WEBVTT

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Welcome back to The Deep Dive. Today, we're opening

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a file on a figure who is, I mean, technically

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classified as an economist, but that label, it

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just feels a little too small, maybe too rigid

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for the ground he covers. It really does. We

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are talking about Amartya Sen. Exactly. And the

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reason we've pulled this, well, this massive

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stack of research, we've got his biography, Poverty

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and Famines, Development as Freedom, the idea

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of justice. It's because Sen didn't just, you

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know. add a few formulas to the field, he essentially

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rewired its moral circuitry. That's a really

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good way to put it. Usually when we talk about

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economics, especially the classical kind, we're

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talking about the how. Right. How do we get growth?

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How do we move resources around efficiently?

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How do we balance supply and demand? All of that.

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Sen stepped back from the whole machine and asked

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a much simpler but much bigger question. Why?

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What's the point? What is the point of all this

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growth? I mean, if a country is rich in terms

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of its GDP, but its people aren't free. or they're

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dying from things we know how to prevent, does

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the money actually matter? It feels like the

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difference between being a mechanic, you know,

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tinkering with the engine, and being the architect

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who's actually designing the whole vehicle and

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deciding where it's even supposed to go. That's

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a perfect analogy. And to really understand the

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architecture he built, you have to look at the

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ground he stood on. Because his insights on famine,

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on gender inequality, on the very definition

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of poverty, they didn't come from a sterile textbook.

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No. They came from witnessing the very worst

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of what humanity can do to itself and then deciding

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that, well, that mathematics and rigorous logic

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could actually offer a solution. So that's our

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mission for this deep dive. We're going to trace

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that arc. We're going to look at how a boy raised

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in what was, frankly, a progressive bubble in

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Bengal ended up winning a Nobel Prize for proving,

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and I mean mathematically proving, that starvation

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is almost never about a lack of food. And we'll

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get into the liberal paradox, which is a real

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brain melter of a logic puzzle that challenges

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our basic ideas of freedom. And we'll also discuss

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why he thinks GDP is just a terrible, terrible

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way to measure a human life. We should probably

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address the nickname he got early on, the one

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you hear a lot in the media. He's often called

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the Mother Teresa of economics. Which, on the

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surface, sounds like this huge compliment. It

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implies, you know, compassion, maybe even sainthood,

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this deep care for the poor. Oh, it's definitely

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meant to be a compliment. It highlights his focus

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on poverty and inequality, which, believe me,

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was not the trendy topic in economics when he

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started his career. But Sen himself. He kind

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of chafes at it. He doesn't like it. No. He's

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the first to tell you he doesn't follow a lifestyle

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of dedicated self -sacrifice. He's not an ascetic.

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He enjoys a good glass of wine. He loves a really

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heated debate. He lives a very secular, very

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active life. So he's not a saint. He's a scholar.

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Precisely. And he believes that rigorous thinking,

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clear logic, does more for the poor in the long

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run than charity does. He's also been called

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the conscience of the profession. And I think

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that one fits a lot better. That feels more accurate.

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It is. He basically forced the entire profession

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to look up from their graphs and acknowledge

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the human reality behind the curves. OK, so let's

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start with that scholar part, because his origin

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story is famously intellectual. He was born in

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1933 in a place called Santiniketan in Bengal,

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which was then British India. And when you say

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born in Santiniketan, that carries a very specific

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weight in Indian history. It's something that

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might be lost on, say, a Western audience. It's

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not just a pin on a map? Not at all. Santiniketan

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wasn't just a town. It was an experiment. It

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was a university town. And it was established

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by Rabindranath Tagore. The poet. The first non

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-European to win the Nobel Prize in literature.

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The very same. Tagore was this massive looming

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figure in Sen's life. From day one. I mean, literally

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from day one. Tagore actually named him. He named

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him? Yes. He gave him the name Amartya, which

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in Bengali means immortal or heavenly. Wow. That

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is a tremendous amount of pressure to put on

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an infant. Here's your name, kid. Try to live

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up to a mortal. Right. But the pressure there

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wasn't academic in the way we think of it now,

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which is really the key to understanding Sen's

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mind. Sen went to Tagore's school. It was called

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Patha Bhavana. This school was, well... It was

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radically different from the British colonial

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education system that dominated India at the

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time. So the British system was all about being

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rigid, focused on rote memorization, incredibly

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competitive. Standardized testing, memorizing

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dates and names, that sort of thing. Exactly.

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Tagore's school despised all that. They hated

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exams. Aided them. The whole philosophy was that

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competitive testing kills curiosity. It makes

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you learn for the test, not for the love of knowledge.

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So they focused on cultural diversity. They held

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classes outdoors under the trees. And they taught

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students to see India not as an isolated colony,

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but as part of this larger global tapestry. So

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it's that foundation that gave him the. the flexibility

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to think outside the box later on. Sen credits

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it directly. He wasn't trained to just tick boxes.

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He was trained to ask if the boxes were even

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the right shape to begin with. He was taught

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to question the premise. It sounds like a liberal

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arts dream. But he did eventually pivot pretty

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hard into, you know, the hard sciences, math,

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economics. He did. But he carried that foundational

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flexibility with him. He was taught from a young

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age to look for the connections between disciplines,

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between math and philosophy, between ethics and

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history. Rather than just staying in one single

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silo. So he has this almost idyllic free -thinking

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foundation. But then, as it always does, the

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real world intrudes. And it intrudes in a pretty

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violent way. Two specific traumas seem to define

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his early life and really set him on his path.

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The first one is intensely personal. His health.

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Yes. This is when he's about 18 years old. He's

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a student at Presidency College in Calcutta.

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He's brilliant. He's young. He has a whole world

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ahead of him. And then he finds a lump in his

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mouth. And it wasn't just nothing. No, it was

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oral cancer. And you have to remember, this is

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the early 1950s. Cancer treatment wasn't anything

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like what it is today. The doctors gave him a

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truly grim prognosis. What were the odds? A 15

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% chance of living another five years. 15 %?

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I mean, that's essentially a death sentence for

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a teenager. How did he even handle that? I think

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most people, regardless of how smart they are,

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would just shut down or panic. Sin went to the

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library. Of course he did. It's a recurring thing

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with him. He didn't just passively accept what

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the doctors told him. He read up on the pathology

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of his specific carcinoma. He went through the

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medical texts himself. And he realized that the

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radiation treatment the doctors were kind of

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hesitant about was actually his only statistical

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shot at survival. So he advocated for his own

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treatment based on his own research to his own

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doctors as a teenager. He did. And you have to

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remember. Radiation back then was a very blunt

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instrument. It was risky. It was damaging. But

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he calculated the odds. He looked at it rationally.

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He realized that doing nothing was a guarantee

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of death and the radiation was a gamble. He took

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the gamble. That's just incredible agency for

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an 18 -year -old. It's almost like he treated

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his own life as an economic problem to be solved,

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weighing risks and probabilities and outcomes.

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It really shows his temperament, rationality

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over fear. And he survived, obviously. But that

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experience, that ticking clock. It just lit a

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fire under him. He went to Cambridge Trinity

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College and just tore through the curriculum.

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He was a prodigy. Absolutely. He finished his

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Ph .D. work so quickly that he was offered a

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department chairmanship back in India before

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he'd even technically graduated. This is the

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stat that always, always blows my mind. He was

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appointed to head the new economics department

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at Jadavpur University in Calcutta. How old was

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he at this point? He was 23. 23 years old. He

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was probably teaching students who were older

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than him. Almost certainly. And he was managing

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professors who were his seniors by decades. But

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there was this undeniable brilliance that people

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just recognized. He wasn't just reciting what

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was in the textbook. He was already pushing the

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boundaries of the entire field. Okay, so that's

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the first trauma. The brush with death. The prodigy.

