WEBVTT

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OK, let's unpack this. We are diving deep into

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the life of Golda Meir, a figure who is, I mean,

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maybe one of the most paradoxical and defining

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leaders of the 20th century. Absolutely. For

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so many, she's the iron lady of Israeli politics,

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you know, a foundational state builder and the

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nation's first and still only female prime minister.

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But that paradox is exactly what we need to get

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into. Right. Because while she's lionized for,

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say, establishing the Israeli welfare state or

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raising the money that literally made independence

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possible. And signing the Declaration of Independence

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itself. Exactly. But she is also at the same

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time widely blamed for what was probably one

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of the most painful strategic failures in Israeli

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history. The surprise attack that kicked off

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the Yom Kippur War in 1973. That's the one. That

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is just an incredible, complex balance to strike.

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And so our mission today, it's not just a timeline.

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It's a real exploration of this monumental career.

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We're synthesizing her journey from, you know,

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a frightened immigrant child to a global stateswoman.

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focusing on those key decisions. The surprising

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personal facts and really the complex political

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math that underpinned everything she did, the

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successes and the failures. And we're pulling

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from a whole range of sources to give you, the

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listener, a full detailed grasp of her legacy.

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We want to go beyond just what she did and really

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analyze why she made these impossible decisions.

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Especially in the crucible of state formation

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and war. Because those choices, they continue

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to shape the region to this day. To understand

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the uncompromising Golda Meir, we have to start

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at the beginning. We have to go back to the circumstances

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of her birth in the Russian Empire. Right. Golda

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Mabovich, born in Kiev, which is present -day

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Ukraine, in 1898. Her father was a carpenter,

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Moshe Yitzhak Mabovich. The family was. Well,

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they were struggling. And her earliest memory,

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the one she writes about in her autobiography,

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it's just chilling. It tells you everything.

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It really does. It sets the stage for her entire

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worldview. She remembered being about five years

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old and watching her father and the neighbors

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boarding up the front door. Just nailing planks

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of wood over the door. Because there were rumors

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of an imminent pogrom. An anti -Jewish riot.

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Can you even imagine that being your first memory?

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Watching your father try to physically barricade

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your family against this random existential violence.

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It makes her later obsession with security and

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self -reliance completely understandable. It

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frames everything. And that fear was just compounded

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by loss. She had two surviving sisters, Shana

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and Zipke. But five other siblings died in infancy,

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which really speaks to the instability of life

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at that time in the pale of settlement. It was

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a brutal environment. Survival was not a given.

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So the decision to leave wasn't really a choice.

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It was a necessity. Completely. Her father moved

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first to New York City in 1903, but then he settled

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in Milwaukee, Wisconsin by 1905. He got work

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in a railroad yard. And the rest of the family,

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Golda, her sisters, her mother, Bloom, they joined

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him a year later. They did. They arrived in Quebec,

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took a train to Milwaukee, and her American life

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began with just this immediate heavy dose of

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responsibility. They ran a small grocery store

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to make ends meet, right? Her mother did, on

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the north side. And young Golda, who was just

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eight years old, was often left in charge of

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the whole shop. At eight years old? Mm -hmm.

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When her mother went out to buy supplies or,

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you know, take care of other business, Golda

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ran the store. That's not a childhood. That's

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an immediate apprenticeship in... In practical

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leadership and problem solving. Absolutely. And

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managing the public. It wasn't just about bagging

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groceries. It was handling money, customer relations,

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all in a very demanding immigrant neighborhood.

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You can see how that would forge a certain kind

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of pragmatism in a person from a very young age.

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Oh, what an incredible organizational muscle.

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And this is where we see the first little political

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spark. She's at Fourth Street Grade School, which,

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by the way, was later renamed the Golda Meir

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School. As it should be. In 1908, she and a friend.

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Regina Hamburger organized something called the

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American Young Sisters Society. It sounds like

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a social club, but it had a very specific, ambitious

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goal. It did. It was a fundraiser to buy textbooks

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for classmates who couldn't afford them. So this

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wasn't just charity. You know, this was recognizing

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a systemic problem in her little world and organizing

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a political solution for it. And she didn't just

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pass a hat around. No. She and her friend rented

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a hall. They scheduled a public meeting for the

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event. She's 10 years old at this point. 10 years

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old, taking on a major civic organizational task.

