WEBVTT

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Welcome back to the Deep Dive. We have waded

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through an enormous pile of sources, biographies,

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personal memoirs, declassified reports, and we're

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here to boil it all down. We want to give you

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the most vital, the most surprising insights

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without you having to read a thousand pages.

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Today, we're trying to get our heads around a

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figure who is just, I mean, the ultimate political

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enigma, Francois Mitterrand. France's longest

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serving president in office from 1981. all the

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way to 1995. But it's not just about the length

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of time he was in power. He was genuinely revolutionary.

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The first left -wing politician to actually win

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the presidency under the Fifth Republic. He completely

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redrew the political map. He did. But the story,

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and this is why we're doing this deep dive, it

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is not some simple linear rise to power. It's

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a story of profound, almost unbelievable contradictions.

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Right. And that is really the mission today,

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to get to the heart of this paradox. How does

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a man who starts his political life as a Catholic

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nationalist on the far right. Who works for the

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collaborationist Vichy regime. How does that

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man become a hero of the resistance and then

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later the leader who finally unites the Socialist

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Party and sweeps them into power. It's a career

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built on you could say strategic ambiguity. on

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secrets yeah so we're going to trace his entire

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political journey using all these sources from

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his conservative youth right up to his death

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yeah we want to understand what made him such

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a uniquely very french president okay so to understand

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the man you have to start at the beginning the

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foundation you do and his foundation is jarnak

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1916 a small town his family was uh devoutly

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catholic very traditional very conservative his

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father was a station master So not exactly a

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radical upbringing. And when he gets to Paris

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in 1934 for his studies, his politics reflect

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that completely. The sources are really clear

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on this. Oh, absolutely. He immediately falls

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in with the ultra -nationalist right. For about

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a year, he's a member of the Voluntaires Nationaux.

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And we should be clear, this isn't just a conservative

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student club. This was the youth wing of the

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Croix de Fou, a far -right league. A very aggressive

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political group. They were key participants in

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the February 1934 riots. The riots that actually

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brought down a left -wing government. And he

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wasn't just a member, was he? He was writing.

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He was writing articles for Le Show de Paris,

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a newspaper very close to those circles. So he's,

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you know, he's fully immersed. Biographers talk

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about him being at extremist rallies, demonstrations

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against what they call the invasion metech. A

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deeply xenophobic term for immigrants. Exactly.

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Now, later in life, Mitterrand would always try

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to... downplay this period. He'd say it was just,

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you know, the folly of youth, the environment

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he was in. But the evidence points to a much

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deeper commitment. Some reports even suggest

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he had connections through family and friends

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to members of La Cagu, which was an actual far

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right terrorist organization in the 30s, setting

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off bombs. I mean, this is the world he was in.

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So what happens? How does this guy steeped in

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ultra nationalism start to change? Is there a

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single moment? It seems to be less of a lightning

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bolt and more of a. a slow burn. And it starts

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with a person. Our sources all point to his friendship,

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starting around 1938, with a man named Georges

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Dayan. Who was a Jewish socialist? Right. And

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this close personal friendship seems to have

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forced Mitterrand to actually confront the anti

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-Semitic reactionary ideas he'd been surrounded

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by. It's a pattern you see with him again and

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again. He was a pragmatist, but he could be profoundly

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shaped by the people he was close to. no matter

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their politics. Then, of course, comes the war,

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the ultimate test for everyone in that generation.

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He's mobilized. He's a sergeant. And he's captured

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in June 1940. He spends the next year and a half

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as a prisoner of war in Stalag IXA. And this

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experience, he would later claim, was the real

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catalyst, the thing that finally pushed him to

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the left. That was his narrative. Yeah. After

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two failed attempts, he finally escapes in December

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1941 and makes his way back to unoccupied France.

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to Vichy France. And this is where it gets incredibly

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murky. This is the period that would haunt him

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for the rest of his life. It is, because instead

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of, say, trying to get to London to join de Gaulle,

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he gets a job, a mid -level civil service job

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in the Vichy administration. Which, as you said

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earlier, for an escaped POW, that's highly unusual.

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Very. First at the Legion for Combatants, then

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at the office for reclassifying POWs. Now, his

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defense was always that this was a cover, a way

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to do resistance work from the inside. And there

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is some evidence for that, right? He was working

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for a man who turned out to be a British spy.

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He was, Jean -Paul Favre de Thierry. So it's

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plausible he was helping with disinformation.

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But at the exact same time, he's publishing an

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article in a magazine called France, Revue de

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l 'Etat Nouveau. A Vichy propaganda magazine.

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Pure propaganda. This is why that term, Vichy

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-resistant, is so perfect. It was coined by the

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historian Jean -Pierre Azema to describe these

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figures who... You know, they accepted Pétain's

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authority at first, but then pivoted hard to

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the resistance later on. They were walking this

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incredible tightrope. And nothing illustrates

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that tightrope better than the Francis controversy.

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Oh, the Francisque. In the spring of 1943, he

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receives the Order of the Francisque. This was

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Vichy's highest honor. And getting, it wasn't

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just like getting a medal, was it? Not at all.

