WEBVTT

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Welcome back to the Deep Dive. Today, we are

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going to tackle a phrase that I guarantee every

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single person listening has heard. Oh, absolutely.

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It's one of those terms that's everywhere. Right.

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You've heard it on the news. You've heard it

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in movies. Maybe you've heard it whispered at

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a neighborhood association meeting. It is a term

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that carries an incredible amount of weight.

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It really is. It's loaded with cultural baggage,

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surrounded by stereotypes, and frankly, it's

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often used as a shorthand for a lot of unsaid

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assumptions. Exactly. Assumptions about poverty,

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about crime, and about who belongs in which neighborhood.

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It's really one of those terms that has escaped

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the dusty policy manuals and entered the general

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cultural lexicon. That's a great way to put it.

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But in that process, it's lost almost all of

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its actual technical meaning. It's become a symbol

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rather than a specific program. A symbol, yes.

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We are talking, of course, about Section 8. And

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I think for a lot of people, when they hear that,

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they have a very specific mental image. Maybe

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it's a towering concrete high rise with broken

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windows. Maybe it's a government check. Maybe

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it's just a headline they saw about property

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values. But today we are going to strip all of

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that baggage away. Get back to basics. Right.

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And ask the fundamental questions. What is it

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actually? Is it a building? Is it a law? Is it

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a lottery ticket? It's surprisingly complex.

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And to answer your first question, it is literally

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a section of a law. OK, so it really is just

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Section 8 of something. Exactly. Specifically,

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Section 8 of the Housing Act of 1937. 1937. See,

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I think that already surprises people. That dates

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it way, way further back than the 70s or 80s,

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which is where I think most people place it in

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their heads. Right. But the program, as we know

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it today, the voucher system, that's evolved

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significantly since the Great Depression. So

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what's the core definition now? At its core,

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Section 8 is the United States federal government's

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major program for assisting very low -income

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families, the elderly and the disabled, to afford

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decent, safe, and sanitary housing in the private

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market. And that last part is key. I would double

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underline that last part, the private market.

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That is the key distinction we need to make right

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up top. We aren't talking about government -owned

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concrete blocks here. We aren't talking about

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the projects in the way you see it on TV. No,

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not primarily. We are talking about private landlords.

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private apartments, and the real estate market

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that you and I participate in. And the scale

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of this is just, it's massive, which is why it

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matters even if you don't use it. It's huge.

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We are looking at about 2 .3 million households

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using these vouchers. Wow. And to give you some

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context, there are about 5 .2 million households

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receiving some form of rental assistance in the

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U .S. So Section 8 makes up a huge chunk, nearly

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half of that federal footprint. So it's the heavy

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lifter of American housing policy. It is. And

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it involves this complex dance between the federal

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government, that's HUD, the Department of Housing,

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and urban development local public housing agencies,

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usually called PHAs. PHAs, got it. And thousands

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of private landlords who may or may not want

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to be involved. And that is the mission for this

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deep dive. We aren't just going to recite the

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rules. We want to look at the tension in this

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system. Right. Because it seems like a paradox.

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It's a government safety net that tries to exist

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within a, well, a ruthless capitalist real estate

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market. And that tension creates some really

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bizarre and sometimes heartbreaking outcomes.

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Absolutely. So here's the roadmap. We're going

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to get into the lottery system of just trying

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to get on the list and why calling it a safety

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net might be a little generous. A lot generous.

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We'll look at the strange math the government

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uses to decide if you're core enough, including

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a really weird rule about savings accounts that

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I had to read three times. The imputed income

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rule. It's a classic. We'll also tackle the controversy

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over whether this program impacts crime rates,

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which is a huge heated debate. A massive one.

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And then we'll look at the future, the new experiments

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with using zip codes to set rent prices. So let's

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just jump right in. Let's unpack this. Let's

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do it. I want to start with the mechanism itself,

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because I think a lot of people still have that

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image of the projects. When they hear public

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housing, they think of Cabrini Green in Chicago

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or these huge high -rise towers concentrated

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in one part of the city. But you're saying Section

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8 is different. It is distinct, but there is

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some overlap that can be confusing. So within

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Section 8, there are really two main categories

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you need to understand. Okay. There is project

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-based assistance and there is tenant -based

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assistance. Right. Break those down. Project

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-based sounds like the traditional image. It's

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closer to it. With project -based vouchers, the

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subsidy is tied to the actual unit, the apartment

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itself. Not to the person. Not to the person.

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Yeah. Imagine a specific building on Main Street.

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The government has a contract with that building's

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owner. If you live in apartment 4B, you get the

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help. Okay. But if you decide, I don't like this

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neighborhood or I want to move closer to my mom,

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and you leave apartment 4B. The help stays behind.

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The subsidy stays there. You leave the help behind.

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The next person who moves into 4B gets it. So

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you are tethered to the building. It's like a

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gift card that only works at one specific store.

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If that store doesn't have what you need. Too

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bad. That's a great analogy. And public housing

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agencies, the PHAs, can allocate up to 20 % of

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their vouchers for this specific purpose. And

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what's the thinking there? Why do that? Well,

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it guarantees that certain buildings remain affordable

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in the long term, which is good for stability

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in the local housing stock. But the much larger

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and perhaps more revolutionary side of the program

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is the tenant -based voucher. And this is what

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is formally known as the Housing Choice Voucher,

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or HCV. Exactly. This is the one most people

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are thinking of, even if they don't know the

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name. This is the golden ticket. The golden ticket.

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Because the subsidy is tied to you, the tenant.

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It's in your backpack, so to speak. You get the

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voucher, and then you go out into the private

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market and find a landlord who will rent to you.

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And the idea here is mobility. Mobility and choice.

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You aren't stuck in a specific complex. Theoretically,

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you can move to a neighborhood with better schools,

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better jobs, or lower crime. And I read that

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you can even port these vouchers. Which sounds

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like something from a sci -fi movie, but I assume

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it just means moving cities. Yes. Portability

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is a huge feature. It means you can transfer

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the voucher to a different jurisdiction. If you

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have a voucher in Detroit, but you get a job

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offer in Atlanta, you can, in theory, take that

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voucher with you to Atlanta. So... Anywhere in

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the country. It allows for movement across the

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entire United States and its territories wherever

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a Section 8 program is operating. That sounds

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incredible on paper. It sounds like freedom.

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But as we're going to find out, the paper version

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of this program and the street version are often

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very, very different. Worlds apart. So let's

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talk about the money. How does the payment actually

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work? Does the tenant pay anything? They do.

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This isn't free housing, which is a common myth.

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The general rule is the 30 % rule. Okay, I've

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heard this number. The family is expected to

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pay 30 % of their adjusted income toward rent

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and utilities. The government, via the voucher,

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pays the landlord the difference up to a specific

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cap. 30 % seems to be the standard benchmark

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for affordability in general economics, right?

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It is. It's considered the point where housing

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becomes a burden if you're paying more than that.

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Right. But you mentioned something important,

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adjusted income. Right. I feel like whenever

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the government uses the word adjusted, there's

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a lot of fine print involved. There is always

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fine print. It's not your gross salary. Adjusted

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income is your gross income minus specific mandatory

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deductions. Okay. Like what? For example, if

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you have dependents under 18, you get a deduction

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of $480 per dependent. If the head of the household

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is elderly or disabled, There are deductions.

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There are also deductions for certain medical

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or child care expenses if they exceed a certain

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percentage of your income. So they are trying

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to get to a net income that reflects what you

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actually have available to spend on survival.

