.980
That's a fascinating psychological tradeoff.

00:29:17.559 --> 00:29:20.400
Comfort for memory. What about China? The scale

00:29:20.400 --> 00:29:22.900
there must just be mind -boggling. It is unparalleled.

00:29:22.900 --> 00:29:25.119
For the last 30 years, the main strategy was

00:29:25.119 --> 00:29:27.359
called Old Town Reconstruction. And it was just

00:29:27.359 --> 00:29:30.220
massive, massive demolition. Entire historic

00:29:30.220 --> 00:29:32.819
neighborhoods, the famous Hutongs in Beijing,

00:29:33.099 --> 00:29:36.099
the Lilong in Shanghai, were bulldozed to make

00:29:36.099 --> 00:29:38.319
way for high -rise apartments and shopping centers.

00:29:38.579 --> 00:29:40.519
But I've heard that is shifting recently. There's

00:29:40.519 --> 00:29:43.039
a change in approach. There is, yes. In the last

00:29:43.039 --> 00:29:45.359
few years, particularly in cities like Shanghai

00:29:45.359 --> 00:29:48.319
and Guangzhou, there is a big move towards micro

00:29:48.319 --> 00:29:50.730
-renovation. So instead of drawing the character

00:29:50.730 --> 00:29:53.849
Chai, which means demolish on the wall, they're

00:29:53.849 --> 00:29:56.170
going in and fixing the plumbing, adding modern

00:29:56.170 --> 00:29:58.230
public toilets, repairing roofs, reinforcing

00:29:58.230 --> 00:30:01.190
structures, but keeping the old alleyways and

00:30:01.190 --> 00:30:04.190
the community fabric intact. It's an acknowledgment

00:30:04.190 --> 00:30:07.390
that the historic fabric has a value that a generic

00:30:07.390 --> 00:30:10.490
concrete tower just doesn't. I want to touch

00:30:10.490 --> 00:30:12.529
on one more global example from the notes because

00:30:12.529 --> 00:30:15.690
it's so unique in its motivation. Israel, the

00:30:15.690 --> 00:30:18.339
Tama 38 program. This is really interesting because

00:30:18.339 --> 00:30:20.940
the primary driver isn't economics or aesthetics.

00:30:21.200 --> 00:30:24.640
It's safety. Safety. Yeah. Israel has a lot of

00:30:24.640 --> 00:30:27.519
old concrete apartment blocks called binyaneh,

00:30:27.599 --> 00:30:30.240
reikavet, which means train buildings because

00:30:30.240 --> 00:30:32.720
they're long and linear. They were built quickly

00:30:32.720 --> 00:30:35.460
and cheaply in the 50s and 60s. The problem is

00:30:35.460 --> 00:30:37.960
they are not earthquake safe and Israel sits

00:30:37.960 --> 00:30:40.119
on a major fault line. And they don't have bomb

00:30:40.119 --> 00:30:43.500
shelters. Exactly. And a safe room, or mobbed,

00:30:43.599 --> 00:30:46.299
is a mandatory requirement in all new construction

00:30:46.299 --> 00:30:48.759
in Israel. Israel now. But the state can't afford

00:30:48.759 --> 00:30:50.539
to tear down and rebuild all these thousands

00:30:50.539 --> 00:30:53.859
of old buildings. So they created Tama 38. What

00:30:53.859 --> 00:30:56.660
is that? It's a market mechanism. A private developer

00:30:56.660 --> 00:30:59.279
comes to one of these old buildings. They agree

00:30:59.279 --> 00:31:02.160
to seismically reinforce the entire building's

00:31:02.160 --> 00:31:04.460
foundation against earthquakes. And they add

00:31:04.460 --> 00:31:07.980
a brand new concrete reinforced safe room to

00:31:07.980 --> 00:31:11.680
every single existing apartment. For free. How

00:31:11.680 --> 00:31:13.660
does the developer get paid? Here's the clever

00:31:13.660 --> 00:31:16.279
part. In exchange for doing all that work for

00:31:16.279 --> 00:31:18.779
free, the city grants the developer the right

00:31:18.779 --> 00:31:21.940
to build two or three new floors of luxury penthouse

00:31:21.940 --> 00:31:24.700
apartments on top of the old building. They sell

00:31:24.700 --> 00:31:27.180
those new units at a huge profit. That is incredibly

00:31:27.180 --> 00:31:29.079
clever. You're financing public safety through

00:31:29.079 --> 00:31:31.480
private densification? It is. It's not perfect.