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To receive it, you had to swear a personal oath

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of loyalty to Marshal Pétain. You were formally

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committing yourself to the Vichy ideology. So

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how does he explain that? If he's a secret resistant,

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how does he justify swearing an oath to the head

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of a collaborationist state? Well, when this

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all came out in the 1950s, the story got very

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confused. At first, some said he denied it, that

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he was just nominated for it, but went into hiding

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before he could get it. But then a more convenient

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story emerged. A much more convenient story.

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A prominent socialist resistance leader, Jean

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-Pierre Bloch, came forward and claimed he actually

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ordered Mitterrand to accept the medal. As cover.

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As the ultimate deep cover. Which, if true, turns

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an act of collaboration into an act of heroic

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sacrifice. But the fact that such an elaborate

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defense was needed tells you everything, doesn't

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it? The suspicion never really went away. It

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never did. Biographers point to this period as

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Mitterrand having, you know, a foot in each camp.

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Until it was clear who was going to win. And

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look at his later actions. His continued friendship

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with René Bousquet, the Vichy police chief responsible

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for deporting Jews. His private wreath laying

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on Pétain's tomb. This wasn't just a youthful

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mistake. It was a lifelong ambiguity. An ambiguity

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that shaped his view of France's official history,

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even as president. In 1994, he was still insisting

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that the French Republic bore no responsibility

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for the deportation of the Jews. He was. He argued

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it was the work of Vichy France, which he claimed

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was his illegitimate entity, separate from the

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real France. He said, I do not believe France

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is responsible. A stance that his successors

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completely rejected. Forcefully. Jacques Chirac,

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in 95, gave that landmark speech acknowledging

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France's role, the French police who obeyed.

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And Macron went even further, saying it was indeed

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France that organized it. So Mitterrand's attempt

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to sanitize that history was systematically dismantled

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after he left office. OK, but by late 1943, that

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ambiguity ends. He is, without question, fully

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in the resistance. He is. He builds his own network,

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the RNPG, focused on gathering intelligence from

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POWs. This was real dangerous work. But even

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within the resistance, there was politics. His

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network was initially aligned with General Giroux,

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not de Gaulle. Right. And that put him on a collision

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course with the leader of the Free French from

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day one. De Gaulle had his own guy. He wanted

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to run the POW networks. Mitterrand, in a move

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that would define his career, refused to just

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step aside and merge his group. He wanted to

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be in charge. Theo always wanted to be in charge.

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Always. He eventually has to flee to London on

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a Lysander plane, using the code name Moreland,

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and then to Algiers. The merger happens, but

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Mitterrand ends up as the leader. And what about

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that first meeting with de Gaulle? Famously frosty.

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De Gaulle was deeply suspicious of this independent

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operator. The best story is from after the liberation.

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Mitterrand, being Mitterrand, just sort of occupies

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a vacant government ministry. De Gaulle hears

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about it and supposedly mutters, you again. and

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has him kicked out within two weeks. He saw him

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as a rival from the very beginning. Absolutely,

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a political animal. But before we leave the war,

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we have to mention his role at the very end,

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the liberation of the camps. Yes, in April 45,

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he's with the Allied forces at the liberation

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of Dachau. And he sees the absolute horror. But

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there's this deeply personal story in our sources.

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His friend, Robert Antelme, from his resistance

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network, is there. He's dying of typhus. And

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under quarantine, they weren't letting anyone

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out. Right. And Mitterrand... basically organizes

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his escape, smuggles him out, risks everything

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to get him back to France for medical treatment.

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It's the perfect illustration of the man, a cynical

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political operator who was also capable of incredible

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acts of personal loyalty and courage. So after

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the war, Mitterrand's rise is just meteoric.

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It's stunningly fast. He gets himself elected

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as a deputy in 1946 under a centrist banner,

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the RGR. And then in the chaotic Fourth Republic,

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he just collects cabinet posts. Eleven different

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ministerial portfolios. It's an incredible number.

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It speaks to his adaptability and the instability

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of the government. But the most significant and

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I think most damaging roles were tied to the

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Algerian War. He's interior minister in 1954,

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right at the start of the conflict. And that's

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when he makes that famous hardline statement.

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Algeria is France. No question of independence.

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But the real controversy comes when he's justice

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minister, from 56 to 57. Yes, under the socialist

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Prime Minister Guy Mollet. During his time as

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justice minister, the sources confirmed he approved

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the execution of 45 Algerian nationalists. He

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often recommended rejecting their requests for

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clemency. Forty five executions for a man who

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would later become famous for abolishing the

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death penalty. That is a staggering contradiction.

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It is. And critics like the writer Anthony Daniels

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were brutal about this. They basically said Mitterrand

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was for the death penalty when it was politically

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popular in the 50s and against it when public

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opinion shifted by the 80s. It points to a kind

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of ruthless opportunism. His principles often

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seem secondary to whatever was necessary for

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power. All right. So then comes 1958. The Fourth

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Republic collapses and General de Gaulle returns

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to power. This is a huge setback for Mitterrand.