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That's the goal. But here is where it gets really

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interesting and a little bureaucratic. There

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is something called the asset test. I saw this

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in the notes and I had to read it twice. This

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feels like one of those rules that probably made

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sense in a boardroom in 1980, but feels wild

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in practice. It's a way to ensure people aren't,

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you know, sitting on a gold mine while claiming

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poverty. But the threshold is quite low. If a

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family has net assets over $5 ,000, say you managed

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to save up $5 ,500 in a savings account for a

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rainy day. Which is an amazing accomplishment

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for a low -income family. A huge accomplishment.

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But if you do, HUD has to factor that in. Okay,

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play the government's advocate for a second.

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If I have money in the bank, I'm earning interest

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on it. That is technically income, so they should

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count it, right? In theory, yes. But let's look

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at the real world. If you have $6 ,000 in the

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standard savings account right now, you might

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be earning, what, 0 .01 % interest? If you're

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lucky. That's like 60 cents a year. It's negligible.

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Right, you can't buy a stick of gum with that.

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Exactly. But HUD uses a formula. They look at

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the actual income from the asset, the 60 cents.

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But MUT, if the assets are over $5 ,000, they

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compare the actual income to something called

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imputed income. Imputed. That sounds like imaginary.

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It essentially is. HUD establishes a standard

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passbook savings rate. This is a percentage they

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decide represents what savings should be earning.

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Let's say they set that passbook rate at 0 .4

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% or higher, depending on the year. Okay. They

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basically say, We think you should be earning

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this much interest on that money. And even if

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the bank is paying you zero, HUD calculates your

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income as if you were earning that passbook rate.

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They add that imaginary income to your real income.

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Let's run the numbers on this because this is

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mind bending. I scrimped and save. I have six

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thousand dollars. My bank pays me one dollar

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in interest. The government says, no, we think

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you made fifty dollars. So they add fifty dollars

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to my income. Since my rent is 30 percent of

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my income, my rent just went up. because of money

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I never actually received. That is the mechanism.

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It's called imputed income from assets. Now,

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the financial impact might be small in terms

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of monthly dollars. Maybe your rent goes up by

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15 or 20 dollars. But think about the principle.

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It's the principle. It's a disincentive. It adds

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a layer of complexity and, frankly, a disincentive

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to save liquid cash beyond that $5 ,000 mark.

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It's a tax on building a safety net of your own.

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It's those little friction points that make the

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system so hard to navigate. But the biggest friction

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point isn't the math. It's getting the voucher

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in the first place. This is the heartbreak of

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the program. We call it a safety net. But a safety

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net is supposed to catch you when you fall. Right,

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immediately. If you fall off a trapeze, the net

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is there immediately. Section 8 is more like

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a safety lottery that you enter 10 years before

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you fall. The wait lists! I've heard horror stories.

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How bad are we talking? They are tragic. In many

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localities, the wait lists are thousands and

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thousands of households long. We are not talking

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about a wait of a few months. A year. Two years.

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We are talking about 10 to 20 years in some major

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metropolitan areas like Los Angeles or New York

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or Miami. Stop there for a second. 20 years.

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If I apply when I have a newborn baby because

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I'm struggling to pay rent, that baby could be

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a sophomore in college by the time my name is

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called. Exactly. The crisis you were in when

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you applied, it's either resolved or, well, you

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faced the consequences of it long, long ago.

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And that's assuming you can even get on the list.

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That's the thing. Many public housing agencies,

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or PHAs, keep their lists closed entirely. They

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are so overwhelmed, they simply cannot handle

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more names. I read about the opening of the lists.

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It sounds less like a bureaucratic procedure

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and more like a rock concert ticket drop. It

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is an event. A chaotic... desperate event. There

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are cases where a city might open its wait list

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for just five days. And this might happen once

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every seven years. You'll see news reports of

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government websites crashing because 50 ,000

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people are hitting refresh at the same time.

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You'll see lines forming around city blocks,

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people camping out overnight just to get a paper

00:12:11.909 --> 00:12:15.169
application. That is just unbelievable. And even

00:12:15.169 --> 00:12:16.889
if you get on the list during that five day window,

00:12:16.970 --> 00:12:18.950
it's not first come first served, right? It's

00:12:18.950 --> 00:12:21.350
not like waiting in line at the deli. Rarely.

00:12:21.710 --> 00:12:23.870
Because the demand is so impossibly high compared

00:12:23.870 --> 00:12:27.009
to the supply. Some PHAs use a lottery system.

00:12:27.210 --> 00:12:29.970
A literal lottery. Literal lottery. So imagine

00:12:29.970 --> 00:12:32.950
100 ,000 families apply for 10 ,000 spots on

00:12:32.950 --> 00:12:35.250
the waiting list. Not 10 ,000 vouchers. No, no.

00:12:35.330 --> 00:12:37.850
10 ,000 spots to rate for a voucher for the next

00:12:37.850 --> 00:12:40.149
decade. So you win the lottery just to get the

00:12:40.149 --> 00:12:42.590
privilege of standing in line for 10 years. Correct.

00:12:42.889 --> 00:12:45.850
And that lottery might be weighted. PHAs can

00:12:45.850 --> 00:12:48.509
set preference policies. They might prioritize

00:12:48.509 --> 00:12:51.539
veterans or the elderly or people. with disabilities

00:12:51.539 --> 00:12:54.299
or people who already live in that local jurisdiction.

00:12:54.600 --> 00:12:56.820
Or people fleeing domestic violence. I saw that

00:12:56.820 --> 00:12:59.779
was a common one. Yes. Which makes sense ethically.

00:12:59.899 --> 00:13:02.299
You want to help the most vulnerable, the people

00:13:02.299 --> 00:13:05.559
in immediate danger, but it creates this weird

00:13:05.559 --> 00:13:08.500
tier system. Right. If you are just a standard

00:13:08.500 --> 00:13:10.840
low -income family working two jobs and struggling

00:13:10.840 --> 00:13:13.600
to pay rent, you might just be perpetually pushed

00:13:13.600 --> 00:13:15.539
down the list by people with higher priority.

00:13:16.000 --> 00:13:18.919
Precisely. There is absolutely no guarantee that

00:13:18.919 --> 00:13:21.129
anyone on a wait list will ever be selected.

00:13:21.330 --> 00:13:24.210
It creates a state of permanent anxiety. You

00:13:24.210 --> 00:13:26.610
have this potential lifeline, but you can't plan

00:13:26.610 --> 00:13:28.789
your life around it. It really reframes the way

00:13:28.789 --> 00:13:31.090
we think about American poverty assistance. We

00:13:31.090 --> 00:13:33.210
often hear political arguments about people living

00:13:33.210 --> 00:13:36.289
off the system or dependency. But looking at

00:13:36.289 --> 00:13:38.629
these numbers, the door to the system is barely

00:13:38.629 --> 00:13:41.570
cracked open. It's a resource -constrained system.

00:13:42.149 --> 00:13:45.830
It is not an entitlement. That's a crucial legal

00:13:45.830 --> 00:13:47.889
and philosophical distinction. What do you mean

00:13:47.889 --> 00:13:50.529
by entitlement? Unlike food stamps, which is

00:13:50.529 --> 00:13:53.809
now called SNFP or Medicaid, where if you meet

00:13:53.809 --> 00:13:56.389
the eligibility criteria, the government must

00:13:56.389 --> 00:13:59.169
give it to you by law. Housing assistance is

00:13:59.169 --> 00:14:01.629
not guaranteed. It's discretionary funding. It's

00:14:01.629 --> 00:14:04.090
subject to congressional appropriation each year.