00:31:31.539 --> 00:31:34.220
It causes parking nightmares and it strains the

00:31:34.220 --> 00:31:36.700
old infrastructure. But it's a really creative

00:31:36.700 --> 00:31:39.220
way to renew the housing stock without displacing

00:31:39.220 --> 00:31:41.369
a single one of the original residents. Okay,

00:31:41.470 --> 00:31:43.329
we have to talk about a failure, a spectacular

00:31:43.329 --> 00:31:46.109
one. The outline points us directly to Niagara

00:31:46.109 --> 00:31:49.450
Falls, New York. Aw, poor Niagara Falls. It is

00:31:49.450 --> 00:31:52.289
the textbook case study of how not to do urban

00:31:52.289 --> 00:31:55.630
renewal. Set the scene. It's the 1960s. You have

00:31:55.630 --> 00:31:57.470
one of the great natural wonders of the world

00:31:57.470 --> 00:31:59.549
right there. Millions of tourists are coming

00:31:59.549 --> 00:32:02.079
every year. What do they do? The city leaders

00:32:02.079 --> 00:32:04.579
felt that the downtown area that served the tourists

00:32:04.579 --> 00:32:07.680
was tacky and outdated. They wanted to modernize.

00:32:07.680 --> 00:32:10.359
So they demolished most of the historic downtown.

00:32:10.579 --> 00:32:13.519
They knocked down the downtown of a tourist city.

00:32:13.579 --> 00:32:15.960
The very thing the tourists came to see besides

00:32:15.960 --> 00:32:19.000
the water. Yes. And they replaced it with a series

00:32:19.000 --> 00:32:22.549
of what were called silver bullets. Big mega

00:32:22.549 --> 00:32:25.309
projects. A massive convention center designed

00:32:25.309 --> 00:32:28.269
by the famous architect Philip Johnson. A factory

00:32:28.269 --> 00:32:31.250
outlet mall called the Rainbow Center. And a

00:32:31.250 --> 00:32:34.450
huge enclosed glass greenhouse thing called the

00:32:34.450 --> 00:32:36.930
Winter Garden. And why was this a complete disaster?

00:32:37.480 --> 00:32:39.720
Because they ignored every single fundamental

00:32:39.720 --> 00:32:42.000
rule of how a city works, especially a tourist

00:32:42.000 --> 00:32:44.599
city. The convention center was placed physically

00:32:44.599 --> 00:32:46.779
across Falls Street, the main artery that led

00:32:46.779 --> 00:32:48.720
to the falls. It blocked the flow of traffic

00:32:48.720 --> 00:32:50.980
and pedestrians. You could no longer see the

00:32:50.980 --> 00:32:53.039
falls from the city. They turned their back on

00:32:53.039 --> 00:32:55.640
their main attraction. They literally did. The

00:32:55.640 --> 00:32:58.140
Winter Garden was a giant glass wall that blocked

00:32:58.140 --> 00:33:00.779
the street grid. The mall was internally focused.

00:33:00.920 --> 00:33:03.519
It killed all the street life. They tried to

00:33:03.519 --> 00:33:06.700
turn an outdoor, walkable city into an indoor,

00:33:06.940 --> 00:33:09.420
mall -based suburban experience. How did that

00:33:09.420 --> 00:33:12.519
work out? It was a catastrophe. The small businesses