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A massive one. He is one of the very few big

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names to oppose de Gaulle's return. He campaigns

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against the new constitution for the Fifth Republic

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and he loses his seat. This is the start of his

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so -called traversée du désert, his time in the

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political wilderness. But he uses that time,

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doesn't he? He reinvents himself. He does. He

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becomes the leading intellectual opponent of

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Gaullism. In 1964, he writes this incredibly

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influential book, Le Coup d 'Etat, The Permanent

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Coup. Which is just a brilliant takedown of the

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Fifth Republic's constitution. It is. He argues

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that de Gaulle has concentrated far too much

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power in the presidency, that he's weak in parliament.

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He basically frames the entire system as fundamentally

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undemocratic, and it makes him the ideological

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leader of the opposition. But during this period,

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there's also an incident that almost destroys

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him. The observatory affair. Ah, yes. 1959. Mitterrand

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claims he's the target of an assassination attempt.

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Says he had to dive behind a hedge to escape

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machine gun fire. It gets huge media coverage.

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But pretty quickly, people start to suspect he

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staged the whole thing. They do. The story seems

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a bit too convenient, a bit too dramatic. It

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casts this lasting shadow over his reputation.

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The whiff of cynicism of a man desperate for

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publicity, it really stuck to him for a while.

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So how does he survive that politically? A scandal

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like that would end most careers. He was just

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incredibly resilient. But the key moment comes

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in 1965 when he runs for president against de

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Gaulle. De Gaulle's advisors tell him, you know,

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use the observatory affair, finish him. And de

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Gaulle refuses. He refuses. He says. Vanously,

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it would be wrong to demean the office of the

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presidency since one day he, Mitterrand, may

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have the job. It's an incredible moment of foresight.

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De Gaulle recognized Mitterrand's stature, even

00:12:16.879 --> 00:12:19.580
with all the flaws. So that 1965 election, even

00:12:19.580 --> 00:12:21.799
though he loses, it really establishes him as

00:12:21.799 --> 00:12:24.100
the leader of the left, right? It does. He manages

00:12:24.100 --> 00:12:26.379
to unite a big chunk of the non -communist left

00:12:26.379 --> 00:12:29.379
and, crucially, forces De Gaulle into a second

00:12:29.379 --> 00:12:32.220
round runoff, which nobody expected. He proved

00:12:32.220 --> 00:12:34.669
that a unified left could actually compete. But

00:12:34.669 --> 00:12:37.049
the real masterstroke, the big power play, comes

00:12:37.049 --> 00:12:40.169
a few years later, the 1971 Epinay Congress.

00:12:40.490 --> 00:12:44.009
This is the pivotal moment. Mitterrand, who isn't

00:12:44.009 --> 00:12:45.750
even a lifelong member of the Socialist Party,

00:12:45.970 --> 00:12:48.769
basically executes a brilliant political takeover.

00:12:48.830 --> 00:12:51.509
A coup. A coup. He builds an alliance with the

00:12:51.509 --> 00:12:54.009
younger, more radical factions inside the party

00:12:54.009 --> 00:12:58.710
and ousts the old guard leader, Guy Mollet. His

00:12:58.710 --> 00:13:01.389
goal was to transform the old, weak Socialist

00:13:01.389 --> 00:13:04.309
Party into a disciplined machine that could take

00:13:04.309 --> 00:13:06.789
on the Gaullist state. And he gives that famous

00:13:06.789 --> 00:13:09.850
speech defining the new party. He does. He says,

00:13:09.950 --> 00:13:12.570
whoever does not accept the break with the established

00:13:12.570 --> 00:13:15.289
order, with capitalist society, cannot be an

00:13:15.289 --> 00:13:17.730
adherent of the Socialist Party. A very clear,

00:13:17.830 --> 00:13:20.980
very radical statement. It was a signal. And

00:13:20.980 --> 00:13:23.120
he immediately puts it into practice by forging

00:13:23.120 --> 00:13:24.919
an alliance with the French Communist Party,

00:13:25.019 --> 00:13:27.360
the PCF. They create the common program. The

00:13:27.360 --> 00:13:29.320
union of the left. And that's what makes him

00:13:29.320 --> 00:13:32.840
a real contender. That's the key. In 1974, running

00:13:32.840 --> 00:13:35.019
on that platform, he almost wins. He gets 49

00:13:35.019 --> 00:13:38.100
.19 % of the vote against Giscard this time.