00:14:04.809 --> 00:14:07.750
And the result is that only about one in four

00:14:07.750 --> 00:14:10.250
households who are income eligible for rental

00:14:10.250 --> 00:14:13.710
assistance. actually get it. That is a staggering

00:14:13.710 --> 00:14:17.529
statistic. One in four. That means 75 % of the

00:14:17.529 --> 00:14:19.750
people who follow the rules and qualify are just

00:14:19.750 --> 00:14:22.429
left to fend for themselves in the market. That's

00:14:22.429 --> 00:14:24.309
the reality. Okay, before we get into the market

00:14:24.309 --> 00:14:26.590
dynamics and why landlords might say no to this

00:14:26.590 --> 00:14:29.210
golden ticket, I want to step back. How did we

00:14:29.210 --> 00:14:31.690
get here? You mentioned 1937. Why did we change

00:14:31.690 --> 00:14:34.610
from building houses to giving out coupons? It's

00:14:34.610 --> 00:14:37.070
a fascinating history of failure and a shift

00:14:37.070 --> 00:14:39.250
in philosophy. Back in the Great Depression,

00:14:39.470 --> 00:14:42.529
the Housing Act of 1937 was passed. The original

00:14:42.529 --> 00:14:45.090
mindset was construction. The government as developer.

00:14:45.350 --> 00:14:47.409
Right. The private market wasn't building for

00:14:47.409 --> 00:14:49.629
the poor. Because there's no profit in it. So

00:14:49.629 --> 00:14:51.789
the government said, fine, we will become the

00:14:51.789 --> 00:14:53.809
developer. We will build it. That's what the

00:14:53.809 --> 00:14:55.669
classic public housing projects came from. The

00:14:55.669 --> 00:14:58.789
bricks and mortar approach. Right. And at first,

00:14:58.830 --> 00:15:01.169
they were actually seen as a stepping stone for

00:15:01.169 --> 00:15:04.470
the working class. But over decades, due to racial

00:15:04.470 --> 00:15:07.350
segregation, chronic underfunding for maintenance

00:15:07.350 --> 00:15:10.909
and poor design. Many of these projects became

00:15:10.909 --> 00:15:13.649
islands of concentrated poverty. They became

00:15:13.649 --> 00:15:15.950
isolated. They became dangerous. They became

00:15:15.950 --> 00:15:18.169
symbols of government failure. So the solution

00:15:18.169 --> 00:15:21.789
became the problem. Exactly. By the 1970s, the

00:15:21.789 --> 00:15:24.210
thinking started to shift. A lot of studies were

00:15:24.210 --> 00:15:25.789
coming out showing that the problem in America

00:15:25.789 --> 00:15:28.350
wasn't necessarily that there were no houses.

00:15:28.370 --> 00:15:30.409
We had a housing stock. The problem was rent

00:15:30.409 --> 00:15:32.789
burden. Meaning the physical houses existed,

00:15:32.929 --> 00:15:35.029
but people just didn't have the cash to access

00:15:35.029 --> 00:15:38.129
them. Precisely. The percentage of income people

00:15:38.129 --> 00:15:39.850
were spending on housing was just destroying

00:15:39.850 --> 00:15:43.990
families. So in 1974, Congress passed the Housing

00:15:43.990 --> 00:15:46.269
and Community Development Act, which amended

00:15:46.269 --> 00:15:49.690
the 1937 Act to create Section 8. And the philosophy

00:15:49.690 --> 00:15:52.809
pivoted. It pivoted from we will build housing

00:15:52.809 --> 00:15:55.970
to we will help you pay for existing housing.

00:15:56.129 --> 00:15:58.690
It's a shift from a supply -side intervention

00:15:58.690 --> 00:16:01.309
building stuff to a demand -side intervention

00:16:01.309 --> 00:16:04.190
giving people money. Very well put. And that

00:16:04.190 --> 00:16:08.029
evolution continued. In 1998, we got the QHWRA,

00:16:08.210 --> 00:16:10.409
the Quality Housing and Work Responsibility Act.

00:16:10.610 --> 00:16:13.649
That's a mouthful. It is. But this was a major

00:16:13.649 --> 00:16:16.250
modernization. Before this, there were certificates

00:16:16.250 --> 00:16:18.970
and vouchers, and they had slightly different

00:16:18.970 --> 00:16:23.269
confusing rules. QHWRA merged them into the single

00:16:23.269 --> 00:16:25.710
housing choice voucher program we have today.

00:16:25.929 --> 00:16:27.929
And it added more flexibility, right, for the

00:16:27.929 --> 00:16:30.029
tenants. Yes. It allowed tenants to choose to

00:16:30.029 --> 00:16:32.110
pay more than 30 % of their income if they found

00:16:32.110 --> 00:16:33.730
a place they really liked that was a little above

00:16:33.730 --> 00:16:36.309
the payment standard. to 40%. They gave them

00:16:36.309 --> 00:16:38.710
more choice. So bringing us closer to the present,

00:16:38.809 --> 00:16:40.710
there have been other specific programs carved

00:16:40.710 --> 00:16:44.190
out, like HUDVA -ish for veterans. Yes. In 2008,

00:16:44.289 --> 00:16:46.470
that was a big one. It specifically allocated

00:16:46.470 --> 00:16:49.649
funds, I think it was $75 million to start, to

00:16:49.649 --> 00:16:52.009
combine these housing vouchers with case management

00:16:52.009 --> 00:16:55.330
from the VA for homeless veterans. It was a recognition

00:16:55.330 --> 00:16:57.970
that just a voucher isn't enough. Sometimes people

00:16:57.970 --> 00:17:00.529
need support services, too. Right. Now, there

00:17:00.529 --> 00:17:02.549
was another significant update recently regarding

00:17:02.549 --> 00:17:05.730
the Earned Income Disallowance, or EID. This

00:17:05.730 --> 00:17:07.849
sounds like another one of those dense bureaucratic

00:17:07.849 --> 00:17:10.589
terms, but it actually affects people's motivation

00:17:10.589 --> 00:17:14.130
to work. Can you explain the benefit cliff here?

00:17:14.369 --> 00:17:17.009
It's a huge, huge problem in social policy. The

00:17:17.009 --> 00:17:19.509
EID was designed to prevent the benefit cliff.

00:17:19.609 --> 00:17:22.410
OK, so what's the cliff? Imagine you are on disability

00:17:22.410 --> 00:17:24.509
and you're receiving housing assistance. You

00:17:24.509 --> 00:17:26.390
want to go back to work, but you're terrified.

00:17:26.880 --> 00:17:29.240
Why? Because the moment you earn a paycheck,

00:17:29.480 --> 00:17:31.819
your adjusted income goes up. And since I have

00:17:31.819 --> 00:17:34.359
to pay 30 % of my income, my rent immediately

00:17:34.359 --> 00:17:37.299
skyrockets. So I might work 40 hours a week and

00:17:37.299 --> 00:17:39.059
end up with the same amount of money in my pocket

00:17:39.059 --> 00:17:42.200
as when I wasn't working. Or even less. Exactly.

00:17:42.279 --> 00:17:44.579
That is the cliff. Why take the risk of working

00:17:44.579 --> 00:17:47.799
if it's a wash? So the EID would temporarily

00:17:47.799 --> 00:17:51.180
disregard that new income. It would freeze your

00:17:51.180 --> 00:17:53.900
rent for a specific time, usually 12 months fully.

00:17:54.500 --> 00:17:56.559
Then another 12 months partially. So you could

00:17:56.559 --> 00:17:59.140
get on your feet. Exactly. You could build up

00:17:59.140 --> 00:18:01.500
some savings, buy work clothes, fix your car

00:18:01.500 --> 00:18:04.099
without being immediately penalized by a massive

00:18:04.099 --> 00:18:06.559
rent hike. That sounds incredibly smart. It's

00:18:06.559 --> 00:18:08.299
like training wheels for reentering the economy.