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But then there's the second trauma. And this

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one seems to be the absolute key that unlocks

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his work on famine. It's the story of a man named

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Kedar Mia. This is. This is the rosebud moment

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for Amartya Sen. It happened a bit earlier, during

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the partition of India in 1947. Sen was just

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a boy, maybe 10 or 11, playing in the garden

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of his family home in Dhaka. And just for context,

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partition was the chaotic, incredibly bloody

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division of British India into India and Pakistan.

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It was a bloodbath. Communal violence between

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Hindus and Muslims was just... Rampant. I mean,

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people who had lived side by side for generations

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as neighbors were suddenly killing each other

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in the streets. A truly horrific time. Horrific.

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Sin's family was Hindu, living in a largely Inju

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neighborhood. So inside their compound walls,

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it was relatively safe. Relative being the key

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word there. Very much so. Suddenly the garden

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gate bursts open and a man stumbles in. He's

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bleeding profusely. He has been stabbed in the

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back with a knife. Oh my God. man was Kudair

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Mia, a Muslim day laborer. He had come into this

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hostile Hindu neighborhood knowing the risk.

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He had to. Sin's father rushed the man to the

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hospital, and the young Amartya Sen sat with

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him, gave him water. And even as a child, Sin

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had the presence of mind to ask him, why? Why

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did you come here? You knew the riots were happening.

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You knew this was a death trap for a Muslim man.

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And what did Kudair Mia say? As he was dying,

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he told the boy, I had no choice. My children

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had no food. That's haunting. It changed Sin's

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life forever. In that moment, he realized that

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Katermia didn't die simply because of religious

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hatred. That was the weapon, yes. The thug who

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stabbed him was driven by communal violence.

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But the cause, the fundamental reason Katermia

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was in that specific street at that specific

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moment was poverty. Because if he had had money,

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he could have stayed home where it was safe.

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Exactly. If Katermia had had a savings account,

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or even just a few days' worth of food in the

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pantry for his family, he could have stayed indoors.

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He would have been safe. Sen later gave this

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a name. He called it economic unfreedom. Economic

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unfreedom. That's a powerful phrase. The lack

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of economic freedom, that extreme poverty. Yeah.

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It forced him to trade his physical safety for

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the mere chance of earning a wage to feed his

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kids. And Sen realized right then that you cannot

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separate economics from ethics or from sociology

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or from basic human safety. Poverty isn't just

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a lack of money. It's a lack of freedom to survive.

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It strips you of the agency to make safe choices.

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Which leads us directly to 1981. This is the

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year Sen publishes Poverty and Famines, an essay

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on entitlement and deprivation. This is where

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he takes that gut -wrenching childhood realization

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and turns it into a rigorous mathematical economic

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proof. And he targets a very specific, very common

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sense idea. It's called the Food Availability

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Decline Hypothesis, or FAD for short. The FAD

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hypothesis, it sounds fancy, but as you said,

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it's just a common sense assumption most of us

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have. People are starving, therefore there must

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not be enough food. Seems logical, right? If

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I open my fridge and it's empty, I go hungry.

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So if a country's pantry is empty, the whole

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country goes hungry. Makes perfect sense. But

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Sen says it's wrong. He says it's dangerously

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simplistic. A country isn't a fridge. He went

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back and looked at the data from the Great Bengal

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Famine of 1943, a famine that killed between

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two and three million people. He had witnessed

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this as a child. He saw people dying on the roads

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of Calcutta. So he went back to the archives,

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to the records. He looked at the crop yields.

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He looked at the numbers. And what he found was

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stunning. He found that in 1943, the year of

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the famine, the total food supply in Bengal was

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only about 5 % lower than the previous five -year

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average. Only 5 %? That doesn't sound like enough

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to cause millions of deaths. It's not. But here

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is the real kicker. The food supply in 1943 was

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actually higher than it was in 1941. Wait, say

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that again? There was more food available in

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total during the famine year than there was two

00:12:11.710 --> 00:12:14.649
years prior in 1941. And there was no famine

00:12:14.649 --> 00:12:18.990
in 1941. So how is that possible? There was more

00:12:18.990 --> 00:12:21.710
food, but millions of people starved to death.

00:12:21.789 --> 00:12:24.230
That breaks the simple supply and demand logic.

00:12:24.470 --> 00:12:27.149
It shatters it. It proves that the problem wasn't

00:12:27.149 --> 00:12:29.289
a lack of supply. The food was physically there.

00:12:29.710 --> 00:12:32.549
So Sen introduced a new concept to explain why

00:12:32.549 --> 00:12:35.110
people couldn't get to it. He called it the entitlement

00:12:35.110 --> 00:12:37.269
approach. OK, we need to define that carefully

00:12:37.269 --> 00:12:39.669
because entitlement means something very different

00:12:39.669 --> 00:12:42.669
in modern political discourse. Very different.

00:12:42.809 --> 00:12:47.250
In Sen's economic terms, your entitlement is

00:12:47.250 --> 00:12:49.289
the set of all the different combinations of

00:12:49.289 --> 00:12:52.149
goods and services you can legally acquire. It's

00:12:52.149 --> 00:12:55.759
based on two things. What you own. He calls this

00:12:55.759 --> 00:12:58.860
your endowment, like your land or more likely

00:12:58.860 --> 00:13:01.159
just your ability to work and what the market

00:13:01.159 --> 00:13:03.600
will give you in exchange for that. So my labor

00:13:03.600 --> 00:13:05.740
is my endowment and my wage is what the market

00:13:05.740 --> 00:13:08.620
gives me for it. Exactly. And he says starvation

00:13:08.620 --> 00:13:10.559
happens when your entitlement set collapses.

00:13:10.940 --> 00:13:13.240
It's when you can no longer legally acquire enough

00:13:13.240 --> 00:13:15.860
food to live, regardless of how much food is

00:13:15.860 --> 00:13:17.960
actually sitting in the warehouses of the country.

00:13:18.120 --> 00:13:20.080
So how did that play out in the Bengal famine?

00:13:20.220 --> 00:13:22.639
If the rice was there, why couldn't people get

00:13:22.639 --> 00:13:26.740
it? It was what Sen called a boom famine. This

00:13:26.740 --> 00:13:28.879
is counterintuitive. World War II was raging.

00:13:29.139 --> 00:13:31.139
The British government was pouring money into

00:13:31.139 --> 00:13:33.519
Calcutta to fund the war effort. There was this

00:13:33.519 --> 00:13:36.000
massive industrial boom to support the military.

00:13:36.200 --> 00:13:38.419
So factories are humming. There's a lot of money

00:13:38.419 --> 00:13:40.580
in the city. A ton of money. Urban wages shot

00:13:40.580 --> 00:13:43.000
up. People in the city, factory workers, soldiers,

00:13:43.240 --> 00:13:45.419
government clerks, they had money. And they started

00:13:45.419 --> 00:13:48.200
buying rice, hoarding rice. So the demand in

00:13:48.200 --> 00:13:51.039
the city skyrocketed, driving prices way up.

00:13:51.240 --> 00:13:54.590
Exactly. But the rural landless laborers, the

00:13:54.590 --> 00:13:56.809
people like Catermia, the people who didn't own

00:13:56.809 --> 00:13:59.889
farms but just worked for a daily wage, their

00:13:59.889 --> 00:14:02.590
wages were fixed. They didn't get a raise. They

00:14:02.590 --> 00:14:04.850
were completely disconnected from this urban

00:14:04.850 --> 00:14:07.529
boom. So the price of their staple food goes

00:14:07.529 --> 00:14:10.190
up, but their income stays completely flat. And

00:14:10.190 --> 00:14:12.610
not just a little. The price of rice doubled,

00:14:12.750 --> 00:14:15.669
then tripled, then quadrupled in a very short

00:14:15.669 --> 00:14:18.809
time. Suddenly, a full day's labor, which used

00:14:18.809 --> 00:14:21.210
to buy your family two bowls of rice, now bought

00:14:21.210 --> 00:14:24.289
you a handful. Their purchasing power just evaporated.