00:33:12.519 --> 00:33:16.000
all died. Tourists would drive in, park in a

00:33:16.000 --> 00:33:18.460
massive concrete ramp, go to the mall and then

00:33:18.460 --> 00:33:21.339
leave. There was no reason to walk around. And

00:33:21.339 --> 00:33:24.559
within 20 to 30 years, the mall failed. The Winter

00:33:24.559 --> 00:33:26.799
Garden was demolished and the convention center

00:33:26.799 --> 00:33:29.039
was repurposed because it was obsolete. They

00:33:29.039 --> 00:33:31.180
destroyed the city to save it and ended up with

00:33:31.180 --> 00:33:34.160
neither. Exactly. It shows that renewal isn't

00:33:34.160 --> 00:33:36.539
just about building big, shiny things. It's about

00:33:36.539 --> 00:33:39.859
the connective tissue, the street grid. ability

00:33:39.859 --> 00:33:42.559
to walk from A to B and see something interesting

00:33:42.559 --> 00:33:45.299
along the way. So let's bring it up to the present

00:33:45.299 --> 00:33:48.119
day. We are in the 2020s. The bulldozers are

00:33:48.119 --> 00:33:50.700
mostly parked. What are the modern trends in

00:33:50.700 --> 00:33:53.160
renewal? Well, we are seeing the rise of the

00:33:53.160 --> 00:33:55.140
culturepreneur. That sounds like a buzzword.

00:33:55.400 --> 00:33:58.599
It is 100 percent, but it describes a real strategy.

00:33:58.920 --> 00:34:01.819
It's about using culture art galleries, pop -up

00:34:01.819 --> 00:34:05.599
venues, urban beaches, food truck festivals to

00:34:05.599 --> 00:34:08.960
revitalize an area. Instead of one giant top

00:34:08.960 --> 00:34:12.780
-down government plan, you have smaller, temporary,

00:34:12.940 --> 00:34:15.380
bottom -up interventions that create a vibe.

00:34:15.579 --> 00:34:17.380
And that vibe attracts people, which eventually

00:34:17.380 --> 00:34:19.460
attracts more permanent investment. That's the

00:34:19.460 --> 00:34:21.880
theory. And then you have green renewal, which

00:34:21.880 --> 00:34:24.059
is a huge trend. Like the High Line in New York.

00:34:24.429 --> 00:34:27.469
The high line is the global poster child. Taking

00:34:27.469 --> 00:34:29.989
a piece of obsolete industrial infrastructure

00:34:29.989 --> 00:34:32.750
and turning it into a beautiful, elevated park.

00:34:33.010 --> 00:34:35.429
Or you see projects like the Regenesis Project

00:34:35.429 --> 00:34:37.929
in South Carolina, which focused on cleaning

00:34:37.929 --> 00:34:39.829
up industrial pollution and creating community

00:34:39.829 --> 00:34:42.510
gardens. It frames renewal around environmental

00:34:42.510 --> 00:34:45.070
justice and sustainability, not just economics.

00:34:45.409 --> 00:34:47.789
But even with beautiful parks and cool art galleries,

00:34:48.090 --> 00:34:49.969
we still have the elephant in the room, don't

00:34:49.969 --> 00:34:52.489
we? Gentrification. That is the gentrification

00:34:52.489 --> 00:34:55.489
dilemma. It's the central problem of 21st century

00:34:55.489 --> 00:34:58.210
urban renewal. We might not be using dynamite

00:34:58.210 --> 00:35:00.929
anymore, but we have what's called indirect displacement.

00:35:01.309 --> 00:35:03.170
OK, so how does that work? The city improves

00:35:03.170 --> 00:35:05.730
a neighborhood. They add that beautiful park.

00:35:05.789 --> 00:35:07.570
They put in better streetlights, maybe a new

00:35:07.570 --> 00:35:11.030
bike lane. The neighborhood becomes more desirable.

00:35:11.329 --> 00:35:14.510
So what happens? Rents go up. Property taxes

00:35:14.510 --> 00:35:17.230
go up. The original low -income residents, the

00:35:17.230 --> 00:35:19.269
ones who stuck it out through all the bad times,

00:35:19.429 --> 00:35:22.110
suddenly can't afford to live in their own renewed

00:35:22.110 --> 00:35:24.449
neighborhood anymore. They get priced out. So

00:35:24.449 --> 00:35:26.289
the end result is the same as the bulldozer.

00:35:26.309 --> 00:35:29.570
The original community is gone. But the mechanism

00:35:29.570 --> 00:35:32.630
is market forces, not a wrecking ball. Exactly.

00:35:32.769 --> 00:35:34.789
And cities are really wrestling with this. It's

00:35:34.789 --> 00:35:38.250
a huge ethical problem. In 2016, the city of

00:35:38.250 --> 00:35:40.570
Portland, Oregon, formally apologized for its

00:35:40.570 --> 00:35:42.920
history of renewal. They apologized. They did.