00:18:08.619 --> 00:18:11.140
It was. It was very popular with advocates. But

00:18:11.140 --> 00:18:14.059
under a law called HOTMA, the housing opportunity.

00:18:14.890 --> 00:18:17.690
Through Modernization Act of 2016, this is changing.

00:18:17.809 --> 00:18:20.950
It's being eliminated. As of 2023, HUD announced

00:18:20.950 --> 00:18:23.250
the elimination of the EID provision for new

00:18:23.250 --> 00:18:25.630
participants. Whoa, so that safety buffer is

00:18:25.630 --> 00:18:27.970
just gone for new people coming into the system.

00:18:28.029 --> 00:18:30.670
Essentially, yes. The stated reason is to streamline

00:18:30.670 --> 00:18:32.910
the income calculation rules and reduce administrative

00:18:32.910 --> 00:18:36.349
errors. But the effect is losing EID changes

00:18:36.349 --> 00:18:38.529
the incentives for self -sufficiency. It's a

00:18:38.529 --> 00:18:40.970
very controversial move. Now, if you start earning,

00:18:41.170 --> 00:18:43.670
your rent starts rising much sooner. That feels

00:18:43.670 --> 00:18:45.809
like a step backwards. So we have the history

00:18:45.809 --> 00:18:48.670
from building towers to writing checks to trying

00:18:48.670 --> 00:18:51.210
to tweak the incentives. But now we have to face

00:18:51.210 --> 00:18:54.329
the reality of the market. You have your voucher.

00:18:54.569 --> 00:18:57.130
You survived the 20 -year waitlist. You have

00:18:57.130 --> 00:19:00.769
your golden ticket. You are ready to rent. But

00:19:00.769 --> 00:19:03.380
there is a gatekeeper. The landlord. The landlord.

00:19:03.400 --> 00:19:05.200
And this is the market friction. This is where

00:19:05.200 --> 00:19:07.779
the rubber meets the road. It is. Because in

00:19:07.779 --> 00:19:10.359
most areas of the United States, landlord participation

00:19:10.359 --> 00:19:13.430
in Section 8 is completely voluntary. They can

00:19:13.430 --> 00:19:15.809
just say no thanks. They can. And many do. Yeah.

00:19:15.869 --> 00:19:18.710
And we have to look at why. It's easy to villainize

00:19:18.710 --> 00:19:21.450
landlords. But let's put ourselves in their shoes

00:19:21.450 --> 00:19:23.849
for a moment to understand the business incentives.

00:19:24.049 --> 00:19:26.089
OK, let's role play this. I'm a landlord. I have

00:19:26.089 --> 00:19:28.450
a decent two bedroom apartment. I put it on Zillow.

00:19:28.450 --> 00:19:31.069
I get two applications. Applicant A is a young

00:19:31.069 --> 00:19:33.970
couple with decent jobs and good credit. Applicant

00:19:33.970 --> 00:19:37.849
B has a Section 8 voucher. Why am I hesitating

00:19:37.849 --> 00:19:40.750
on applicant B? Time and bureaucracy. That's

00:19:40.750 --> 00:19:43.150
the first hurdle. If you pick applicant A, they

00:19:43.150 --> 00:19:44.849
sign the lease today, they give you a deposit,

00:19:44.950 --> 00:19:46.730
and first month's rent, they move in tomorrow.

00:19:46.930 --> 00:19:50.049
Done. Revenue starts flowing. Simple. Clean.

00:19:50.710 --> 00:19:54.289
And applicant B. With the voucher holder, you

00:19:54.289 --> 00:19:57.609
can't just sign. You have to submit a request

00:19:57.609 --> 00:20:00.089
for tenancy approval to the local PHA. Okay,

00:20:00.150 --> 00:20:03.019
so paperwork. A lot of paperwork. Then... You

00:20:03.019 --> 00:20:04.440
have to wait for an inspector to come out. They

00:20:04.440 --> 00:20:06.720
have to check the entire unit against a long

00:20:06.720 --> 00:20:10.059
list of housing quality standards, or HQS. They

00:20:10.059 --> 00:20:11.940
check the windows, the paint, the locks, the

00:20:11.940 --> 00:20:14.039
plumbing, the smoke detectors. Which sounds good.

00:20:14.099 --> 00:20:16.359
We want safe housing. But how long does that

00:20:16.359 --> 00:20:18.220
take? It could be a week. It could be three weeks.

00:20:18.519 --> 00:20:20.680
If you fail the inspection because of something

00:20:20.680 --> 00:20:22.839
minor, like a cracked outlet cover, you have

00:20:22.839 --> 00:20:24.700
to fix it and then schedule a re -inspection.

00:20:24.819 --> 00:20:26.940
That's another week. All that time, the unit

00:20:26.940 --> 00:20:29.069
is sitting empty. So taking the voucher could

00:20:29.069 --> 00:20:31.109
cost me a month of vacancy right off the bat.

00:20:31.289 --> 00:20:33.470
In a hot market, that's thousands of dollars.

00:20:33.670 --> 00:20:36.190
Exactly. That's lost money. Then there's the

00:20:36.190 --> 00:20:38.829
fear of payment delays. The tenant pays their

00:20:38.829 --> 00:20:42.430
share, but the PHA pays the rest. Sometimes those

00:20:42.430 --> 00:20:44.230
government checks are slow to get set up for

00:20:44.230 --> 00:20:46.930
the first time. Bureaucracy is not known for

00:20:46.930 --> 00:20:49.829
its speed. So that's the con list. But on the

00:20:49.829 --> 00:20:52.049
flip side, there have to be reasons to accept

00:20:52.049 --> 00:20:54.990
them. Otherwise, nobody would do it. Definitely.

00:20:55.269 --> 00:20:58.720
The biggest pro is stability. guaranteed income.

00:20:58.980 --> 00:21:01.140
The government's check doesn't bounce. It never

00:21:01.140 --> 00:21:03.700
bounces. It's direct deposit into your account

00:21:03.700 --> 00:21:07.640
month after month. If the economy tanks, think

00:21:07.640 --> 00:21:10.440
about COVID or the 2008 crash, and your tenant

00:21:10.440 --> 00:21:12.779
loses their job, a normal tenant stops paying

00:21:12.779 --> 00:21:14.660
rent. And I have to go through the eviction process,

00:21:14.740 --> 00:21:17.539
which costs... thousands and takes months. Right.

00:21:17.700 --> 00:21:20.099
But with a Section 8 tenant, if they lose their

00:21:20.099 --> 00:21:23.420
income, they report it to the PHA. Their portion

00:21:23.420 --> 00:21:26.119
of the rent goes down, sometimes to zero, and

00:21:26.119 --> 00:21:27.839
the government's portion goes up to cover the

00:21:27.839 --> 00:21:29.980
difference. The landlord still gets the full

00:21:29.980 --> 00:21:32.119
check. That is a recession -proof investment.

00:21:32.339 --> 00:21:34.480
It's like a government bond wrapped in an apartment.

00:21:34.660 --> 00:21:37.400
It is. And there's a huge pool of potential tenants.

00:21:37.579 --> 00:21:40.779
You'll never have a vacancy for long. Also, historically,

00:21:41.140 --> 00:21:44.509
Section 8 tenants stay longer. Turnover is expensive

00:21:44.509 --> 00:21:47.089
for landlords. Painting, marketing, screening.

00:21:47.430 --> 00:21:49.650
Section 8 tenants tend to stay for years because

00:21:49.650 --> 00:21:51.509
it's so hard to find another place that will

00:21:51.509 --> 00:21:54.190
accept them. And they have a huge incentive to

00:21:54.190 --> 00:21:57.670
be good tenants. A massive incentive. If you

00:21:57.670 --> 00:22:01.190
get evicted for destroying the unit or for criminal

00:22:01.190 --> 00:22:04.359
activity, you lose the voucher. Potentially forever.