00:14:24.370 --> 00:14:26.269
They didn't starve because the rest disappeared.

00:14:26.350 --> 00:14:29.029
They starved because the market mechanism literally

00:14:29.029 --> 00:14:31.350
priced them out of existence. That's it. Their

00:14:31.350 --> 00:14:33.309
entitlement to the food that was right there

00:14:33.309 --> 00:14:36.049
in their own country collapsed. That is a chilling,

00:14:36.149 --> 00:14:38.769
chilling realization. The market, in a sense,

00:14:38.909 --> 00:14:41.750
worked perfectly. It allocated the scarce resource

00:14:41.750 --> 00:14:44.370
rice to those with the most money. It just so

00:14:44.370 --> 00:14:46.769
happened that the result of that perfect allocation

00:14:46.769 --> 00:14:49.970
was mass death. And that is Sen's fundamental

00:14:49.970 --> 00:14:53.220
critique. You cannot just look at the total pile

00:14:53.220 --> 00:14:55.960
of food, the aggregate supply. You have to look

00:14:55.960 --> 00:14:58.559
at the mechanisms of distribution. Who has the

00:14:58.559 --> 00:15:01.360
entitlement to eat? Who has the economic power

00:15:01.360 --> 00:15:04.519
to command food in the market? That's the only

00:15:04.519 --> 00:15:06.759
question that matters. He took this a step further,

00:15:06.799 --> 00:15:09.580
though. He moved from pure economics to politics

00:15:09.580 --> 00:15:12.539
with a statement that is probably his most famous

00:15:12.539 --> 00:15:14.500
quote. I mean, I have seen this cited everywhere.

00:15:14.840 --> 00:15:17.240
Oh, yeah, this is the big one. No famine has

00:15:17.240 --> 00:15:19.080
ever taken place in the history of the world

00:15:19.080 --> 00:15:21.649
in a functioning democracy. It's an incredibly

00:15:21.649 --> 00:15:24.730
bold claim. The word never is a very strong word

00:15:24.730 --> 00:15:27.490
for a historian or an economist to use. It is.

00:15:27.570 --> 00:15:30.129
He's essentially daring historians to find a

00:15:30.129 --> 00:15:32.610
counterexample. Yeah. And so far it holds up

00:15:32.610 --> 00:15:35.429
remarkably well. He points to India before independence,

00:15:35.649 --> 00:15:37.909
regular devastating famines under British colonial

00:15:37.909 --> 00:15:40.909
rule. After India became a democracy in 1947,

00:15:41.289 --> 00:15:44.320
not one major famine. But why? Is there something

00:15:44.320 --> 00:15:46.399
magical about putting a ballot in a box that

00:15:46.399 --> 00:15:49.600
makes corn grow? It's not magic. It's about incentives

00:15:49.600 --> 00:15:53.740
and information. Sin argues that famines, technically

00:15:53.740 --> 00:15:55.740
speaking, are actually very easy to prevent.

00:15:56.100 --> 00:15:58.580
We know how to move food from one place to another.

00:15:58.759 --> 00:16:01.080
We know how to set up public works programs to

00:16:01.080 --> 00:16:03.759
give people cash to buy food. The problem is

00:16:03.759 --> 00:16:06.460
never technical. It's always a lack of political

00:16:06.460 --> 00:16:09.179
will. The government has to want to stop it.

00:16:09.259 --> 00:16:12.139
It has to be forced to want to stop it. In a

00:16:12.139 --> 00:16:14.279
democracy, you have an opposition party, you

00:16:14.279 --> 00:16:16.679
have newspapers, you have a free press. If people

00:16:16.679 --> 00:16:19.559
start dying in the streets from starvation, what's

00:16:19.559 --> 00:16:21.039
going to happen? It's going to be front page

00:16:21.039 --> 00:16:23.539
news. The opposition is going to scream about

00:16:23.539 --> 00:16:25.860
it in Parliament. The newspapers will run photos

00:16:25.860 --> 00:16:28.179
of starving children. The government will be

00:16:28.179 --> 00:16:30.440
hammered in the press and they will be summarily

00:16:30.440 --> 00:16:32.600
voted out in the next election. It's political

00:16:32.600 --> 00:16:34.940
suicide to ignore a famine. So the government

00:16:34.940 --> 00:16:37.820
has a selfish institutional survival instinct

00:16:37.820 --> 00:16:40.200
to stop the famine. They don't want to lose their

00:16:40.200 --> 00:16:43.230
jobs. Precisely. The fear of losing power forces

00:16:43.230 --> 00:16:46.269
them to act. Now, contrast that with an authoritarian

00:16:46.269 --> 00:16:49.289
regime. Take Mao's China during the Great Leap

00:16:49.289 --> 00:16:51.490
Forward. Where tens of millions of people died

00:16:51.490 --> 00:16:54.669
of starvation. Estimates go from 30 to 45 million.

00:16:54.909 --> 00:16:57.029
It's one of the worst famines in human history.

00:16:57.830 --> 00:17:00.029
Sen points out that the Chinese government didn't

00:17:00.029 --> 00:17:02.710
change its disastrous agricultural policies for

00:17:02.710 --> 00:17:05.589
three full years while people were dying. Why?

00:17:06.069 --> 00:17:08.210
Because they didn't have to. They didn't have

00:17:08.210 --> 00:17:11.309
to. Mao didn't face elections. There was no free

00:17:11.309 --> 00:17:14.089
press to report on the starvation. In fact, it

00:17:14.089 --> 00:17:17.170
was the opposite. Local officials were so terrified

00:17:17.170 --> 00:17:19.369
of the central government that they lied and

00:17:19.369 --> 00:17:21.730
reported record harvests to please the party.

00:17:21.849 --> 00:17:24.329
So there was no feedback loop, no truth telling

00:17:24.329 --> 00:17:26.829
mechanism. Mao could let 30 million of his own

00:17:26.829 --> 00:17:28.890
people die and still wake up the next morning

00:17:28.890 --> 00:17:31.150
as chairman of the Communist Party. He was completely

00:17:31.150 --> 00:17:33.630
insulated from the consequences of his own catastrophic

00:17:33.630 --> 00:17:36.640
failure. So things like free speech and a free

00:17:36.640 --> 00:17:39.539
press, they aren't just abstract civil liberties

00:17:39.539 --> 00:17:42.059
or, you know, nice things to have for political

00:17:42.059 --> 00:17:44.599
scientists to talk about. In Sen's view, they

00:17:44.599 --> 00:17:47.779
are literal insurance policies against mass starvation.

00:17:48.099 --> 00:17:50.420
That is the absolute core of his philosophy.

00:17:51.079 --> 00:17:54.099
Political rights are economic rights. You cannot

00:17:54.099 --> 00:17:56.500
separate them. You can't follow the model that

00:17:56.500 --> 00:17:59.220
says, let's fix the economy first and then we'll

00:17:59.220 --> 00:18:02.210
worry about democracy later. The democracy is

00:18:02.210 --> 00:18:04.569
the tool that fixes the economy when it breaks

00:18:04.569 --> 00:18:07.670
for the poorest people. This brings us perfectly

00:18:07.670 --> 00:18:11.009
to what he calls the capability approach. This

00:18:11.009 --> 00:18:13.930
is the intellectual framework he built to replace,

00:18:14.009 --> 00:18:16.630
or at the very least, to supplement GDP as our

00:18:16.630 --> 00:18:19.750
main measure of progress. Right. Because if you

00:18:19.750 --> 00:18:21.390
accept that you can have a rich country with

00:18:21.390 --> 00:18:23.630
a famine if the distribution is bad, then it

00:18:23.630 --> 00:18:26.430
immediately follows that GDP is a terrible, terrible

00:18:26.430 --> 00:18:29.660
scoreboard for human success. So standard economics

00:18:29.660 --> 00:18:33.400
looks at things like utility or income. Do you

00:18:33.400 --> 00:18:35.359
have a dollar in your pocket? Does it make you

00:18:35.359 --> 00:18:37.299
happy? Those are the traditional questions. Sen

00:18:37.299 --> 00:18:39.039
says those are the wrong questions. We shouldn't

00:18:39.039 --> 00:18:40.640
be asking what people have. We should be asking

00:18:40.640 --> 00:18:43.539
what are people capable of doing and being. Okay,

00:18:43.599 --> 00:18:46.240
so he makes this key distinction between functionings

00:18:46.240 --> 00:18:49.279
and capabilities. These sound like academic jargon,

00:18:49.279 --> 00:18:51.200
so let's really break them down into plain English.