00:13:38.299 --> 00:13:40.639
Giscard famously calls him a man of the past

00:13:40.639 --> 00:13:43.740
in their debate. He did. But Mitterrand had laid

00:13:43.740 --> 00:13:46.110
all the groundwork. He'd united the socialists

00:13:46.110 --> 00:13:48.529
and communists. And in doing so, he'd started

00:13:48.529 --> 00:13:50.649
the process of making the socialists the dominant

00:13:50.649 --> 00:13:53.769
force and beginning the long, slow decline of

00:13:53.769 --> 00:13:55.850
the Communist Party. So by the time we get to

00:13:55.850 --> 00:13:59.850
1981, his third attempt, he's perfected the image,

00:13:59.929 --> 00:14:04.029
the quiet force. Exactly. And he wins. He beats

00:14:04.029 --> 00:14:06.870
Giscard with nearly 52 percent of the vote. It

00:14:06.870 --> 00:14:09.570
was a political earthquake. After 23 years of

00:14:09.570 --> 00:14:12.049
the right in power, the left had finally won.

00:14:12.519 --> 00:14:14.480
Mitterrand hadn't just won an election. He had

00:14:14.480 --> 00:14:16.940
completely remade the French left. So Mitterrand

00:14:16.940 --> 00:14:19.320
comes to power in 81 and the atmosphere on the

00:14:19.320 --> 00:14:22.960
left is just. It's electric. Yeah. He appoints

00:14:22.960 --> 00:14:24.820
Pierre Marois as prime minister, gets a huge

00:14:24.820 --> 00:14:27.759
majority in parliament, and even puts four communists

00:14:27.759 --> 00:14:30.019
in his cabinet, which was a huge deal. And they

00:14:30.019 --> 00:14:32.259
just hit the ground running with this incredibly

00:14:32.259 --> 00:14:34.860
ambitious, radical program. Oh, immediately.

00:14:35.019 --> 00:14:37.919
The first two years are this full -throated Keynesian

00:14:37.919 --> 00:14:39.820
experiment. They're trying to boost the economy

00:14:39.820 --> 00:14:42.460
with massive public spending, totally going against

00:14:42.460 --> 00:14:44.240
the grain of what Thatcher and Reagan were doing

00:14:44.240 --> 00:14:46.129
elsewhere. Let's run through some of the changes

00:14:46.129 --> 00:14:49.509
because the pace is just staggering. It is. Economically,

00:14:49.570 --> 00:14:52.350
they nationalize huge swaths of the economy.

00:14:52.710 --> 00:14:56.029
Five major industrial groups, all the big private

00:14:56.029 --> 00:14:58.149
banks, insurance companies. And on the social

00:14:58.149 --> 00:15:01.129
front? A 10 % hike in the minimum wage right

00:15:01.129 --> 00:15:04.769
away. They bring in the 39 -hour work week, five

00:15:04.769 --> 00:15:07.629
weeks of paid holiday, and they create the solidarity

00:15:07.629 --> 00:15:11.200
tax on wealth aimed squarely at the rich. And

00:15:11.200 --> 00:15:14.259
legally, the changes were just as profound. Abolishing

00:15:14.259 --> 00:15:16.679
the death penalty. That was a huge symbolic victory.

00:15:16.919 --> 00:15:19.080
They got rid of special state security courts,

00:15:19.139 --> 00:15:22.200
a massive regularization of undocumented immigrants.

00:15:22.360 --> 00:15:24.320
And just pumping money into the welfare state.

00:15:24.440 --> 00:15:27.159
Huge amounts. Pensions went up. Social benefits

00:15:27.159 --> 00:15:29.179
increased. They brought in retirement at age

00:15:29.179 --> 00:15:30.879
60. I mean, it was a complete transformation

00:15:30.879 --> 00:15:33.799
of the social and economic landscape. It sounds

00:15:33.799 --> 00:15:37.120
amazing, but also completely unsustainable. How

00:15:37.120 --> 00:15:39.659
long could that possibly last? Not long. Two

00:15:39.659 --> 00:15:43.700
years. By March of 1983, it all comes to a screeching

00:15:43.700 --> 00:15:46.500
halt. Mitterrand is forced into what the French

00:15:46.500 --> 00:15:50.100
call the tonneau de la rigueur, the turn to austerity.

00:15:50.159 --> 00:15:52.659
So what went wrong? The stimulus just overheated

00:15:52.659 --> 00:15:55.399
the economy. Inflation was soaring, the trade

00:15:55.399 --> 00:15:57.840
deficit was massive, and they had to devalue

00:15:57.840 --> 00:16:01.059
the franc three times. France was bleeding money

00:16:01.059 --> 00:16:03.360
and becoming isolated. He had to choose between

00:16:03.360 --> 00:16:06.000
his socialist program and France's place in Europe.

00:16:06.279 --> 00:16:08.840
That's exactly it. To stay in the European monetary

00:16:08.840 --> 00:16:11.659
system, which he saw as vital, he had to slam

00:16:11.659 --> 00:16:14.139
on the brakes. He abandoned the radical spending

00:16:14.139 --> 00:16:16.700
and pivoted to fighting inflation and fiscal

00:16:16.700 --> 00:16:18.820
restraint. That must have been a crushing blow

00:16:18.820 --> 00:16:21.179
for his supporters, a total betrayal for some.