00:22:04.660 --> 00:22:06.779
Potentially forever. Remember, you waited 20

00:22:06.779 --> 00:22:10.579
years for it. You are highly, highly incentivized

00:22:10.579 --> 00:22:13.420
to follow the rules. So you have a tenant who

00:22:13.420 --> 00:22:15.859
essentially has a good behavior bond hanging

00:22:15.859 --> 00:22:18.180
over their head worth hundreds of thousands of

00:22:18.180 --> 00:22:20.759
dollars over a lifetime. So you would think that

00:22:20.759 --> 00:22:23.400
would make them ideal tenants, but refusal rates

00:22:23.400 --> 00:22:25.400
are still high. They are. And this brings us

00:22:25.400 --> 00:22:27.740
to the darker side of the friction. Discrimination.

00:22:28.250 --> 00:22:30.309
Source of income. Discrimination. This is the

00:22:30.309 --> 00:22:33.269
legal term for refusing to rent to someone solely

00:22:33.269 --> 00:22:36.109
because their money comes from a voucher instead

00:22:36.109 --> 00:22:39.069
of a paycheck. Some states and a growing number

00:22:39.069 --> 00:22:41.769
of cities have passed laws making this illegal.

00:22:42.089 --> 00:22:44.490
Their argument is money is money. Exactly. Money

00:22:44.490 --> 00:22:46.609
is money, whether it comes from a job, a trust

00:22:46.609 --> 00:22:49.910
fund or HUD. It's all green. But not everywhere

00:22:49.910 --> 00:22:54.480
has these laws. No. As of late 2022. Stats showed

00:22:54.480 --> 00:22:57.880
that only about 57 % of voucher households lived

00:22:57.880 --> 00:23:00.259
in jurisdictions with these legal protections.

00:23:00.859 --> 00:23:03.859
In the rest of the country, huge swaths of the

00:23:03.859 --> 00:23:06.700
South and Midwest. A landlord can legally put

00:23:06.700 --> 00:23:09.940
up a sign that says, no Section 8. It is perfectly

00:23:09.940 --> 00:23:13.619
legal discrimination. Yes. And even where it

00:23:13.619 --> 00:23:16.339
is illegal. I imagine it's incredibly hard to

00:23:16.339 --> 00:23:18.799
enforce. A landlord isn't going to say, I'm rejecting

00:23:18.799 --> 00:23:20.759
you because of the voucher. Of course not. No,

00:23:20.819 --> 00:23:22.279
they're smarter than that. They use proxies.

00:23:22.299 --> 00:23:24.279
They can demand a credit score of 750, knowing

00:23:24.279 --> 00:23:26.259
that most low -income families might have a 600.

00:23:26.559 --> 00:23:28.519
They can reject you based on a minor criminal

00:23:28.519 --> 00:23:31.720
history from years ago or a past eviction. It's

00:23:31.720 --> 00:23:34.079
very easy to find a neutral reason to deny an

00:23:34.079 --> 00:23:36.579
application if you simply don't want those people

00:23:36.579 --> 00:23:38.970
in your building. Wow. Now, there is another

00:23:38.970 --> 00:23:40.849
layer to this market friction, and that is the

00:23:40.849 --> 00:23:44.609
price itself, the fair market rent, or FMR. How

00:23:44.609 --> 00:23:46.170
does the government decide what an apartment

00:23:46.170 --> 00:23:48.369
is worth? Because rent in downtown San Francisco

00:23:48.369 --> 00:23:51.619
is not rent in rural Ohio. Right. HUD calculates

00:23:51.619 --> 00:23:54.339
the FMR annually for over 2 ,500 different areas.

00:23:54.500 --> 00:23:57.099
It's usually set at the 40th percentile of gross

00:23:57.099 --> 00:24:00.960
rents in the area for a, quote, modest non -luxury

00:24:00.960 --> 00:24:03.660
unit. OK, 40th percentile, so slightly below

00:24:03.660 --> 00:24:06.720
average. Not the Ritz, but not a slum. That's

00:24:06.720 --> 00:24:08.259
the idea. They want to pay enough to get you

00:24:08.259 --> 00:24:11.960
a decent place. The problem is geography. FMRs

00:24:11.960 --> 00:24:14.359
are historically calculated for a whole metropolitan

00:24:14.359 --> 00:24:16.759
statistical area. I see where this is going.

00:24:16.819 --> 00:24:19.460
A metropolitan area can be huge. Take a place

00:24:19.460 --> 00:24:22.279
like Atlanta or Chicago. That includes the expensive

00:24:22.279 --> 00:24:24.900
downtown, the wealthy suburbs and the struggling

00:24:24.900 --> 00:24:27.799
outskirts all lumped together. Exactly. So imagine

00:24:27.799 --> 00:24:29.839
the average rent for the whole metro is calculated

00:24:29.839 --> 00:24:33.059
at, say, $1 ,500 for a two bedroom. HUD says,

00:24:33.180 --> 00:24:36.039
OK, your voucher is worth up to $1 ,500. Well,

00:24:36.099 --> 00:24:38.339
in the wealthy suburb with great schools, an

00:24:38.339 --> 00:24:41.680
actual two -bedroom rent's for $2 ,500. You're

00:24:41.680 --> 00:24:43.960
priced out. You can't live there. The voucher

00:24:43.960 --> 00:24:45.680
isn't enough. And in the struggling neighborhood

00:24:45.680 --> 00:24:48.259
with high crime and poor schools, the market

00:24:48.259 --> 00:24:51.359
rent is only $900. Right. So if you use your

00:24:51.359 --> 00:24:54.339
$1 ,500 voucher there, the landlord is thrilled.

00:24:54.579 --> 00:24:57.279
They're getting paid way above market rate for

00:24:57.279 --> 00:24:59.759
a subpar unit. They have an incentive to rent

00:24:59.759 --> 00:25:02.650
to you. So the math creates a funnel. It locks

00:25:02.650 --> 00:25:05.269
tenants out of the high opportunity neighborhoods

00:25:05.269 --> 00:25:07.869
they're supposed to be moving to. And it funnels

00:25:07.869 --> 00:25:09.750
them into the poorer neighborhoods where the

00:25:09.750 --> 00:25:11.990
voucher is actually worth more than the market

00:25:11.990 --> 00:25:15.309
rate. Precisely. It inadvertently reinforces

00:25:15.309 --> 00:25:18.650
economic and racial segregation. The math of

00:25:18.650 --> 00:25:21.670
the FMR creates a barrier to the very mobility

00:25:21.670 --> 00:25:24.430
the program was designed to offer. And this leads

00:25:24.430 --> 00:25:26.150
us perfectly into the controversy surrounding

00:25:26.150 --> 00:25:28.509
the program, because if the system is funneling

00:25:28.509 --> 00:25:31.029
people into specific areas or failing to move

00:25:31.029 --> 00:25:33.369
them out of others, that has social consequences.

00:25:33.589 --> 00:25:36.789
And there is a very specific, very loud accusation

00:25:36.789 --> 00:25:39.789
that gets thrown at Section 8. Yes, the accusation

00:25:39.789 --> 00:25:42.710
that Section 8 brings crime. We need to dig into

00:25:42.710 --> 00:25:44.630
this. because this is often the elephant in the

00:25:44.630 --> 00:25:46.750
room at town hall meetings. Don't bring vouchers

00:25:46.750 --> 00:25:49.190
here. You'll bring the crime. It is a longstanding

00:25:49.190 --> 00:25:52.470
theory. It was championed by critics like Howard

00:25:52.470 --> 00:25:54.630
Hussock from the conservative Manhattan Institute.