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You can already see the instinct to move from

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an idea to real public action. She was already

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the future Iron Lady in miniature. Seeing a problem

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and just mobilizing resources to fix it, no matter

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the scale. But the real intellectual explosion,

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that came a bit later. That came in Denver. In

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1913, she moved to live with her married sister,

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Sheena Korngold. And Sheena's home was this intellectual

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crucible. The sources describe these intense

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evenings at their house, right? Not just casual

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chats. No, these were debates. Immigrants, students,

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activists, all arguing passionately about Zionism,

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literature, trade unionism, women's suffrage.

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It was a complete immersion course in progressive,

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socialist, and nationalist thought. And Mare

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herself said how important this was. She did.

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She wrote in her autobiography that those talk

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-filled nights in Denver played a considerable

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role in shaping her convictions. It was there

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she fully embraced labor Zionism. Which is the

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idea that the Jewish national home had to be

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built on socialist egalitarian principles tied

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to the land and the working class. Exactly. And

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that ideological commitment was immediately followed

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by a personal one. She met Morris Meyerson, a

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sign painter, a devoted socialist. And they married

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in 1917. But the marriage came with a condition.

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A non -negotiable political prerequisite, which

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just speaks volumes. They had to make a Leah.

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They had to settle in Palestine. She was done

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with the fragility of Europe, done with relying

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on American goodwill. She was going to go build

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her own world. So that commitment was honored.

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And this is the start of the next phase of her

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life, the state building phase. In 1921, Golda

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and Morris immigrate to Mandatory Palestine.

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They eventually get accepted into Kibbutz Merhavia

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in the Jezreel Valley. But they were rejected

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at first, right? They were. The Kibbutz members

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were worried they looked too bourgeois, too American.

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But once they were in, she just dove into the

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physical labor, picking almonds, planting trees,

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working in the chicken coops. She wasn't an armchair

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activist. She was physically building the socialist

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ideal she believed in. But the movement, it turned

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out, needed her brain more than her hands. The

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Kibbutz quickly realized her organizational talent

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was far more valuable than her manual labor.

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So they chose her as their representative to

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the Histadrut. And that is a huge turning point.

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The Histadrut, the General Federation of Labor,

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it was so much more than a trade union. Oh, it

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was the shadow government. It controlled infrastructure,

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housing, economic development, even military

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recruitment. It was the state -in -waiting. And

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her rise within this powerful structure was fast.

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Very fast. By 1934, she's on the executive committee.

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She's head of its political department. This

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was her national apprenticeship. She learned

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negotiation, large -scale administration, everything

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she'd need later. This period also brings her

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face to face with international apathy in a really

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profound way. The Evian Conference in 1938. She

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travels to France as the Jewish observer from

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Palestine. The conference was called by FDR to

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discuss the crisis of Jewish refugees fleeing

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the Nazis. And the outcome was just devastating.

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Delegates from 32 countries expressed sorrow,

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deep sorrow. But almost universally refused to

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admit the refugees. The world offered words,

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not safety. The one exception was the Dominican

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Republic, which just underscored the global failure.

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And this is where we see that childhood fear

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connecting to her adult political persona. She

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has this aha moment. Right then and there, she

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told the press, That one quote. It's the entire

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philosophy of Israeli real politics. We rely

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on ourselves. We stop asking for charity. We

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start building security. And that sentiment was

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put to the test almost immediately. Yes. June

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1946. Operation Agatha. The British arrest a

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huge chunk of the Jewish agency leadership, including

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Mosheret. And suddenly, Golda Meir is thrust

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into the role of acting head of the political

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department. For two critical years leading up

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to 1948, she's the main negotiator with the British.

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And the most pressing issue wasn't diplomacy.

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It was money. As the War of Independence loomed,

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the Jewish agency was desperately broke. They

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needed a massive war chest for weapons, for food,

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for everything. And the treasurer, the professional,

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was deeply pessimistic. He thought they could

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raise at most maybe $7 or $8 million from American

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Jews. That was the expert consensus. And Golda

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Meir just decided the experts were wrong. In

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January 1948, she goes on a fundraising tour

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to the U .S. Her appeal was incredibly direct,

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wasn't it? Very. She told audiences, And the

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response was just staggering. She raised over

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$30 million on that first tour. $30 million.

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To put that in perspective, that's nearly 15

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times what the opposing Arab Hire Committee had

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for their entire annual budget. It was foundational.