00:18:51.420 --> 00:18:54.369
Let's do it. Think of functionings as the outcomes,

00:18:54.630 --> 00:18:56.470
the things you actually achieve in your life.

00:18:56.589 --> 00:18:59.309
Are you well -fed? Are you literate? Do you participate

00:18:59.309 --> 00:19:01.690
in your community? Are you healthy? Those are

00:19:01.690 --> 00:19:04.130
all functionings. They are states of being and

00:19:04.130 --> 00:19:06.609
doing. Okay. The end result, what you actually

00:19:06.609 --> 00:19:09.309
are. Right. Capabilities, on the other hand,

00:19:09.390 --> 00:19:11.730
are the freedoms you have to achieve those outcomes.

00:19:12.029 --> 00:19:14.970
It is the set of real, genuine opportunities

00:19:14.970 --> 00:19:18.089
you have to choose from. It's about choice. The

00:19:18.089 --> 00:19:20.670
classic example he uses to explain this is the

00:19:20.670 --> 00:19:23.109
difference between fasting and starving. Yes.

00:19:23.269 --> 00:19:25.490
And it's the perfect illustration. It's so clear.

00:19:26.089 --> 00:19:30.190
Imagine two people. Person A is a wealthy person

00:19:30.190 --> 00:19:33.210
who is fasting for religious reasons or maybe

00:19:33.210 --> 00:19:35.049
they're on a hunger strike for a political cause.

00:19:35.250 --> 00:19:38.369
OK. Person B is a destitute person who is starving

00:19:38.369 --> 00:19:41.049
because they have no money to buy food. Now,

00:19:41.190 --> 00:19:43.109
if we just look at them from a purely nutritional

00:19:43.109 --> 00:19:45.230
standpoint, if we measure their functioning of

00:19:45.230 --> 00:19:47.829
being nourished. They are identical. Both are

00:19:47.829 --> 00:19:50.769
hungry. Both are consuming zero calories. If

00:19:50.769 --> 00:19:52.950
your doctor just looks at the chart, it's the

00:19:52.950 --> 00:19:55.750
same. Their functioning is identical, but their

00:19:55.750 --> 00:19:58.430
capability is totally different. The person who

00:19:58.430 --> 00:20:01.150
was fasting chose not to eat. They had the option.

00:20:01.269 --> 00:20:03.029
They had the capability to eat. The food was

00:20:03.029 --> 00:20:05.390
available. They had the money. But they freely

00:20:05.390 --> 00:20:09.230
chose not to exercise that capability. The starving

00:20:09.230 --> 00:20:12.890
person had no such choice. Their capability set

00:20:12.890 --> 00:20:16.900
with respect to food was empty. So true freedom,

00:20:16.940 --> 00:20:18.980
true development isn't just about the outcome.

00:20:19.079 --> 00:20:21.980
It's about having the choice. Exactly. And for

00:20:21.980 --> 00:20:24.589
Sen. Development is the process of expanding

00:20:24.589 --> 00:20:27.109
those choices. It's not just about raising the

00:20:27.109 --> 00:20:30.089
average income. It's about removing the unfreedoms

00:20:30.089 --> 00:20:32.670
that restrict our choices. Things like illiteracy,

00:20:32.750 --> 00:20:34.789
lack of health care, lack of public transportation

00:20:34.789 --> 00:20:37.890
or a lack of basic civil rights. And it's interesting

00:20:37.890 --> 00:20:40.150
how he applies this to the so -called first world,

00:20:40.210 --> 00:20:42.549
too. It's not just a theory about poor countries.

00:20:42.769 --> 00:20:45.710
You can be rich in terms of income, but very

00:20:45.710 --> 00:20:49.170
poor in capabilities. Absolutely. He famously

00:20:49.170 --> 00:20:51.869
did this comparison of mortality rates. He looked

00:20:51.869 --> 00:20:53.950
at. African -American men in certain inner city

00:20:53.950 --> 00:20:56.329
areas in the U .S., like Harlem, and compared

00:20:56.329 --> 00:20:59.549
them to men in, say, Kerala, India, or in Bangladesh.

00:20:59.849 --> 00:21:02.109
And what did he find? He found that the men in

00:21:02.109 --> 00:21:05.309
Harlem, despite having a much, much higher income

00:21:05.309 --> 00:21:08.589
per capita than a peasant in Bangladesh, actually

00:21:08.589 --> 00:21:10.950
had lower life expectancies at certain ages.

00:21:11.190 --> 00:21:14.349
They were less likely to survive to age 40 or

00:21:14.349 --> 00:21:16.990
50. So they had more cash in their pockets, but

00:21:16.990 --> 00:21:20.490
less actual life. Less capability to live a long

00:21:20.490 --> 00:21:22.529
and healthy life. Because of the high risk of

00:21:22.529 --> 00:21:24.789
violence, the lack of access to quality health

00:21:24.789 --> 00:21:27.150
care, the chronic stress of systemic racism,

00:21:27.309 --> 00:21:29.750
all these things restricted their real freedom

00:21:29.750 --> 00:21:32.369
to flourish. So in terms of that specific capability,

00:21:32.650 --> 00:21:34.630
the ability to live a long, healthy life, the

00:21:34.630 --> 00:21:36.670
man in Kerala who was monetarily much poorer

00:21:36.670 --> 00:21:39.910
was actually richer. That completely reframes

00:21:39.910 --> 00:21:42.970
the whole developed versus developing world narrative.

00:21:43.049 --> 00:21:45.470
It stops being just about who has the most factories

00:21:45.470 --> 00:21:48.299
or the highest stock market. It completely changes

00:21:48.299 --> 00:21:50.740
the game. And it's why he was so instrumental

00:21:50.740 --> 00:21:53.460
in helping to create the Human Development Index,

00:21:53.680 --> 00:21:56.720
the HDI, for the United Nations. Right. That

00:21:56.720 --> 00:21:59.539
was with Mahbub Halek. Yes, the Pakistani economist

00:21:59.539 --> 00:22:01.700
who really spearheaded the HDI. He was a close

00:22:01.700 --> 00:22:05.380
friend of Sen. And Haque famously told Sen, we

00:22:05.380 --> 00:22:07.759
need a number that is just as vulgar as GDP,

00:22:07.980 --> 00:22:10.900
but stands for something better. As vulgar as

00:22:10.900 --> 00:22:14.309
GDP? I love that. He wanted a single, simple

00:22:14.309 --> 00:22:16.970
number that would force politicians to look at

00:22:16.970 --> 00:22:19.490
health and education, not just industrial output.

00:22:19.710 --> 00:22:22.410
And that's what the HDI does. It combines income

00:22:22.410 --> 00:22:25.690
with life expectancy and literacy rates. It's

00:22:25.690 --> 00:22:27.670
a direct application of the capability approach.

00:22:28.069 --> 00:22:30.029
OK, I want to pivot here to something of a bit.

00:22:30.509 --> 00:22:32.730
Well, a bit naughtier. We've talked about famine

00:22:32.730 --> 00:22:35.730
and freedom, which are big, tangible, gut -level

00:22:35.730 --> 00:22:38.970
concepts. But Sen is also a philosopher and a

00:22:38.970 --> 00:22:41.190
logician. He spent a lot of his career deep in

00:22:41.190 --> 00:22:43.109
the weeds of something called social choice theory.