00:25:55.329 --> 00:25:59.349
He argued in a 2003 book that Section 8 was essentially

00:25:59.349 --> 00:26:03.230
a vehicle for exporting inner city social problems

00:26:03.230 --> 00:26:05.950
to the suburbs. The idea being if you tear down

00:26:05.950 --> 00:26:08.390
the projects and give people vouchers, they don't

00:26:08.390 --> 00:26:10.190
leave their problems behind. They move to the

00:26:10.190 --> 00:26:12.190
suburbs and bring the instability with them.

00:26:12.619 --> 00:26:14.859
That is the argument. And this really exploded

00:26:14.859 --> 00:26:17.660
into the public consciousness in 2008. There's

00:26:17.660 --> 00:26:19.660
an article in The Atlantic by a journalist named

00:26:19.660 --> 00:26:22.599
Hannah Rosen called American Murder Mystery.

00:26:22.799 --> 00:26:24.700
I remember hearing about this. It was a bombshell

00:26:24.700 --> 00:26:26.380
at the time, right? It was hugely influential.

00:26:26.660 --> 00:26:29.980
Rosen focused on Memphis, Tennessee. She looked

00:26:29.980 --> 00:26:32.119
at data showing that as public housing projects

00:26:32.119 --> 00:26:34.380
were demolished and residents were given vouchers,

00:26:34.460 --> 00:26:37.380
crime seemed to spread outward into the suburbs.

00:26:37.579 --> 00:26:39.940
So she tracked it. She quoted researchers who

00:26:39.940 --> 00:26:42.940
overlaid heat maps, literally red blobs on a

00:26:42.940 --> 00:26:46.109
map. One map showed where crime was rising. The

00:26:46.109 --> 00:26:48.009
other map showed where Section 8 households were

00:26:48.009 --> 00:26:49.789
moving. And they matched. They seemed to fit

00:26:49.789 --> 00:26:52.529
perfectly. It was a visual smoking gun. It looked

00:26:52.529 --> 00:26:54.589
like a one -to -one correlation. That sounds

00:26:54.589 --> 00:26:57.470
incredibly damning. The crime followed the vouchers.

00:26:57.509 --> 00:26:59.849
If I'm a suburban homeowner and I see that map,

00:26:59.990 --> 00:27:02.829
I'm terrified. It sounds damning. And politicians

00:27:02.829 --> 00:27:05.839
latched onto it. Cities like Lancaster, California,

00:27:06.099 --> 00:27:09.500
use this kind of rhetoric to try and block housing

00:27:09.500 --> 00:27:12.299
programs, effectively declaring war on Section

00:27:12.299 --> 00:27:16.640
8 voucher holders. But, and this is a huge, bold,

00:27:16.799 --> 00:27:19.579
underlined but, we have to look at the rebuttal.

00:27:19.599 --> 00:27:22.319
Because in social science, correlation is not

00:27:22.319 --> 00:27:24.799
causation. This is where Greg Anrig comes in.

00:27:24.880 --> 00:27:27.640
Yes, writing in the American Prospect. Anrig

00:27:27.640 --> 00:27:30.200
and other researchers tore into Rosen's methodology.

00:27:30.559 --> 00:27:32.680
They argued she was missing the bigger picture.

00:27:33.039 --> 00:27:34.740
What was the flaw? What did she miss? First,

00:27:34.819 --> 00:27:37.279
the economic context. During the period Rawson

00:27:37.279 --> 00:27:39.440
studied in Memphis, the economy was cratering.

00:27:39.460 --> 00:27:41.720
It was the mid -2000s leading up to the Great

00:27:41.720 --> 00:27:44.160
Recession. Male unemployment had nearly doubled

00:27:44.160 --> 00:27:46.559
in that time. So a lot of desperation. A lot

00:27:46.559 --> 00:27:48.380
of economic desperation affecting everyone in

00:27:48.380 --> 00:27:50.559
those areas, not just the new arrivals with vouchers.

00:27:51.019 --> 00:27:53.299
Annerig argued that was the primary driver of

00:27:53.299 --> 00:27:55.880
crime. Okay, but what about the heat maps? If

00:27:55.880 --> 00:27:58.559
the vouchers and the crime are in the same place,

00:27:58.779 --> 00:28:01.680
isn't that a link? Not necessarily a causal link.

00:28:01.859 --> 00:28:04.359
There is a concept that researchers explored

00:28:04.359 --> 00:28:07.460
called reverse causality. A study done for HUD

00:28:07.460 --> 00:28:10.380
suggested that the cycle actually works in reverse.

00:28:10.740 --> 00:28:12.759
Walk me through that. How does that work? Okay.

00:28:12.960 --> 00:28:16.460
Step one. A neighborhood starts to decline economically.

00:28:16.839 --> 00:28:19.599
Maybe a factory closes. Crime starts to rise

00:28:19.599 --> 00:28:22.380
slightly and property values start to fall. Step

00:28:22.380 --> 00:28:25.289
two. The people who have the money and the means

00:28:25.289 --> 00:28:28.450
to move, the middle class, they leave. They flee

00:28:28.450 --> 00:28:30.529
the decline. That creates vacancies. Exactly.

00:28:30.890 --> 00:28:33.930
Step three, this creates vacancies. Lots of empty

00:28:33.930 --> 00:28:36.430
apartments. And landlords hate vacancies more

00:28:36.430 --> 00:28:38.190
than anything. So they get desperate. They get

00:28:38.190 --> 00:28:40.690
desperate. Landlords, desperate to fill empty

00:28:40.690 --> 00:28:43.089
units in a declining neighborhood, become more

00:28:43.089 --> 00:28:45.690
willing to accept Section 8 tenants because they

00:28:45.690 --> 00:28:48.940
are the only reliable money left in town. I see

00:28:48.940 --> 00:28:51.420
it now. The vouchers didn't cause the crime.

00:28:51.619 --> 00:28:54.180
The crime and economic decline caused the vacancies,

00:28:54.420 --> 00:28:57.839
which attracted the vouchers. This Section 8

00:28:57.839 --> 00:29:00.460
tenants were moving into areas that were already

00:29:00.460 --> 00:29:02.740
destabilizing. They weren't the invasion force.

00:29:02.920 --> 00:29:05.099
They were the backfill. They were the effect,

00:29:05.359 --> 00:29:08.299
not the cause of the decline. That is a critical,

00:29:08.359 --> 00:29:11.000
critical distinction. But was there any harder

00:29:11.000 --> 00:29:14.200
data on this beyond just arguing over maps and

00:29:14.200 --> 00:29:16.779
timelines in one city? Yes. And this is the gold

00:29:16.779 --> 00:29:19.640
standard of research. The Moving to Opportunity

00:29:19.640 --> 00:29:21.980
or MTO study. Right. This is a big deal. It was

00:29:21.980 --> 00:29:24.559
a massive randomized policy experiment where

00:29:24.559 --> 00:29:26.990
they tracked thousands of families. over many

00:29:26.990 --> 00:29:29.730
years. They gave some families vouchers with

00:29:29.730 --> 00:29:32.529
counseling to move to low -poverty areas, some

00:29:32.529 --> 00:29:35.250
regular vouchers, and a control group got nothing.