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And her combined efforts brought in around $90

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million, which Ben -Gurion later said was about

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a third of the war's entire cost. He wrote that

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her role as the Jewish woman who got the money

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which made the state possible would go down in

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history. It wasn't just fundraising. It was financially

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enabling survival. And with the funds being secured,

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she moves right into high stakes secret diplomacy

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just before the fighting broke out. The meeting

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with King Abdullah I of Jordan. The only Arab

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leader they thought might maybe ally with them

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or at least stay neutral. The first meeting in

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November 47 went well. It was cordial, promising,

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but the political situation just deteriorated

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so quickly after the UN partition plan. And that

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second meeting, just days before independence,

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it's like something out of a spy novel. It really

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is. Abdullah refused to meet her safely, so Meir

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agrees to travel to Amman, deep inside Transjordan,

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secretly. Disguised as an elderly Arab woman.

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She risked everything. She asked him about his

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earlier promise to stay out of the fight, and

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his response was just tragic. He told her he

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was no longer his own man. He was one of five,

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referring to the Arab elite. He was forced to

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invade. He proposed a compromise, that the Jewish

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territory be integrated into a larger Jordanian

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state with some representation. But she refused

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to compromise on sovereignty. The talks failed.

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War was now inevitable. And just three days later,

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on May 14, 1948, she's in Tel Aviv. one of only

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two women among the 24 signatories of the Israeli

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Declaration of Independence. She said she cried

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afterward, realizing that after all the talking,

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they're finally real people doing something real.

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So Israel is independent and immediately at war.

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Golda's work transitions instantly into governance.

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Her first official role, though, is a bit surprising.

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Ambassador to the Soviet Union. Right. An ironic

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and frustrating post for her. She was born in

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Kiev, but spoke no Russian. And she desperately

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wanted to be in Israel helping with the war.

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But the role was geopolitically vital. And we

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should mention a fun fact here. During her fundraising,

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she was issued the very first Israeli passport.

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That's right. And while the ambassadorship was

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frustrating, it gave her one of the most powerful

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emotional moments of her entire career. The visit

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to the Moscow Coral Synagogue. On Rosh Hashanah,

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October 1948. It turned into this massive, impromptu

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demonstration. 50 ,000 Russian Jews poured into

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the streets just to see her. Chanting, Nasha

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Golda, our Golda. She said she was caught in

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a torrent of love so strong that it had literally

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taken my breath away. That scene was so iconic,

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it was later put on the 10 ,000 shekel banknote.

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But diplomatically, the job was a dead end. Stalin

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was cracking down on Jewish institutions, on

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emigration. She felt she accomplished very little.

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So she pushed her return. And by early 1949,

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she did. She ran for the first Nesset, won, and

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Ben -Gurion offers her deputy prime minister.

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In a classic Golda move, she turns it down. She

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did. She found the role too vague, too ceremonial.

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She wasn't a coordinator, she was a builder.

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An executor. She wanted a job with real direct

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power to get things done. Exactly. So instead

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she chose the Ministry of Labor. And she called

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the next seven years from 49 to 56 her seven

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beautiful years. Which seems like a strange thing

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to call such a stressful period. But it was where

00:12:52.399 --> 00:12:55.519
she could apply her socialist ideology and organizational

00:12:55.519 --> 00:12:59.779
skills most directly. This was the period of

00:12:59.779 --> 00:13:03.200
massive aliyah. Millions of new immigrants arriving.

00:13:03.820 --> 00:13:06.320
Many with nothing. And she becomes the state's

00:13:06.320 --> 00:13:08.740
chief social engineer. Her ministry was responsible

00:13:08.740 --> 00:13:10.919
not just for jobs, but for physically housing

00:13:10.919 --> 00:13:13.960
them. The scale is hard to comprehend. We're

00:13:13.960 --> 00:13:15.820
talking about initiating the construction of

00:13:15.820 --> 00:13:18.899
200 ,000 apartments and 30 ,000 houses in just

00:13:18.899 --> 00:13:22.220
seven years. Massive road construction. She was

00:13:22.220 --> 00:13:24.440
literally building the physical reality of the

00:13:24.440 --> 00:13:27.340
state and the welfare state, too. Yes. She was

00:13:27.340 --> 00:13:29.340
its architect. Yeah. The finance ministry was

00:13:29.340 --> 00:13:31.779
constantly complaining about the cost. But she

00:13:31.779 --> 00:13:33.879
pushed through Social Security, paternity benefits,

00:13:34.080 --> 00:13:36.399
accident insurance. The basic social safety net

00:13:36.399 --> 00:13:39.539
that defined the new state. Now, we have to talk

00:13:39.539 --> 00:13:41.500
about the big controversy of this period. The

00:13:41.500 --> 00:13:44.720
ma 'abarat, the temporary transit camps. Right.