00:16:21.340 --> 00:16:24.159
How did he survive it politically? It was classic

00:16:24.159 --> 00:16:26.539
Mitterrand. He was a pragmatist. He framed it

00:16:26.539 --> 00:16:28.899
not as an ideological defeat, but as a necessary

00:16:28.899 --> 00:16:32.320
choice for Europe. And this is key. He protected

00:16:32.320 --> 00:16:35.600
the social gains. The 39 -hour week, the five

00:16:35.600 --> 00:16:38.279
weeks of holiday, retirement at 60, those stayed.

00:16:38.419 --> 00:16:41.120
He kept the social architecture, even as he changed

00:16:41.120 --> 00:16:43.340
the economic engine. Okay, and right after this

00:16:43.340 --> 00:16:45.559
U -turn, one of the biggest scandals of his presidency

00:16:45.559 --> 00:16:48.519
erupts. The sinking of the Rainbow Warrior. Yes,

00:16:48.600 --> 00:16:51.740
1985. The Greenpeace ship is in Auckland, New

00:16:51.740 --> 00:16:54.019
Zealand, getting ready to protest French nuclear

00:16:54.019 --> 00:16:57.139
tests. And Mitterrand authorizes French intelligence,

00:16:57.440 --> 00:17:01.299
the DGSE, to... Well, to sink it. State -sponsored

00:17:01.299 --> 00:17:03.519
terrorism is what it was. They plant two mines

00:17:03.519 --> 00:17:06.539
on the hull. The ship sinks, and a photographer,

00:17:06.759 --> 00:17:08.880
Fernando Pereira, is killed. The New Zealand

00:17:08.880 --> 00:17:12.000
government was, understandably, furious. And

00:17:12.000 --> 00:17:13.640
the mid -Iran government's first response was

00:17:13.640 --> 00:17:15.799
to deny everything. But then the Kiwis arrest

00:17:15.799 --> 00:17:19.119
two DGSE agents, and the whole story unravels.

00:17:19.119 --> 00:17:21.880
The defense minister has to resign. France pays

00:17:21.880 --> 00:17:24.509
millions in compensation. And it was later confirmed

00:17:24.509 --> 00:17:26.650
that Mitterrand himself gave the green light.

00:17:26.769 --> 00:17:29.049
Yes. The head of the DGSE at the time confirmed

00:17:29.049 --> 00:17:31.769
it years later. Mitterrand personally authorized

00:17:31.769 --> 00:17:34.109
the operation. The responsibility goes right

00:17:34.109 --> 00:17:37.369
to the top. This all leads to the 1986 legislative

00:17:37.369 --> 00:17:40.349
elections, which the right wins. And Mitterrand

00:17:40.349 --> 00:17:42.430
has to appoint his arch rival Jacques Chirac

00:17:42.430 --> 00:17:45.609
as prime minister. The first cohabitation. An

00:17:45.609 --> 00:17:48.250
unprecedented situation. And Mitterrand plays

00:17:48.250 --> 00:17:50.710
it like a chess master. He keeps control of foreign

00:17:50.710 --> 00:17:53.710
policy and defense, his reserve domain. And uses

00:17:53.710 --> 00:17:56.569
his presidential powers to just block Chirac

00:17:56.569 --> 00:17:59.650
at every turn on domestic policy. Systematically.

00:17:59.990 --> 00:18:02.769
Chirac wants to pass reforms by decree to speed

00:18:02.769 --> 00:18:06.279
things up. Mitterrand refuses to sign them. He

00:18:06.279 --> 00:18:08.539
forces Chirac to go through the slow parliamentary

00:18:08.539 --> 00:18:11.819
process, which gives the opposition time to organize.

00:18:12.119 --> 00:18:15.359
He even reportedly secretly encouraged the student

00:18:15.359 --> 00:18:17.579
protests against Chirac's university reforms.

00:18:17.960 --> 00:18:21.180
He did. He positioned himself as the wise protector

00:18:21.180 --> 00:18:23.759
of the nation against Chirac's divisive policies.

00:18:24.160 --> 00:18:27.559
And it worked. By the 1988 presidential election,

00:18:27.759 --> 00:18:30.259
Mitterrand's popularity was high again, and he

00:18:30.259 --> 00:18:32.980
easily won reelection against a bruised and battered

00:18:32.980 --> 00:18:35.660
Chirac. So his second term, he starts off strong.

00:18:35.799 --> 00:18:38.819
He does. And there's a real focus on consolidating

00:18:38.819 --> 00:18:41.619
the social safety net. The biggest achievement

00:18:41.619 --> 00:18:44.079
here is the creation of the RMI, the minimum

00:18:44.079 --> 00:18:46.500
income for the poorest citizens. It's a landmark

00:18:46.500 --> 00:18:48.700
piece of welfare legislation. He also brings

00:18:48.700 --> 00:18:50.599
back some of the policies Chirac had gotten rid

00:18:50.599 --> 00:18:52.720
of. Right. The solidarity tax on wealth comes

00:18:52.720 --> 00:18:55.720
back immediately, and he passes the Gaysot Act

00:18:55.720 --> 00:18:58.599
in 1990, which makes Holocaust denial a crime.