00:35:43.039 --> 00:35:45.599
They admitted that urban renewal funds that were

00:35:45.599 --> 00:35:48.519
meant to help the poor were instead used to subsidize

00:35:48.519 --> 00:35:51.360
luxury apartments that pushed thousands of black

00:35:51.360 --> 00:35:53.099
residents out of their historic neighborhoods

00:35:53.099 --> 00:35:55.739
in North and Northeast Portland. So after all

00:35:55.739 --> 00:35:57.980
this, from the Devil's Acre to the High Line,

00:35:58.079 --> 00:36:01.300
from Baron Houseman to Suzette Kelo, how do we

00:36:01.300 --> 00:36:03.500
synthesize this? Is urban renewal a good thing

00:36:03.500 --> 00:36:06.230
or a bad thing? It is a tool. That is the only

00:36:06.230 --> 00:36:08.969
honest way to view it. A hammer can build a house

00:36:08.969 --> 00:36:11.989
or it can break a window. Urban renewal has,

00:36:12.150 --> 00:36:14.809
without question, cleared dangerous disease -ridden

00:36:14.809 --> 00:36:17.849
slums and created safer, healthier environments

00:36:17.849 --> 00:36:20.409
for millions of people. It has created powerful

00:36:20.409 --> 00:36:23.789
economic engines like Singapore or London's Canary

00:36:23.789 --> 00:36:27.179
Wharf. But the cost has so often been paid by

00:36:27.179 --> 00:36:29.679
the most vulnerable among us. The cost is that

00:36:29.679 --> 00:36:32.539
a collective memory. When you erase a Syrian

00:36:32.539 --> 00:36:35.559
town or a hill district or a black bottom, you

00:36:35.559 --> 00:36:37.739
are severing the connection people have to their

00:36:37.739 --> 00:36:39.940
own history. You are prioritizing a certain kind

00:36:39.940 --> 00:36:42.679
of efficiency, the highway, the mall, over the

00:36:42.679 --> 00:36:45.579
messy vitality of a real place. It brings us

00:36:45.579 --> 00:36:47.460
right back to that mission we started with, the

00:36:47.460 --> 00:36:49.719
constant battle between progress and place. And

00:36:49.719 --> 00:36:51.699
I think for you, for the listener, the so what

00:36:51.699 --> 00:36:54.260
here is to look at your own city. Next time you

00:36:54.260 --> 00:36:56.579
see a trendy new arts district or you drive over

00:36:56.579 --> 00:36:58.579
a highway overpass that cuts through a neighborhood,

00:36:58.800 --> 00:37:01.199
ask yourself, what was here before? Who lived

00:37:01.199 --> 00:37:04.099
here and where do they go? Exactly. Because the

00:37:04.099 --> 00:37:06.320
ground beneath our feet has layers of history.

00:37:06.949 --> 00:37:09.550
Most urban renewal is driven by the state deciding

00:37:09.550 --> 00:37:12.530
what is important based on its own narrative

00:37:12.530 --> 00:37:15.050
at that particular time. In the 50s, highways

00:37:15.050 --> 00:37:18.250
were important. Today, maybe it's tech campuses

00:37:18.250 --> 00:37:21.230
or biotech labs. And here's a final thought for

00:37:21.230 --> 00:37:23.849
you to chew on. We always assume that blight

00:37:23.849 --> 00:37:25.829
is something that happens to other neighborhoods,

00:37:26.070 --> 00:37:29.289
the so -called bad parts of town. But we've learned

00:37:29.289 --> 00:37:31.449
today that the definition of blight is subjective.

00:37:31.750 --> 00:37:35.050
It's a political choice, a label. If the narrative

00:37:35.050 --> 00:37:37.619
changes again, Could your neighborhood be next

00:37:37.619 --> 00:37:39.920
on the map? It's happened before. It can happen

00:37:39.920 --> 00:37:42.719
again. On that cheery note, thank you for joining

00:37:42.719 --> 00:37:45.079
us on this deep dive. Go look up the history

00:37:45.079 --> 00:37:46.900
of your own street. You might be surprised by

00:37:46.900 --> 00:37:48.860
what you find. We'll see you next time.