00:13:44.860 --> 00:13:47.460
The housing was often crude, tin -roofed huts.

00:13:47.519 --> 00:13:50.500
The criticism was severe. People felt it was

00:13:50.500 --> 00:13:53.000
an unacceptable quality of life, a failure of

00:13:53.000 --> 00:13:55.379
the socialist ideal. But it was a trade -off,

00:13:55.379 --> 00:13:57.779
wasn't it? An impossible one. It was born of

00:13:57.779 --> 00:14:00.269
necessity. She defended it by pointing to the

00:14:00.269 --> 00:14:02.649
tiny budget and the sheer urgency of housing

00:14:02.649 --> 00:14:05.289
hundreds of thousands of people who were arriving

00:14:05.289 --> 00:14:07.730
faster than they could possibly build permanent

00:14:07.730 --> 00:14:10.509
towns. And by 1956, she had helped eliminate

00:14:10.509 --> 00:14:13.909
two -thirds of them. Right, moving 120 ,000 families

00:14:13.909 --> 00:14:16.870
to permanent housing. It was a controversial

00:14:16.870 --> 00:14:19.769
but ultimately temporary solution to an overwhelming

00:14:19.769 --> 00:14:23.100
challenge. That successful domestic period eventually

00:14:23.100 --> 00:14:26.299
gives way to the international stage. In 1956,

00:14:26.860 --> 00:14:29.559
Ben -Gurion makes her foreign minister. And this

00:14:29.559 --> 00:14:31.399
is when she officially changes her name from

00:14:31.399 --> 00:14:35.279
Meyerson to Meir, which means illuminate, a common

00:14:35.279 --> 00:14:37.360
practice for Foreign Service members. And her

00:14:37.360 --> 00:14:40.200
tenure begins with immediate drama. The Suez

00:14:40.200 --> 00:14:42.769
Crisis. Israel coordinates with Britain and France

00:14:42.769 --> 00:14:45.870
against Egypt. Meir has to lead the Israeli delegation

00:14:45.870 --> 00:14:48.149
at the UN, which was a tough assignment because

00:14:48.149 --> 00:14:51.309
the US and the USSR actually sided together and

00:14:51.309 --> 00:14:54.070
forced a withdrawal. But despite that early setback,

00:14:54.230 --> 00:14:56.350
the lasting success of her time as foreign minister

00:14:56.350 --> 00:14:59.429
was her outreach to Africa. That was geopolitically

00:14:59.429 --> 00:15:02.350
brilliant. She promoted ties with all these newly

00:15:02.350 --> 00:15:05.389
independent African states. She believed Israel,

00:15:05.570 --> 00:15:08.889
having just shaken off foreign rule itself, could

00:15:08.889 --> 00:15:11.600
be a unique model for them. Unlike the old colonial

00:15:11.600 --> 00:15:14.539
powers. Right. Israel could offer practical advice

00:15:14.539 --> 00:15:16.659
on things like agriculture and water management.

00:15:16.720 --> 00:15:19.320
It built crucial goodwill and alliances during

00:15:19.320 --> 00:15:21.480
the Cold War. She also worked hard on the relationship

00:15:21.480 --> 00:15:24.740
with the U .S. A key success there was in 1962,

00:15:25.120 --> 00:15:28.600
convincing Washington to quietly sell advanced

00:15:28.600 --> 00:15:31.860
Hawk missiles to Israel, a critical step. But

00:15:31.860 --> 00:15:34.899
by late 1965, the workload and her health caught

00:15:34.899 --> 00:15:37.789
up with her. A diagnosis of lymphoma. She retired

00:15:37.789 --> 00:15:41.370
in January 1966, citing exhaustion. But of course,

00:15:41.370 --> 00:15:42.950
she wouldn't be out of politics for very long.

00:15:43.009 --> 00:15:45.990
No, she would not. Fate intervenes in early 1969.

00:15:46.269 --> 00:15:49.429
Prime Minister Levi Eshkol dies suddenly. And

00:15:49.429 --> 00:15:51.710
the Governing Alignment Party coalition was fractured.