00:22:43.349 --> 00:22:45.490
This is the stuff that gives economics graduate

00:22:45.490 --> 00:22:47.829
students nightmares. It really goes back to his

00:22:47.829 --> 00:22:50.230
time at Cambridge and his deep engagement with

00:22:50.230 --> 00:22:52.450
the work of people like Kenneth Arrow. So the

00:22:52.450 --> 00:22:54.930
basic question of social choice theory is what?

00:22:55.269 --> 00:22:58.490
How do we decide what society wants? I mean,

00:22:58.490 --> 00:23:00.049
we know what you want and we know what I want.

00:23:00.210 --> 00:23:02.430
But how do we aggregate all those individual

00:23:02.430 --> 00:23:06.109
preferences into a single coherent social choice?

00:23:06.369 --> 00:23:08.890
It sounds simple on the surface, right? Just

00:23:08.890 --> 00:23:11.109
take a vote. Majority rules. What's the problem?

00:23:11.849 --> 00:23:14.210
But Kenneth Arrow, in his famous impossibility

00:23:14.210 --> 00:23:16.609
theorem, proved that it's mathematically impossible

00:23:16.609 --> 00:23:19.150
to create a perfect voting system that satisfies

00:23:19.150 --> 00:23:23.240
just a few very basic common sense. fairness

00:23:23.240 --> 00:23:25.259
conditions. So you can't have a perfect system.

00:23:25.400 --> 00:23:28.480
I can't. And Sen took this already mind -bending

00:23:28.480 --> 00:23:30.700
idea and broke it even further with something

00:23:30.700 --> 00:23:32.940
called the liberal paradox, or sometimes just

00:23:32.940 --> 00:23:34.839
Sen's paradox. Okay, walk us through this slowly,

00:23:34.980 --> 00:23:37.220
the liberal paradox. All right. Sen proved mathematically

00:23:37.220 --> 00:23:39.559
that you cannot have a society that simultaneously

00:23:39.559 --> 00:23:42.559
respects two things we all think are good, minimal

00:23:42.559 --> 00:23:46.259
liberalism and Pareto efficiency. They are, in

00:23:46.259 --> 00:23:48.240
some cases, fundamentally incompatible. That

00:23:48.240 --> 00:23:50.500
sounds bad. Because we want both of those things.

00:23:50.660 --> 00:23:52.680
We want individual rights and we want socially

00:23:52.680 --> 00:23:55.420
efficient outcomes. We absolutely do. So let's

00:23:55.420 --> 00:23:58.440
define them clearly. Minimal liberalism just

00:23:58.440 --> 00:24:00.799
means that there is a personal sphere where an

00:24:00.799 --> 00:24:03.640
individual should get to decide, period. I get

00:24:03.640 --> 00:24:05.880
to decide what color shirt I wear. You get to

00:24:05.880 --> 00:24:07.880
decide what book you want to read in the privacy

00:24:07.880 --> 00:24:10.160
of your own home. Society shouldn't get a vote

00:24:10.160 --> 00:24:12.660
on my private matters. Seems completely reasonable.

00:24:12.980 --> 00:24:15.869
A basic right. And Pareto efficiency is also

00:24:15.869 --> 00:24:18.450
very simple. It just means that if everyone in

00:24:18.450 --> 00:24:22.549
society prefers option A to option B, then society

00:24:22.549 --> 00:24:25.299
as a whole should choose option A. Also seems

00:24:25.299 --> 00:24:27.779
totally reasonable. If every single person likes

00:24:27.779 --> 00:24:30.440
ice cream better than eating broken glass, society

00:24:30.440 --> 00:24:32.779
should definitely choose ice cream. Hard to argue

00:24:32.779 --> 00:24:34.980
with that. So these two principles both seem

00:24:34.980 --> 00:24:37.660
obviously good. Where does it all break down?

00:24:37.880 --> 00:24:39.980
This is where the example comes in. Right. Setney

00:24:39.980 --> 00:24:42.079
uses this brilliant little story. It's called

00:24:42.079 --> 00:24:45.039
the Luden Prude example. Imagine there's a single

00:24:45.039 --> 00:24:47.619
copy of a controversial book. Let's use the classic

00:24:47.619 --> 00:24:50.480
example. Lady Chatterley's Lover. And we have

00:24:50.480 --> 00:24:52.880
just two people in our society. Mr. Prude and

00:24:52.880 --> 00:24:55.380
Mr. Lude. Okay. Mr. Prude, I'm guessing, hates

00:24:55.380 --> 00:24:58.519
the book. He thinks it's filth. It's morally

00:24:58.519 --> 00:25:02.200
corrupting. His number one absolute first choice

00:25:02.200 --> 00:25:05.299
is that no one reads it. But, and this is the

00:25:05.299 --> 00:25:07.799
key, he thinks that if someone has to read it,

00:25:07.839 --> 00:25:10.299
he would rather read it himself. Why? To save

00:25:10.299 --> 00:25:13.319
Mr. Lude's soul from corruption. He sees it as

00:25:13.319 --> 00:25:15.579
a noble sacrifice. He doesn't want Lude to be

00:25:15.579 --> 00:25:18.259
exposed to this filth and enjoy it. So Prude's

00:25:18.259 --> 00:25:20.180
personal ranking of the three possible outcomes

00:25:20.180 --> 00:25:24.000
is, first, no one reads the book second prude

00:25:24.000 --> 00:25:26.920
reads the book third and worst of all lewd reads

00:25:26.920 --> 00:25:29.059
the book okay i follow that logic now what about

00:25:29.059 --> 00:25:31.599
mr lewd mr lewd as his name suggests is very

00:25:31.599 --> 00:25:34.200
keen to read the book but he's also a bit of

00:25:34.200 --> 00:25:37.000
a troll he thinks the idea of the uptight mr

00:25:37.000 --> 00:25:39.240
prude being forced to read this book is absolutely

00:25:39.240 --> 00:25:41.460
hilarious the thought of shocking him is just

00:25:41.460 --> 00:25:43.660
too delicious so lewd's personal ranking is first

00:25:43.660 --> 00:25:45.519
prude reads the book second lewd reads the book

00:25:45.519 --> 00:25:48.059
and third No one reads the book. All right, we

00:25:48.059 --> 00:25:50.000
have the rankings. Now let's apply our principles.

00:25:50.140 --> 00:25:52.859
Let's start with minimal liberalism. Minimal

00:25:52.859 --> 00:25:55.859
liberalism says there's a private sphere. So

00:25:55.859 --> 00:25:57.779
whether or not Mr. Lewd reads the book should

00:25:57.779 --> 00:26:00.319
be up to him. Let's compare the options Lewd

00:26:00.319 --> 00:26:04.829
reads and no one reads. Which does lewd prefer?

00:26:05.130 --> 00:26:08.069
He prefers to read it. So liberalism says society

00:26:08.069 --> 00:26:11.410
should prefer lewd reads over no one reads. Correct.

00:26:11.509 --> 00:26:13.950
Now let's look at Mr. Prude. Whether he reads

00:26:13.950 --> 00:26:16.329
it or not should be his business. Let's compare

00:26:16.329 --> 00:26:19.589
prude reads and no one reads. Which does prude

00:26:19.589 --> 00:26:21.829
prefer? He prefers that no one reads it. That's

00:26:21.829 --> 00:26:25.009
his number one choice. So liberalism says society

00:26:25.009 --> 00:26:27.920
should prefer no one reads. over prude reads.

00:26:28.099 --> 00:26:29.779
Exactly. So we have two liberal preferences.

00:26:30.160 --> 00:26:32.420
Lewd reads is better than no one, and no one

00:26:32.420 --> 00:26:34.839
is better than prude reads. Okay, but now comes

00:26:34.839 --> 00:26:37.519
Pareto efficiency, the if everyone agrees rule.