00:18:58.819 --> 00:19:01.259
And this is also the period of his grand architectural

00:19:01.259 --> 00:19:04.400
projects, the Grands Projects. Yes, he wanted

00:19:04.400 --> 00:19:07.640
to leave a physical mark on Paris and on France.

00:19:08.519 --> 00:19:11.299
The Louvre Pyramid is the most famous one, but

00:19:11.299 --> 00:19:13.940
also the Grand Arche de la Défense, the Bastille

00:19:13.940 --> 00:19:16.980
Opera, the new National Library. These were more

00:19:16.980 --> 00:19:18.819
than just buildings, weren't they? They were

00:19:18.819 --> 00:19:21.450
statements. about French culture, about presidential

00:19:21.450 --> 00:19:24.690
power. He quadrupled the National Museum budget.

00:19:24.970 --> 00:19:27.509
He saw the state as the great patron of the arts.

00:19:27.809 --> 00:19:30.450
And he used that power to reshape the capital

00:19:30.450 --> 00:19:33.269
in his image. But the politics of his second

00:19:33.269 --> 00:19:36.809
term got messy. Very messy. He goes through a

00:19:36.809 --> 00:19:39.230
series of prime ministers. Edith Cresson, the

00:19:39.230 --> 00:19:41.450
first woman to hold the job, doesn't last long.

00:19:41.690 --> 00:19:44.170
Then Pierre Bergavoy, whose government suffers

00:19:44.170 --> 00:19:46.549
a catastrophic defeat in the 93 election. The

00:19:46.549 --> 00:19:49.019
left just gets wiped out. Annihilated. which

00:19:49.019 --> 00:19:51.259
leads to the second cohabitation, this time with

00:19:51.259 --> 00:19:53.220
Edward Balladur as prime minister. But this one

00:19:53.220 --> 00:19:54.619
was different from the first one with Chirac.

00:19:54.799 --> 00:19:57.720
Much less confrontational. By this point, Midran's

00:19:57.720 --> 00:20:00.519
health was failing. He was also deeply affected

00:20:00.519 --> 00:20:02.900
by Bera Gavoy's suicide shortly after the election

00:20:02.900 --> 00:20:05.839
loss. So he mostly stuck to foreign affairs and

00:20:05.839 --> 00:20:08.660
let Balladur run the country until his term ended

00:20:08.660 --> 00:20:13.119
in 1995. So, after 14 years, what's the verdict

00:20:13.119 --> 00:20:16.460
on his domestic policy? The radical dream died

00:20:16.460 --> 00:20:19.460
in 83. What was left? What was left, and this

00:20:19.460 --> 00:20:22.000
is what the sources emphasize, was a strong welfare

00:20:22.000 --> 00:20:25.579
base underpinned by a strong state. He fundamentally

00:20:25.579 --> 00:20:27.779
reoriented the French economy towards Europe,

00:20:27.900 --> 00:20:30.400
but he preserved that social safety net. And

00:20:30.400 --> 00:20:33.400
what about inequality? It's a mixed picture.

00:20:33.559 --> 00:20:36.059
But some major reports from the time showed that

00:20:36.059 --> 00:20:39.200
France, unlike the U .S. or the U .K., had actually

00:20:39.200 --> 00:20:41.880
managed to contain the rise in income inequality

00:20:41.880 --> 00:20:44.180
during that period. He balanced the books, but

00:20:44.180 --> 00:20:46.279
he didn't dismantle the welfare state to do it.

00:20:46.519 --> 00:20:48.980
OK, let's turn to foreign policy, because this

00:20:48.980 --> 00:20:50.700
is where you really see Mitterrand's strategic

00:20:50.700 --> 00:20:53.859
mind at work, especially on Europe. Absolutely.

00:20:54.099 --> 00:20:56.140
His relationship with the German chancellor,

00:20:56.259 --> 00:20:58.779
Helmut Kohl, was the central pillar of his foreign

00:20:58.779 --> 00:21:01.380
policy. They built an incredibly strong Franco

00:21:01.380 --> 00:21:03.640
-German partnership. And the biggest test of

00:21:03.640 --> 00:21:06.019
that partnership came when the Berlin Wall fell.

00:21:06.319 --> 00:21:08.859
German reunification. Mitterrand was nervous

00:21:08.859 --> 00:21:11.299
about that, wasn't he? Deeply nervous. He was

00:21:11.299 --> 00:21:13.200
worried a bigger, more powerful Germany would

00:21:13.200 --> 00:21:16.220
dominate Europe and sideline France. So he makes

00:21:16.220 --> 00:21:19.279
a deal, a huge strategic bargain. He does. He

00:21:19.279 --> 00:21:22.319
tells Kohl essentially, I will support German

00:21:22.319 --> 00:21:25.299
reunification, but there is a price. And that

00:21:25.299 --> 00:21:28.539
price was Germany giving up its most powerful

00:21:28.539 --> 00:21:31.680
symbol of economic strength, the Deutsche Mark.