00:15:51.809 --> 00:15:54.610
They needed a strong, unifying figure. And so

00:15:54.610 --> 00:15:56.529
they turned to Golda Meir, who was 71 at the

00:15:56.529 --> 00:15:58.470
time and technically retired. It's a classic

00:15:58.470 --> 00:16:01.429
draft the reluctant leader scenario. And she

00:16:01.429 --> 00:16:04.820
leads them to this immense victory. in the election

00:16:04.820 --> 00:16:08.820
that followed. 56 seats in an esset. That's the

00:16:08.820 --> 00:16:11.639
closest any single faction has ever come to an

00:16:11.639 --> 00:16:14.000
outright majority in Israeli history. But her

00:16:14.000 --> 00:16:17.039
premiership is just defined by crisis after crisis.

00:16:17.460 --> 00:16:19.700
And before we get to the Yom Kippur War, we have

00:16:19.700 --> 00:16:21.620
to address the quote that has followed her ever

00:16:21.620 --> 00:16:24.860
since. The Palestinian issue. Absolutely. In

00:16:24.860 --> 00:16:28.000
a June 1969 interview, just months after she

00:16:28.000 --> 00:16:30.179
took office, she said that there was no such

00:16:30.179 --> 00:16:32.919
thing as Palestinians. She added, When was there

00:16:32.919 --> 00:16:35.179
an independent Palestinian people with a Palestinian

00:16:35.179 --> 00:16:38.419
state? They did not exist. And that statement

00:16:38.419 --> 00:16:40.860
is cited as the most famous example of Israeli

00:16:40.860 --> 00:16:44.419
denial of Palestinian national identity. It's

00:16:44.419 --> 00:16:46.539
become, as one analysis puts it, one of her most

00:16:46.539 --> 00:16:50.000
damning legacies. Now, to report on this impartially,

00:16:50.000 --> 00:16:51.860
we have to understand the context of what she

00:16:51.860 --> 00:16:54.059
was arguing. She was speaking from a very strict

00:16:54.059 --> 00:16:56.730
historical state -centric perspective. Her argument

00:16:56.730 --> 00:16:58.450
was that before the British Mandate, there was

00:16:58.450 --> 00:17:01.690
no political entity called Palestine and no organized

00:17:01.690 --> 00:17:04.029
Palestinian government demanding statehood. In

00:17:04.029 --> 00:17:06.490
her view, the land was part of the Ottoman province

00:17:06.490 --> 00:17:09.069
of Syria, and so the people didn't have a unique,

00:17:09.170 --> 00:17:11.630
recognized national identity separate from the

00:17:11.630 --> 00:17:14.650
broader Arab world. But that argument, whatever

00:17:14.650 --> 00:17:17.789
its historical merits, completely dismissed the

00:17:17.789 --> 00:17:20.150
emerging national identity and political aspirations

00:17:20.150 --> 00:17:24.240
of the local Arab population. It crystallized

00:17:24.240 --> 00:17:27.160
the Israeli establishment's refusal to recognize

00:17:27.160 --> 00:17:30.500
the legitimacy of a distinct Palestinian national

00:17:30.500 --> 00:17:32.700
movement. And yet what's fascinating is that

00:17:32.700 --> 00:17:34.759
while holding this view, she was also engaged

00:17:34.759 --> 00:17:37.140
in pretty exhausting peace efforts. Oh, yeah.

00:17:37.180 --> 00:17:39.420
Meeting with Nixon, with the pope. She was serious

00:17:39.420 --> 00:17:41.940
about peace, but always on Israel's terms of

00:17:41.940 --> 00:17:44.950
security. Like in 1970, when she accepted a U

00:17:44.950 --> 00:17:47.069
.S. peace initiative, it called for withdrawal

00:17:47.069 --> 00:17:50.269
to secure and recognized boundaries. A huge political

00:17:50.269 --> 00:17:53.269
step. Yeah. And it immediately caused the right

00:17:53.269 --> 00:17:56.130
wing Gahal party to quit her national unity government

00:17:56.130 --> 00:17:58.990
in protest. She was constantly walking this tightrope.