00:26:37.799 --> 00:26:39.960
Right. Let's look at the rankings again, and

00:26:39.960 --> 00:26:42.339
let's compare two specific outcomes, prude reads

00:26:42.339 --> 00:26:45.779
versus lewd reads. Okay. Mr. Prude prefers prude

00:26:45.779 --> 00:26:48.039
reads over lewd reads. That's his second choice

00:26:48.039 --> 00:26:50.859
versus his third. And what about Mr. Lewd? He

00:26:50.859 --> 00:26:54.420
also prefers prude reads over lewd reads. It's

00:26:54.420 --> 00:26:56.349
his first choice versus his second. They both

00:26:56.349 --> 00:26:58.430
agree. They both want prude to read the book

00:26:58.430 --> 00:27:00.410
more than they want lewd to read it. Everyone

00:27:00.410 --> 00:27:02.809
agrees. So our principle of Pareto efficiency

00:27:02.809 --> 00:27:06.170
says that society must choose prude reads over

00:27:06.170 --> 00:27:09.849
lewd reads. But wait, we're trapped. You see

00:27:09.849 --> 00:27:13.529
it. We have a logical loop. Liberalism says lewd

00:27:13.529 --> 00:27:16.490
reads is better than no one reads. And no one

00:27:16.490 --> 00:27:19.789
reads is better than prude reads. So by logic,

00:27:19.970 --> 00:27:22.910
lewd reads must be better than prude reads. But

00:27:22.910 --> 00:27:25.269
Pareto says prude reads is better than lewd reads.

00:27:25.509 --> 00:27:28.390
It's a contradiction, a paradox. It's a perfect

00:27:28.390 --> 00:27:30.730
mathematical proof that mind your own business

00:27:30.730 --> 00:27:33.170
and do what's best for the group can sometimes

00:27:33.170 --> 00:27:36.569
be direct enemies. It shattered this utopian

00:27:36.569 --> 00:27:39.109
idea that we can design a perfect social system

00:27:39.109 --> 00:27:41.690
that satisfies all our ethical intuitions at

00:27:41.690 --> 00:27:43.730
once. So what's the takeaway? That freedom is

00:27:43.730 --> 00:27:46.490
bad? No, not at all. Senster's point is that

00:27:46.490 --> 00:27:48.730
we have to make value judgments. We have to choose

00:27:48.730 --> 00:27:50.730
which rights and principles matter more in which

00:27:50.730 --> 00:27:53.210
context. Math won't save us from making hard

00:27:53.210 --> 00:27:55.529
ethical choices. It forces us to have a public

00:27:55.529 --> 00:27:57.849
debate and admit that we can't have it all, all

00:27:57.849 --> 00:28:00.390
the time. Speaking of ethics and hard numbers,

00:28:00.650 --> 00:28:02.630
let's talk about his work on gender inequality.

00:28:03.670 --> 00:28:07.950
In 1990, he dropped an absolute bomb on the academic

00:28:07.950 --> 00:28:10.289
and policy world with an article in the New York

00:28:10.289 --> 00:28:13.089
Review of Books. The title alone was a shock.

00:28:13.670 --> 00:28:16.490
It was called More Than 100 Million Women Are

00:28:16.490 --> 00:28:18.990
Missing. This was a seismic shift in how we talked

00:28:18.990 --> 00:28:21.549
about this issue. Before this article, gender

00:28:21.549 --> 00:28:23.890
inequality was usually discussed in terms of

00:28:23.890 --> 00:28:27.190
the wage gap or education levels or the glass

00:28:27.190 --> 00:28:30.170
ceiling in corporations. Sen made it about life

00:28:30.170 --> 00:28:32.390
and death. How did he even arrive at that number,

00:28:32.509 --> 00:28:34.589
100 million? It was actually a pretty straightforward

00:28:34.589 --> 00:28:37.049
but brilliant piece of demographic analysis.

00:28:37.430 --> 00:28:39.910
He looked at the ratio of women to men in different

00:28:39.910 --> 00:28:42.319
parts of the world. In Europe and North America,

00:28:42.480 --> 00:28:44.640
there are typically more women than men. The

00:28:44.640 --> 00:28:48.140
ratio is about 1 .05 women for every man. Why

00:28:48.140 --> 00:28:50.799
is that? Women just tend to be biologically hardier,

00:28:50.920 --> 00:28:53.480
they have survival advantage, they survive infancy

00:28:53.480 --> 00:28:55.819
at higher rates, and on average live longer than

00:28:55.819 --> 00:28:59.460
men. So that 1 .05 to 1 ratio is kind of the

00:28:59.460 --> 00:29:01.680
biological baseline in a neutral environment

00:29:01.680 --> 00:29:04.619
where both sexes get equal care. Okay, so that's

00:29:04.619 --> 00:29:06.900
what should happen. That's the biological norm.

00:29:07.559 --> 00:29:09.619
But when Sen looked at the population data for

00:29:09.619 --> 00:29:11.960
China, India and large parts of West Asia and

00:29:11.960 --> 00:29:14.839
North Africa, the ratio was inverted. There were

00:29:14.839 --> 00:29:17.539
significantly fewer women than men. In some places,

00:29:17.640 --> 00:29:20.759
it was as low as 0 .94 to 1. So he just calculated

00:29:20.759 --> 00:29:23.099
the difference. He calculated the gap between

00:29:23.099 --> 00:29:25.539
the expected number of women in those populations

00:29:25.539 --> 00:29:28.500
based on the Western ratio and the actual number

00:29:28.500 --> 00:29:31.359
of women that the census recorded. The shortfall

00:29:31.359 --> 00:29:34.380
was over 100 million. That is the combined population

00:29:34.380 --> 00:29:38.119
of the U .K. and France. Gone. Missing. Gone.

00:29:38.279 --> 00:29:40.380
He argued that these women were missing due to

00:29:40.380 --> 00:29:42.539
what he called the mortality impact of unequal

00:29:42.539 --> 00:29:45.099
rights. It wasn't just about birth rates, though

00:29:45.099 --> 00:29:47.200
that was part of it. It was about selective abortion

00:29:47.200 --> 00:29:49.680
of female fetuses, which was becoming possible

00:29:49.680 --> 00:29:52.079
with ultrasound technology. It was about female

00:29:52.079 --> 00:29:54.740
infanticide in some areas, but mostly it was

00:29:54.740 --> 00:29:57.279
about simple, grinding neglect. Neglect in what

00:29:57.279 --> 00:30:00.059
way? It's the accumulation of thousands of small,

00:30:00.160 --> 00:30:02.880
devastating decisions. Feeding the son first

00:30:02.880 --> 00:30:05.539
when food is scarce, taking the boy to the doctor

00:30:05.539 --> 00:30:08.299
right away when he has a fever, but waiting a

00:30:08.299 --> 00:30:10.299
day or two with the girl to see if she gets better

00:30:10.299 --> 00:30:13.700
on her own. Those small biases, multiplied over

00:30:13.700 --> 00:30:16.160
millions and millions of families, added up to

00:30:16.160 --> 00:30:18.970
a massive silent death toll. Now, this theory

00:30:18.970 --> 00:30:21.130
was challenged, right? Because that's how science

00:30:21.130 --> 00:30:23.490
works. I remember an economist, Emily Oster,

00:30:23.690 --> 00:30:26.230
offered a biological rebuttal some years later.

00:30:26.410 --> 00:30:29.349
Yes, and it was a very serious challenge. Emily

00:30:29.349 --> 00:30:31.750
Oster, who is a fantastic economist, published

00:30:31.750 --> 00:30:33.829
research arguing that high rates of hepatitis

00:30:33.829 --> 00:30:36.869
B in these same regions could explain the skewed

00:30:36.869 --> 00:30:39.789
sex ratio. Her argument was that women who carry

00:30:39.789 --> 00:30:43.430
hepatitis B are, for biological reasons, statistically

00:30:43.430 --> 00:30:46.130
more likely to give birth to boys. So for a while,

00:30:46.130 --> 00:30:48.210
it looked like Sen might have been wrong. That

00:30:48.210 --> 00:30:50.369
it was a virus, not sexism. It did. It was a

00:30:50.369 --> 00:30:52.990
major debate. But the story didn't end there.