00:29:35.490 --> 00:29:38.130
A true scientific experiment. Well, what did

00:29:38.130 --> 00:29:40.609
they find about crime? The study concluded that

00:29:40.609 --> 00:29:42.690
there was no increase in violent or property

00:29:42.690 --> 00:29:44.410
crime in the neighborhoods where the voucher

00:29:44.410 --> 00:29:47.230
holders moved. The fear was unfounded. That seems

00:29:47.230 --> 00:29:49.970
pretty definitive. It is. It's the most rigorous

00:29:49.970 --> 00:29:53.019
evidence we have. The reality is that even with

00:29:53.019 --> 00:29:55.700
vouchers, many families chose to stay in poorer

00:29:55.700 --> 00:29:58.700
areas because of those FMR caps we talked about

00:29:58.700 --> 00:30:00.880
or because they wanted to stay near their support

00:30:00.880 --> 00:30:03.559
networks, grandma, the church, the kids' school.

00:30:03.819 --> 00:30:05.640
Which makes sense. Of course. Yeah. But when

00:30:05.640 --> 00:30:07.740
they did move, they didn't bring a crime wave

00:30:07.740 --> 00:30:09.920
with them. They actually experienced significant

00:30:09.920 --> 00:30:13.140
gains in mental and physical health. It's a classic

00:30:13.140 --> 00:30:16.099
case of a moral panic versus the statistical

00:30:16.099 --> 00:30:20.000
reality. But the perception persists. And that

00:30:20.000 --> 00:30:22.359
perception makes landlords even more hesitant,

00:30:22.599 --> 00:30:24.960
which brings us back to that friction problem.

00:30:25.119 --> 00:30:27.660
It creates a vicious cycle. The myth of crime

00:30:27.660 --> 00:30:30.359
leads to landlord refusal, which limits where

00:30:30.359 --> 00:30:32.920
tenants can go, which forces them back into high

00:30:32.920 --> 00:30:35.799
poverty areas, which then reinforces the original

00:30:35.799 --> 00:30:37.859
stereotype. It's a self -fulfilling prophecy.

00:30:38.099 --> 00:30:41.059
So if the problem is that FMRs are too blunt

00:30:41.059 --> 00:30:43.140
one price for a whole city and that landlords

00:30:43.140 --> 00:30:45.859
are scared or misinformed, what are the solutions?

00:30:46.119 --> 00:30:48.140
Because we have some innovations on the table

00:30:48.140 --> 00:30:50.500
that are trying to break this cycle. We do. And

00:30:50.500 --> 00:30:52.640
the biggest structural fix is something called

00:30:52.640 --> 00:30:56.289
SFMR, small area fair market rents. Okay, so

00:30:56.289 --> 00:31:00.809
we are going from fair market rents to small

00:31:00.809 --> 00:31:03.089
area fair market rents. What's the difference?

00:31:03.269 --> 00:31:05.450
The difference is granularity. Instead of calculating

00:31:05.450 --> 00:31:08.829
one rent price for the entire metro area, HUD

00:31:08.829 --> 00:31:12.519
now calculates rents by ZLIP code. That makes

00:31:12.519 --> 00:31:14.759
so much more sense. It treats the rental market

00:31:14.759 --> 00:31:17.200
like a pixelated map instead of a big blurry

00:31:17.200 --> 00:31:19.839
watercolor. It's so much more logical. It means

00:31:19.839 --> 00:31:22.460
the voucher is worth more in a high -opportunity

00:31:22.460 --> 00:31:24.980
zip code, like a nice suburb, and it's worth

00:31:24.980 --> 00:31:27.720
less in a low -opportunity zip code where rents

00:31:27.720 --> 00:31:30.059
are already cheap. So it boosts the buying power

00:31:30.059 --> 00:31:31.839
of the tenant if they want to move to a better

00:31:31.839 --> 00:31:34.640
area, and it stops the government from overpaying

00:31:34.640 --> 00:31:37.960
for apartments in slums. It's designed to incentivize

00:31:37.960 --> 00:31:40.480
mobility. Exactly. HUD officially implemented

00:31:40.480 --> 00:31:42.099
this in a couple dozen years. in metro areas

00:31:42.099 --> 00:31:45.779
in 2017 aiming to deconcentrate poverty. But

00:31:45.779 --> 00:31:48.039
the results have been, well, they've been mixed.

00:31:48.180 --> 00:31:50.299
It hasn't been a silver bullet. No. And the comparison

00:31:50.299 --> 00:31:52.839
between Dallas, Texas and Chattanooga, Tennessee

00:31:52.839 --> 00:31:55.099
is really illuminating. Okay, let's bring that

00:31:55.099 --> 00:31:57.259
down. What happened in Dallas? Dallas was an

00:31:57.259 --> 00:31:59.700
early adopter, actually due to a court order

00:31:59.700 --> 00:32:02.940
related to a desegregation lawsuit. They implemented

00:32:02.940 --> 00:32:05.619
SAFMRs and the results were largely positive.

00:32:06.279 --> 00:32:08.559
Voucher holders actually started moving to...

00:32:08.859 --> 00:32:11.400
Better neighborhoods. The policy worked as intended.

00:32:11.599 --> 00:32:13.940
The extra money unlocked doors that were previously

00:32:13.940 --> 00:32:17.119
closed. Okay, so success story in Dallas. What

00:32:17.119 --> 00:32:19.859
went wrong in Chattanooga? In Chattanooga, the

00:32:19.859 --> 00:32:22.579
results were poor. Even with the higher voucher

00:32:22.579 --> 00:32:25.160
values for the nicer zip codes, tenants didn't

00:32:25.160 --> 00:32:27.660
or couldn't move. Why? If the money was there.

00:32:27.740 --> 00:32:30.640
If I hand you a check for $2 ,000, why can't

00:32:30.640 --> 00:32:33.160
you rent the $2 ,000 apartment? Because the units

00:32:33.160 --> 00:32:35.740
weren't there. Researchers found that the rental

00:32:35.740 --> 00:32:38.099
stock in the high opportunity areas of Chattanooga

00:32:38.099 --> 00:32:40.359
just didn't exist in the way it did in Dallas.

00:32:40.900 --> 00:32:43.220
The good neighborhoods were mostly single family

00:32:43.220 --> 00:32:46.039
homes occupied by owners, not renters, or the

00:32:46.039 --> 00:32:48.400
rental units that did exist had vacancy rates

00:32:48.400 --> 00:32:50.440
near zero. So there was literally nowhere to

00:32:50.440 --> 00:32:52.380
move to. Exactly. This is a crucial insight.

00:32:52.539 --> 00:32:54.059
You can throw money at the problem. You can say

00:32:54.059 --> 00:32:56.259
here's a voucher for a million dollars. But if

00:32:56.259 --> 00:32:58.960
there is no apartment to rent, the money is useless

00:32:58.960 --> 00:33:01.420
paper. So it highlights that Section 8 is a demand

00:33:01.420 --> 00:33:03.420
side solution. It gives people purchasing power,

00:33:03.559 --> 00:33:07.099
but it cannot fix a supply side problem. Precisely.

00:33:07.339 --> 00:33:10.440
If there is a structural lack of housing or if

00:33:10.440 --> 00:33:13.259
local zoning laws ban apartments in rich neighborhoods,

00:33:13.539 --> 00:33:16.059
vouchers can't conjure units out of thin air.

00:33:16.220 --> 00:33:18.940
So SAFMRs are a better tool, but they are not

00:33:18.940 --> 00:33:21.799
a magic wand. You still need the physical housing.

00:33:22.240 --> 00:33:24.539
What about the human element? We talked about

00:33:24.539 --> 00:33:27.339
landlords being scared of bureaucracy. Is there

00:33:27.339 --> 00:33:30.180
a fix for that? Yes. And it's a role that is

00:33:30.180 --> 00:33:33.259
becoming more and more common. The housing placement

00:33:33.259 --> 00:33:35.180
specialist or sometimes just housing specialist.