00:17:59.089 --> 00:18:01.650
A perfect example is that security versus sovereignty

00:18:01.650 --> 00:18:04.670
proposal in early 73 with Kissinger. The deal

00:18:04.670 --> 00:18:07.630
was Israel would accept Egyptian sovereignty

00:18:07.630 --> 00:18:11.099
over all of the Sinai. but only if Egypt accepted

00:18:11.099 --> 00:18:14.059
an Israeli military presence in key strategic

00:18:14.059 --> 00:18:16.480
positions within the Sinai. So she'd give up

00:18:16.480 --> 00:18:18.900
the legal claim, but not the physical security

00:18:18.900 --> 00:18:20.920
buffer. And that fell short of what Egyptian

00:18:20.920 --> 00:18:24.000
President Anwar Sadat was demanding. So the path

00:18:24.000 --> 00:18:27.319
to war remained open. But the crisis that truly

00:18:27.319 --> 00:18:30.059
defined her decisiveness came a year earlier.

00:18:30.460 --> 00:18:33.759
The 1972 Munich Massacre. Following that horrific

00:18:33.759 --> 00:18:36.799
attack at the Olympics, Meir was devastated and

00:18:36.799 --> 00:18:39.940
furious. She appealed to the world to take action

00:18:39.940 --> 00:18:42.579
and said if they didn't, Israel would. And when

00:18:42.579 --> 00:18:45.359
she felt the world wasn't acting, that no -sympathy

00:18:45.359 --> 00:18:47.759
mentality kicked in? Her response was immediate

00:18:47.759 --> 00:18:50.640
and uncompromising. She ordered the MASA to launch

00:18:50.640 --> 00:18:53.279
Operation Wrath of God. A campaign to hunt down

00:18:53.279 --> 00:18:55.599
and assassinate suspected leaders of Black September

00:18:55.599 --> 00:18:58.519
and the PFLP across Europe and the Middle East.

00:18:58.680 --> 00:19:00.740
It was an incredible escalation, moving from

00:19:00.740 --> 00:19:03.480
defense to proactive covert warfare on an international

00:19:03.480 --> 00:19:06.359
stage. It showed the Iron Lady would make brutal

00:19:06.359 --> 00:19:08.740
decisions for security, regardless of international

00:19:08.740 --> 00:19:11.599
norms. But her defining moment, the source of

00:19:11.599 --> 00:19:14.240
most of the criticism against her, is the Yom

00:19:14.240 --> 00:19:17.799
Kippur War, October 1973. It's a case study in

00:19:17.799 --> 00:19:20.000
intelligence failure and political calculation

00:19:20.000 --> 00:19:23.200
under the highest possible pressure. The stage

00:19:23.200 --> 00:19:26.500
had been set by a deep sense of security complacency

00:19:26.500 --> 00:19:29.640
in Israel, the Concepcia. They were sure Egypt

00:19:29.640 --> 00:19:32.059
wouldn't attack until they had air superiority.

00:19:32.480 --> 00:19:34.559
And that complacency was just violently shattered.

00:19:35.000 --> 00:19:37.700
On October 5th, 1973, she gets these alarming

00:19:37.700 --> 00:19:40.460
reports. Syrian forces massing on the Golan,

00:19:40.599 --> 00:19:43.460
Egyptian forces on the Suez. And she was personally

00:19:43.460 --> 00:19:46.460
alarmed. She saw the parallels to 1967. But her

00:19:46.460 --> 00:19:48.559
military intelligence advisors, they insisted

00:19:48.559 --> 00:19:51.319
the likelihood of war was low. They were sure

00:19:51.319 --> 00:19:53.240
they'd get adequate notice. And this all comes

00:19:53.240 --> 00:19:56.140
to a head in those frantic final hours of deliberation,

00:19:56.279 --> 00:19:58.480
six hours before the attack. She's in a meeting

00:19:58.480 --> 00:20:00.759
with Defense Minister Moshe Dayan and General

00:20:00.759 --> 00:20:03.599
David Elazar. Dayan still favors just a small,

00:20:03.599 --> 00:20:07.519
limited call. But Eleazar, he urges full mobilization

00:20:07.519 --> 00:20:10.359
and a preemptive airstrike. And this is the key

00:20:10.359 --> 00:20:13.819
decision. Mir approves the full -scale mobilization,

00:20:14.019 --> 00:20:18.660
which was crucial. She overrode Diane. But she

00:20:18.660 --> 00:20:21.740
rejected the preemptive strike. Why? This was

00:20:21.740 --> 00:20:24.119
a purely political and geopolitical calculation,

00:20:24.480 --> 00:20:27.779
wasn't it? Entirely. Her number one concern was

00:20:27.779 --> 00:20:30.339
that if Israel fired first, they would be seen

00:20:30.339 --> 00:20:32.670
as the aggressor. And that would cost them crucial

00:20:32.670 --> 00:20:35.509
foreign aid and military support, specifically

00:20:35.509 --> 00:20:38.750
from the United States. She was sacrificing tactical

00:20:38.750 --> 00:20:41.269
surprise for long -term strategic insurance.