00:21:31.859 --> 00:21:34.930
In exchange for a single European currency. The

00:21:34.930 --> 00:21:37.509
euro. Exactly. He used the leverage he had at

00:21:37.509 --> 00:21:40.490
that one specific moment to lock Germany into

00:21:40.490 --> 00:21:43.349
a much deeper European integration. It was a

00:21:43.349 --> 00:21:47.049
brilliant, incredibly high stakes move. And it's

00:21:47.049 --> 00:21:48.930
what ultimately paved the way for the Maastricht

00:21:48.930 --> 00:21:51.130
Treaty, which created the modern European Union.

00:21:51.250 --> 00:21:54.150
Beyond Europe, he also tried to change France's

00:21:54.150 --> 00:21:56.309
relationship with its former colonies in Africa.

00:21:56.410 --> 00:21:59.980
The Le Bal speech in 1990. Right. This was supposed

00:21:59.980 --> 00:22:02.039
to be a turning point. He stood up and said that

00:22:02.039 --> 00:22:03.960
from now on, French aid would be linked to democratic

00:22:03.960 --> 00:22:06.460
progress, free elections, multi -party systems.

00:22:06.680 --> 00:22:08.519
It sounds good on paper. Did it work in practice?

00:22:08.920 --> 00:22:11.539
It was. Complicated. A lot of African leaders

00:22:11.539 --> 00:22:13.440
weren't happy about it. And it was a massive

00:22:13.440 --> 00:22:15.380
contradiction at the heart of his Africa policy,

00:22:15.599 --> 00:22:18.220
personified by his own son. You're talking about

00:22:18.220 --> 00:22:21.720
Rwanda. I am. Throughout the early 90s, Mitterrand's

00:22:21.720 --> 00:22:24.059
government was providing huge amounts of military

00:22:24.059 --> 00:22:26.819
and financial support to a Hutu -led government

00:22:26.819 --> 00:22:29.480
of Rwanda. Support that was often channeled through

00:22:29.480 --> 00:22:32.259
a special Africa cell at the Laze Palace run

00:22:32.259 --> 00:22:35.740
by his son, Jean -Christophe. That's right. France

00:22:35.740 --> 00:22:38.200
helped train and arm the Rwandan army, which

00:22:38.200 --> 00:22:41.180
expanded massively with French help. And after

00:22:41.180 --> 00:22:44.440
the 1994 genocide, this support came under intense

00:22:44.440 --> 00:22:47.380
scrutiny. It remains one of the darkest chapters

00:22:47.380 --> 00:22:49.759
of his foreign policy legacy. And that brings

00:22:49.759 --> 00:22:52.339
us to the secrets. The hidden life that Mitterrand

00:22:52.339 --> 00:22:55.220
protected with all the power of the state, starting

00:22:55.220 --> 00:22:57.720
with his health. He hid his prostate cancer for

00:22:57.720 --> 00:23:00.240
almost the entire time he was president, 14 years.

00:23:00.440 --> 00:23:02.980
He had his doctor, Claude Gubler, issue fake

00:23:02.980 --> 00:23:04.960
health reports to the public. It's an incredible

00:23:04.960 --> 00:23:07.460
deception, but it pales in comparison to the

00:23:07.460 --> 00:23:10.700
illegal wiretapping. It does. Between 1982 and

00:23:10.700 --> 00:23:14.119
1986, Mitterrand set up a special anti -terrorist

00:23:14.119 --> 00:23:17.220
cell inside the Elysee Palace. But this cell

00:23:17.220 --> 00:23:19.900
operated completely outside the law. No judicial

00:23:19.900 --> 00:23:22.420
oversight. Nothing. And they tapped thousands

00:23:22.420 --> 00:23:25.940
of phone calls. Over 3 ,000 conversations involving

00:23:25.940 --> 00:23:29.200
about 150 people. And while the official reason

00:23:29.200 --> 00:23:32.960
was anti -terrorism, the real reason, as a court

00:23:32.960 --> 00:23:35.980
later found, was to protect Mitterrand's secrets.

00:23:36.319 --> 00:23:38.500
Which were what exactly? Two main things. First,

00:23:38.660 --> 00:23:41.500
anything related to his murky past in Vichy.

00:23:41.900 --> 00:23:44.839
And second, the existence of his illegitimate

00:23:44.839 --> 00:23:48.079
daughter, Mazarin Pinjo. which he had kept hidden

00:23:48.079 --> 00:23:50.700
from the public for years. So he was using the

00:23:50.700 --> 00:23:53.640
security services as his own private protection

00:23:53.640 --> 00:23:56.299
squad. Precisely. They were tapping journalists

00:23:56.299 --> 00:23:58.259
who were digging into the Rainbow Warrior affair,

00:23:58.420 --> 00:24:00.980
but also writers and others who he feared might

00:24:00.980 --> 00:24:03.420
reveal the existence of Mazarin. It was a massive

00:24:03.420 --> 00:24:05.240
abuse of power. And did he get away with it?