00:30:53.130 --> 00:30:55.529
And this is a great example of science working

00:30:55.529 --> 00:30:58.549
as it should. To her immense credit, Oster continued

00:30:58.549 --> 00:31:01.329
her research. She gathered new and better data

00:31:01.329 --> 00:31:03.569
from China and other places. And she eventually

00:31:03.569 --> 00:31:06.490
realized that the prevalence of hepatitis B just

00:31:06.490 --> 00:31:08.750
wasn't high enough to explain the sheer magnitude

00:31:08.750 --> 00:31:12.190
of the gender gap. So she changed her mind. She

00:31:12.190 --> 00:31:15.579
publicly recanted her original conclusion. She

00:31:15.579 --> 00:31:17.200
wrote a follow -up explaining that her initial

00:31:17.200 --> 00:31:19.740
theory was wrong and that Sen's original point

00:31:19.740 --> 00:31:22.680
about social inequality and neglect was, in fact,

00:31:22.759 --> 00:31:25.440
largely correct. That takes a lot of intellectual

00:31:25.440 --> 00:31:28.920
integrity. It does. And in the end, it just reinforced

00:31:28.920 --> 00:31:31.519
the tragedy of Sen's finding. The women were

00:31:31.519 --> 00:31:34.519
missing because of how society valued them. or

00:31:34.519 --> 00:31:36.400
rather didn't value them. It goes right back

00:31:36.400 --> 00:31:38.460
to that capability idea we were talking about.

00:31:38.640 --> 00:31:40.880
If you are born a girl in some of these regions,

00:31:41.000 --> 00:31:43.740
your fundamental capability to simply exist is

00:31:43.740 --> 00:31:46.400
compromised from day one just because of your

00:31:46.400 --> 00:31:48.990
gender. And Sen is always quick to emphasize

00:31:48.990 --> 00:31:51.470
that this hurts everyone. It's not just a women's

00:31:51.470 --> 00:31:54.369
issue. It creates bride shortages. It fuels human

00:31:54.369 --> 00:31:56.609
trafficking. It distorts the labor market. It

00:31:56.609 --> 00:32:00.150
destabilizes society in profound ways. His point

00:32:00.150 --> 00:32:02.490
is always that freedom is interconnected. You

00:32:02.490 --> 00:32:04.990
can't suppress the rights and the very existence

00:32:04.990 --> 00:32:07.529
of half the population and expect the country

00:32:07.529 --> 00:32:10.099
as a whole to flourish. Let's zoom out a bit

00:32:10.099 --> 00:32:13.200
to his broader worldview on justice itself. In

00:32:13.200 --> 00:32:16.720
2009, he published a huge book called The Idea

00:32:16.720 --> 00:32:19.339
of Justice. And in it, he sort of picks a fight

00:32:19.339 --> 00:32:21.859
with another giant of 20th century political

00:32:21.859 --> 00:32:25.259
philosophy, John Rawls. He does. And taking on

00:32:25.259 --> 00:32:27.859
Rawls is no small thing. John Rawls is the veil

00:32:27.859 --> 00:32:30.279
of ignorance guy. His idea was a thought experiment.

00:32:30.950 --> 00:32:33.190
If you wanted to design a perfectly fair and

00:32:33.190 --> 00:32:35.170
just society, you should imagine that you're

00:32:35.170 --> 00:32:37.410
behind a veil of ignorance. You don't know where

00:32:37.410 --> 00:32:39.410
you'll land in that society. You don't know if

00:32:39.410 --> 00:32:41.970
you'll be rich or poor, male or female, smart

00:32:41.970 --> 00:32:44.190
or not so smart, healthy or sick. And because

00:32:44.190 --> 00:32:46.170
you don't know your own position, you'll design

00:32:46.170 --> 00:32:48.410
rules that are fair for everyone because you

00:32:48.410 --> 00:32:50.230
might end up at the very bottom of the pile.

00:32:50.529 --> 00:32:52.789
Exactly. It's a search for the perfect setup.

00:32:53.170 --> 00:32:57.150
The ideally just institutions. Sen has a name

00:32:57.150 --> 00:33:00.000
for this approach. He calls it... Transcendental

00:33:00.000 --> 00:33:03.059
institutionalism. And he thinks it's basically

00:33:03.059 --> 00:33:05.579
a waste of time. Waste of time. Who doesn't want

00:33:05.579 --> 00:33:08.579
perfection? Because, he argues, we can never

00:33:08.579 --> 00:33:11.599
actually agree on what perfect is. Is a perfect

00:33:11.599 --> 00:33:14.859
society libertarian? Is it socialist? Is it something

00:33:14.859 --> 00:33:16.940
else? We'll argue about it forever. And more

00:33:16.940 --> 00:33:18.619
importantly, we don't live in a philosophical

00:33:18.619 --> 00:33:20.900
classroom. We live in the real world with real

00:33:20.900 --> 00:33:23.180
injustices happening right now. So what's his

00:33:23.180 --> 00:33:26.170
alternative? He argues for what he calls a comparative

00:33:26.170 --> 00:33:28.410
approach. He says we shouldn't be asking what

00:33:28.410 --> 00:33:30.569
is the perfect society. We should be asking a

00:33:30.569 --> 00:33:32.950
much more practical question. Is this policy

00:33:32.950 --> 00:33:35.470
better than that policy? Does this action reduce

00:33:35.470 --> 00:33:38.309
injustice or does it increase it? So don't worry

00:33:38.309 --> 00:33:40.509
about designing utopia from scratch. Worry about

00:33:40.509 --> 00:33:43.150
whether raising the minimum wage or eliminating

00:33:43.150 --> 00:33:45.569
a specific discriminatory law makes our current

00:33:45.569 --> 00:33:48.150
society more just today than it was yesterday.

00:33:48.509 --> 00:33:51.390
Precisely. He borrows a concept from Adam Smith,

00:33:51.650 --> 00:33:54.490
the impartial spectator. It's about standing

00:33:54.490 --> 00:33:57.289
outside a specific situation and judging its

00:33:57.289 --> 00:34:00.170
fairness in a specific context, not trying to

00:34:00.170 --> 00:34:03.130
design a perfect machine from scratch. It's radical

00:34:03.130 --> 00:34:06.410
pragmatism. Sin wants to reduce injustice now,

00:34:06.690 --> 00:34:09.210
not wait for some theoretical consensus on the

00:34:09.210 --> 00:34:11.659
ultimate nature of the good. This pragmatism

00:34:11.659 --> 00:34:13.780
and his willingness to engage in very public

00:34:13.780 --> 00:34:16.559
debate seems to get him into hot water in the

00:34:16.559 --> 00:34:19.239
real world of politics. We can't really ignore

00:34:19.239 --> 00:34:21.860
his current standing in his home country of India.

00:34:22.000 --> 00:34:24.280
He has been very, very vocal about the current

00:34:24.280 --> 00:34:26.659
government. Yes, and we should report this carefully,

00:34:26.780 --> 00:34:29.380
just laying out the facts of the dispute. But

00:34:29.380 --> 00:34:32.519
the friction is undeniable. Sen has been a consistent

00:34:32.519 --> 00:34:35.239
and vocal critic of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's

00:34:35.239 --> 00:34:37.300
government. He has argued that the government

00:34:37.300 --> 00:34:39.239
has encouraged what he calls fear -mongering.