00:33:35.279 --> 00:33:38.019
The fixing. Basically. A researcher named Matthew

00:33:38.019 --> 00:33:40.319
Marr published a study on this in Los Angeles.

00:33:40.539 --> 00:33:43.880
He found that vouchers are just paper. To make

00:33:43.880 --> 00:33:45.900
them work in a tight competitive market, you

00:33:45.900 --> 00:33:48.460
need a human intermediary. What does a housing

00:33:48.460 --> 00:33:50.440
specialist actually do? Paint the picture for

00:33:50.440 --> 00:33:53.559
me. Imagine you are a voucher holder. You are

00:33:53.559 --> 00:33:55.700
nervous. Maybe you're not great at selling yourself

00:33:55.700 --> 00:33:58.079
to a skeptical landlord. The housing specialist

00:33:58.079 --> 00:34:00.759
acts as your broker and your advocate. They make

00:34:00.759 --> 00:34:03.019
the first call. They make the first call. They

00:34:03.019 --> 00:34:06.380
say, hi, I'm from XYZ Nonprofit. I represent

00:34:06.380 --> 00:34:08.199
a tenant with guaranteed government funding.

00:34:08.420 --> 00:34:10.800
I will handle the inspections. I will make sure

00:34:10.800 --> 00:34:13.039
the paperwork is perfect. If there's an issue,

00:34:13.179 --> 00:34:16.619
you call me, not a 1 -800 number at the housing

00:34:16.619 --> 00:34:18.940
authority. They de -risk the transaction for

00:34:18.940 --> 00:34:21.219
the landlord. They take the headache away. They

00:34:21.219 --> 00:34:24.980
soothe the landlord apprehension, which, as Marr

00:34:24.980 --> 00:34:27.440
points out in his research, is often rooted in

00:34:27.440 --> 00:34:30.199
racial stereotypes or just a fear of government

00:34:30.199 --> 00:34:33.480
red tape. Having a professional say, I am your

00:34:33.480 --> 00:34:36.199
single point of contact. I will handle this makes

00:34:36.199 --> 00:34:38.519
a huge difference. It seems like such a necessary

00:34:38.519 --> 00:34:40.760
layer. You can't just hand someone a complex

00:34:40.760 --> 00:34:42.980
federal document and say, good luck out there

00:34:42.980 --> 00:34:45.079
in the private market. No, especially not when

00:34:45.079 --> 00:34:46.780
the private market is looking for any reason

00:34:46.780 --> 00:34:49.860
to say no. The specialist turns the voucher from

00:34:49.860 --> 00:34:52.639
a potential burden into a simple, safe business

00:34:52.639 --> 00:34:54.960
opportunity for the landlord. So let's recap

00:34:54.960 --> 00:34:57.619
where we are. We've gone from the 1937 origins

00:34:57.619 --> 00:35:00.639
of building public housing towers to the modern

00:35:00.639 --> 00:35:03.659
Section 8 voucher, which tries to integrate low

00:35:03.659 --> 00:35:05.960
-income families into the private rental market.

00:35:06.219 --> 00:35:08.820
We look at the intense scarcity. The 20 -year

00:35:08.820 --> 00:35:10.780
waitlist that turned a safety net into a lottery,

00:35:10.900 --> 00:35:14.380
the complex math of imputed income that can penalize

00:35:14.380 --> 00:35:17.280
saving, the tension with landlords who have the

00:35:17.280 --> 00:35:20.179
ultimate power to say yes or no based on profit,

00:35:20.340 --> 00:35:23.800
and sometimes prejudice. And the controversies

00:35:23.800 --> 00:35:26.239
over whether this mobility spreads crime, which

00:35:26.239 --> 00:35:28.519
the best data says it doesn't, and the attempts

00:35:28.519 --> 00:35:30.900
to fix the system with zip code level pricing,

00:35:31.059 --> 00:35:33.320
which we've learned works only if the apartments

00:35:33.320 --> 00:35:36.219
actually exist to be rented. It is a massive,

00:35:36.400 --> 00:35:40.159
creaky... vital and deeply flawed machine. It

00:35:40.159 --> 00:35:42.179
really brings us back to that core tension we

00:35:42.179 --> 00:35:44.659
started with. The United States has decided as

00:35:44.659 --> 00:35:46.820
a matter of policy that we don't want to build

00:35:46.820 --> 00:35:49.139
government housing anymore. We want to use the

00:35:49.139 --> 00:35:51.039
private market. That's the path we've chosen.

00:35:51.260 --> 00:35:53.780
But the private market is driven by profit, not

00:35:53.780 --> 00:35:58.280
by charity. And Section 8 is the awkward bureaucratic

00:35:58.280 --> 00:36:00.719
handshake between those two completely different

00:36:00.719 --> 00:36:04.320
worlds. It is. It relies on private actors, landlords,

00:36:04.420 --> 00:36:07.150
to fulfill a public mission. And when those interests

00:36:07.150 --> 00:36:10.190
align, it works. It provides stability for millions

00:36:10.190 --> 00:36:13.289
of children, elderly folks, and veterans. But

00:36:13.289 --> 00:36:15.510
when they clash or when the housing supply just

00:36:15.510 --> 00:36:18.530
isn't there, the system leaves millions more

00:36:18.530 --> 00:36:21.110
waiting on a list that might never move. I want

00:36:21.110 --> 00:36:23.389
to leave the listener with a final thought, something

00:36:23.389 --> 00:36:27.449
to chew on. We call Section 8 a safety net. But

00:36:27.449 --> 00:36:30.010
if you fall off the tightrope and the net takes

00:36:30.010 --> 00:36:33.849
10 to 20 years to deploy, is it actually a safety

00:36:33.849 --> 00:36:36.349
net? Or is it something else entirely? That is

00:36:36.349 --> 00:36:38.090
the fundamental question. And I'd add another

00:36:38.090 --> 00:36:40.670
one. With the shift to small area fair market

00:36:40.670 --> 00:36:43.150
rents, we are trying to engineer opportunity

00:36:43.150 --> 00:36:45.590
by tweaking a spreadsheet. We're changing the

00:36:45.590 --> 00:36:48.130
numbers. But are we solving the root cause of

00:36:48.130 --> 00:36:50.570
segregation and poverty? Or are we just making

00:36:50.570 --> 00:36:52.809
the map more complicated? A heavy question. And

00:36:52.809 --> 00:36:54.710
here is a challenge for you listening right now.

00:36:54.929 --> 00:36:58.039
Go to Google. Look up HUD fair market rent for

00:36:58.039 --> 00:36:59.940
your specific zip code. You can find the data

00:36:59.940 --> 00:37:01.840
pretty easily. Look at the number they say a

00:37:01.840 --> 00:37:03.639
two bedroom apartment is worth. That's public

00:37:03.639 --> 00:37:06.179
information. Then go to Zillow or Craigslist

00:37:06.179 --> 00:37:08.760
or whatever you use and look at what apartments

00:37:08.760 --> 00:37:11.019
actually cost in your neighborhood. See if the

00:37:11.019 --> 00:37:13.599
math works. You might be very surprised by the

00:37:13.599 --> 00:37:16.059
gap. It's an eye opening exercise. It explains

00:37:16.059 --> 00:37:19.119
why so many vouchers, even after people get them,

00:37:19.239 --> 00:37:22.139
end up going unused. The money just isn't enough.

00:37:22.639 --> 00:37:25.179
That is it for this deep dive into Section 8.

00:37:25.219 --> 00:37:27.099
We hope you learned something new about the mechanics

00:37:27.099 --> 00:37:29.179
behind the headlines. Thanks for listening.