00:24:05.380 --> 00:24:08.319
Not entirely. It took decades. But in 2005, a

00:24:08.319 --> 00:24:10.519
court finally ruled on the case. Several members

00:24:10.519 --> 00:24:12.720
of the unit were convicted, and the court named

00:24:12.720 --> 00:24:14.740
Mitterrand as the inspirator and essentially

00:24:14.740 --> 00:24:16.660
the controller of the whole illegal operation.

00:24:16.960 --> 00:24:19.299
And we should also briefly mention the Irba scandal.

00:24:19.759 --> 00:24:22.839
Yes, a big corruption scandal involving illegal

00:24:22.839 --> 00:24:25.900
financing for the Socialist Party. And just as

00:24:25.900 --> 00:24:27.740
the investigation was getting close to the top,

00:24:27.859 --> 00:24:30.460
what does Mitterrand do? He declares a political

00:24:30.460 --> 00:24:32.660
amnesty, effectively shutting the whole thing

00:24:32.660 --> 00:24:35.480
down. Another example of him placing himself

00:24:35.480 --> 00:24:37.880
and his party above the law. Mitterrand finally

00:24:37.880 --> 00:24:41.500
leaves office in 1995. He dies not long after,

00:24:41.579 --> 00:24:44.339
in January 1996, from the cancer he'd hidden

00:24:44.339 --> 00:24:47.259
for so long. And even in his final days, he was

00:24:47.259 --> 00:24:49.619
a figure of defiance and contradiction. That

00:24:49.619 --> 00:24:52.319
famous last meal. The Ordholden Buntings. These

00:24:52.319 --> 00:24:54.980
tiny protected songbirds. It's illegal to hunt

00:24:54.980 --> 00:24:57.380
them, illegal to eat them, and for his last big

00:24:57.380 --> 00:24:59.680
meal, he has them served to his closest friends

00:24:59.680 --> 00:25:02.519
and family. A final act of defiance against convention.

00:25:02.880 --> 00:25:06.119
A final, symbolic breaking of the law. It's so

00:25:06.119 --> 00:25:08.339
perfectly Mitterrand. The great lawmaker, the

00:25:08.339 --> 00:25:10.559
statesman, choosing to end his life with this

00:25:10.559 --> 00:25:13.259
very private, very deliberate transgression.

00:25:13.460 --> 00:25:15.839
But his funeral was a huge state affair, a national

00:25:15.839 --> 00:25:18.839
day of mourning. It was. Dozens of heads of state

00:25:18.839 --> 00:25:21.619
came, representatives from over 170 countries.

00:25:21.799 --> 00:25:23.880
It showed the stature he had achieved on the

00:25:23.880 --> 00:25:27.220
world stage. So when you look back, how do you

00:25:27.220 --> 00:25:30.160
balance the ledger on Mitterrand? It's so difficult.

00:25:30.240 --> 00:25:32.730
The achievements are monumental. abolishing the

00:25:32.730 --> 00:25:35.329
death penalty, anchoring France and Europe, building

00:25:35.329 --> 00:25:37.930
the modern welfare state, consolidating the Socialist

00:25:37.930 --> 00:25:40.890
Party. That deal over German reunification and

00:25:40.890 --> 00:25:43.369
the euro, that alone shaped the continent for

00:25:43.369 --> 00:25:45.890
decades. It did. But then you have the dark side,

00:25:46.089 --> 00:25:49.349
the Vichy past, the executions during the Algerian

00:25:49.349 --> 00:25:52.779
War. the rainbow warrior, the illegal wiretaps.

00:25:52.859 --> 00:25:55.019
We've seen that even after the austerity turn,

00:25:55.140 --> 00:25:58.200
he managed to preserve that core idea of a strong

00:25:58.200 --> 00:26:00.859
French state with a robust social safety net.

00:26:00.980 --> 00:26:03.059
He brought the left to power and kept it there.

00:26:03.180 --> 00:26:05.339
He did. So that leaves us with a final question,

00:26:05.420 --> 00:26:07.440
really. We've seen this man drag France into

00:26:07.440 --> 00:26:10.240
a progressive modern era. But to protect himself,

00:26:10.359 --> 00:26:13.579
to protect his past, he used secret police tactics.

00:26:13.779 --> 00:26:16.460
He put himself above the law. So when we evaluate

00:26:16.460 --> 00:26:18.539
a leader like this, how do we weigh the good

00:26:18.539 --> 00:26:21.220
at the historic policy achievements against the

00:26:21.220 --> 00:26:24.599
profound ethical and legal failures? And that's

00:26:24.599 --> 00:26:26.240
the provocative thought we want to leave you

00:26:26.240 --> 00:26:29.759
with. Can profound democratic progress ever truly

00:26:29.759 --> 00:26:32.359
excuse a leader's decision to disregard the rule

00:26:32.359 --> 00:26:34.259
of law when it gets in the way of their own self

00:26:34.259 --> 00:26:36.759
-preservation? The life of Francois Mitterrand

00:26:36.759 --> 00:26:38.700
suggests that that might be the most unsettling

00:26:38.700 --> 00:26:39.859
political question of all.