00:34:39.500 --> 00:34:41.400
And he brings it back to that core idea of his

00:34:41.400 --> 00:34:44.940
government by discussion. He always does. He

00:34:44.940 --> 00:34:47.539
says democracy isn't just about casting a vote

00:34:47.539 --> 00:34:49.599
every five years. That's just one small part

00:34:49.599 --> 00:34:53.139
of it. True democracy is the ability to discuss,

00:34:53.360 --> 00:34:56.519
to argue, to dissent without fear every single

00:34:56.519 --> 00:34:59.260
day. And he argues that if people are afraid

00:34:59.260 --> 00:35:01.619
to speak their minds or if the government labels

00:35:01.619 --> 00:35:04.960
any form of dissent as anti -national, then you

00:35:04.960 --> 00:35:06.679
don't really have a democracy anymore. You just

00:35:06.679 --> 00:35:08.679
have an election machine. He was also highly

00:35:08.679 --> 00:35:10.880
critical of the government's decision to revoke

00:35:10.880 --> 00:35:13.619
the special autonomous status of Kashmir. He

00:35:13.619 --> 00:35:15.619
was. He called the detention of local political

00:35:15.619 --> 00:35:19.679
leaders there a classic colonial excuse. His

00:35:19.679 --> 00:35:22.159
argument is that you cannot impose development

00:35:22.159 --> 00:35:25.420
or integration on a people at gunpoint. It has

00:35:25.420 --> 00:35:27.900
to be a democratic process that involves their

00:35:27.900 --> 00:35:30.440
consent and their participation. And the government

00:35:30.440 --> 00:35:32.539
and its supporters have pushed back pretty hard.

00:35:32.599 --> 00:35:34.460
There was the whole controversy surrounding the

00:35:34.460 --> 00:35:37.510
Lund University. Nalanda was a real passion project

00:35:37.510 --> 00:35:40.670
for Sen. The goal was to revive an ancient Indian

00:35:40.670 --> 00:35:42.809
center of learning, one of the world's first

00:35:42.809 --> 00:35:45.070
true universities, which had been destroyed centuries

00:35:45.070 --> 00:35:48.070
ago. Sen was appointed the first chancellor of

00:35:48.070 --> 00:35:50.179
the revived institution. But he didn't serve

00:35:50.179 --> 00:35:53.039
a second term. No. He withdrew his candidacy

00:35:53.039 --> 00:35:56.099
for a second term in 2015. He wrote a public

00:35:56.099 --> 00:35:58.199
letter to the board saying it was clear that

00:35:58.199 --> 00:36:00.119
the government wasn't enthusiastic about him

00:36:00.119 --> 00:36:02.260
continuing in the role. He felt the political

00:36:02.260 --> 00:36:04.679
pressure was making his position untenable. It's

00:36:04.679 --> 00:36:07.159
a sad irony, really. The man who wrote the book

00:36:07.159 --> 00:36:09.420
on the argumentative Indian finds himself being

00:36:09.420 --> 00:36:11.780
pushed out of the argument by the state. It's

00:36:11.780 --> 00:36:14.639
a profound irony, yes. So let's close by humanizing

00:36:14.639 --> 00:36:16.860
the man a little. We've talked about the brain,

00:36:17.079 --> 00:36:20.159
the theories, the Nobel Prize. But what about

00:36:20.159 --> 00:36:24.139
the person? He's in his 90s now and still going.

00:36:24.179 --> 00:36:26.880
And still working, still writing. He's a fascinating

00:36:26.880 --> 00:36:29.639
character. He's an explicit atheist, but one

00:36:29.639 --> 00:36:32.820
who deeply identifies with these skeptical, argumentative

00:36:32.820 --> 00:36:35.239
traditions within Hinduism. He's been married

00:36:35.239 --> 00:36:38.199
three times. His first wife was a very famous

00:36:38.199 --> 00:36:41.559
Bengali writer, Nabini Tadev Sen. His second

00:36:41.559 --> 00:36:44.139
wife was Eva Colorni, an Italian economist who

00:36:44.139 --> 00:36:46.860
tragically died of cancer at a young age. And

00:36:46.860 --> 00:36:49.179
he's currently married to Emma Rothschild, who

00:36:49.179 --> 00:36:51.519
is herself a very distinguished historian. And

00:36:51.519 --> 00:36:53.480
isn't one of his daughters a Bollywood actress?

00:36:53.880 --> 00:36:57.760
Yes, Nandana Sen. He's a man who has always lived

00:36:57.760 --> 00:36:59.780
in the world, not just in an academic library.

00:37:00.300 --> 00:37:03.219
He used to be famous for just cycling all around

00:37:03.219 --> 00:37:05.400
the town of Santa Nicotan, just peddling through

00:37:05.400 --> 00:37:07.780
the village, talking to people. His hobbies,

00:37:07.900 --> 00:37:11.300
he once said, were I read a lot and I like arguing

00:37:11.300 --> 00:37:14.500
with people. That sounds about right. So as we

00:37:14.500 --> 00:37:16.980
wrap up this deep dive, what is the one single

00:37:16.980 --> 00:37:19.039
idea that the listener should carry with them?

00:37:19.159 --> 00:37:22.559
We've covered so much ground from Bengal to Cambridge,

00:37:22.659 --> 00:37:26.559
from starvation to the liberal paradox. I think

00:37:26.559 --> 00:37:29.460
it's the redefinition of success. Sen's entire

00:37:29.460 --> 00:37:32.059
life's work teaches us that a successful life

00:37:32.059 --> 00:37:34.579
or a successful country isn't about the pile

00:37:34.579 --> 00:37:36.980
of stuff you possess. It's not about your income.

00:37:37.159 --> 00:37:39.599
It's about what you can do. It's about what you

00:37:39.599 --> 00:37:42.139
are free to be. Freedom is the ultimate metric.

00:37:42.219 --> 00:37:44.139
If you have money but you have no voice, you

00:37:44.139 --> 00:37:46.000
aren't developed. If you have plenty of food

00:37:46.000 --> 00:37:47.780
in the country but no security that you'll be

00:37:47.780 --> 00:37:50.139
able to access it, you aren't safe. Everything

00:37:50.139 --> 00:37:52.760
is connected. The interconnectedness of freedoms,

00:37:53.000 --> 00:37:55.840
political freedom, economic facilities, social

00:37:55.840 --> 00:37:58.039
opportunities, they aren't separate items on

00:37:58.039 --> 00:38:00.079
a checklist. They're all one single knot. And

00:38:00.079 --> 00:38:02.719
if you pull too hard on one string, if you decide

00:38:02.719 --> 00:38:04.619
to suppress free speech, for example, in the

00:38:04.619 --> 00:38:07.440
name of economic growth, the whole knot tightens,

00:38:07.440 --> 00:38:09.900
the circulation gets cut off, and eventually

00:38:09.900 --> 00:38:12.480
the entire system fails. That brings me to our

00:38:12.480 --> 00:38:15.239
final provocative thought for everyone to mull

00:38:15.239 --> 00:38:19.519
over. Sen defines democracy not as voting, but

00:38:19.519 --> 00:38:23.110
as... Government by discussion. And we are living

00:38:23.110 --> 00:38:25.809
in the noisiest, most information saturated era

00:38:25.809 --> 00:38:29.449
in human history. We have social media, 24 hour

00:38:29.449 --> 00:38:31.289
news, comment sections everywhere. We have more

00:38:31.289 --> 00:38:34.829
speech than ever. But are we discussing? That

00:38:34.829 --> 00:38:37.699
is the question, isn't it? Are we using our capability

00:38:37.699 --> 00:38:40.239
to reason with each other, to persuade, to listen?

00:38:40.599 --> 00:38:43.059
Or are we just shouting into our own echo chambers?

00:38:43.579 --> 00:38:46.239
Because if Sen is right, the moment we stop listening

00:38:46.239 --> 00:38:48.300
to the other side, the moment we lose the ability

00:38:48.300 --> 00:38:51.340
to argue, we aren't just being rude, we are actively

00:38:51.340 --> 00:38:53.579
dismantling the safety net that keeps us all

00:38:53.579 --> 00:38:55.440
alive. Something to think about the next time

00:38:55.440 --> 00:38:57.360
you're doom -scrolling. Thanks for joining us

00:38:57.360 --> 00:38:59.219
on the Deep Dive. Thank you. Keep arguing.