00:20:41.690 --> 00:20:43.910
She needed to guarantee that if the war dragged

00:20:43.910 --> 00:20:47.009
on, the most powerful superpower on Earth would

00:20:47.009 --> 00:20:49.529
resupply them. She was never going to be reliant

00:20:49.529 --> 00:20:51.950
on mere expressions of sympathy again. And that

00:20:51.950 --> 00:20:53.849
calculation was confirmed, wasn't it? By the

00:20:53.849 --> 00:20:56.259
highest authority. Henry Kissinger later said

00:20:56.259 --> 00:20:58.599
explicitly that if Israel had launched a preemptive

00:20:58.599 --> 00:21:00.599
strike, they would not have received the essential

00:21:00.599 --> 00:21:03.140
U .S. arms and backing they needed to turn the

00:21:03.140 --> 00:21:05.799
tide of the war. So that decision saved the relationship,

00:21:06.079 --> 00:21:08.460
but it meant absorbing devastating losses at

00:21:08.460 --> 00:21:11.119
the beginning. The severe, unexpected losses

00:21:11.119 --> 00:21:13.660
in those first few days caused just widespread

00:21:13.660 --> 00:21:16.779
national shock and anger. Even after the military

00:21:16.779 --> 00:21:20.039
turned the tide, the public wanted answers. An

00:21:20.039 --> 00:21:22.420
inquiry was launched, the Agronaut Commission.

00:21:23.069 --> 00:21:25.650
And it spent months investigating the failures.

00:21:25.890 --> 00:21:27.670
And while the commission found immense failures

00:21:27.670 --> 00:21:29.529
among the military and intelligence community,

00:21:29.849 --> 00:21:32.869
it specifically cleared Mayer of direct responsibility

00:21:32.869 --> 00:21:35.630
for the surprise attack. In fact, it praised

00:21:35.630 --> 00:21:38.390
her. It said she decided wisely with common sense

00:21:38.390 --> 00:21:41.130
and speedily in favor of the full mobilization

00:21:41.130 --> 00:21:44.049
of the reserves. That decision was seen as her

00:21:44.049 --> 00:21:46.769
great clear -headed action in the crisis. But

00:21:46.769 --> 00:21:48.789
despite that vindication, the political damage

00:21:48.789 --> 00:21:51.809
was just irreversible. Her party won the 1973

00:21:51.809 --> 00:21:55.019
election. but the coalition lost seats. The national

00:21:55.019 --> 00:21:57.500
trauma had fractured the mandate. So she resigned

00:21:57.500 --> 00:22:00.539
in April 1974. She said five years was enough,

00:22:00.640 --> 00:22:02.960
that continuing the burden was beyond her strength.

00:22:03.119 --> 00:22:05.500
And she never held office again. She spent her

00:22:05.500 --> 00:22:08.559
final years, relatively quietly, writing her

00:22:08.559 --> 00:22:11.119
autobiography, My Life, which became a bestseller.

00:22:11.240 --> 00:22:13.799
And there's one final, incredibly moving diplomatic

00:22:13.799 --> 00:22:17.279
moment for her in 1977. When Egyptian President

00:22:17.279 --> 00:22:20.700
Anwar Sadat makes his historic visit to the Nesset.

00:22:21.049 --> 00:22:23.490
Mayer was there. She spoke on behalf of the Labor

00:22:23.490 --> 00:22:26.930
Party. And she praised Sadat's courage and vision.

00:22:27.150 --> 00:22:29.890
It was this moment of profound political closure.

00:22:30.230 --> 00:22:33.789
The woman who fought him so bitterly in 73, finally

00:22:33.789 --> 00:22:35.990
acknowledging the real possibility of peace.

00:22:36.309 --> 00:22:39.150
Golda Mayer died of lymphoma in 1978 at the age

00:22:39.150 --> 00:22:42.029
of 80. Her personal life was often obscured by

00:22:42.029 --> 00:22:44.509
her career, but she was, you know, a heavy smoker,

00:22:44.589 --> 00:22:46.869
a coffee drinker. And it's important to remember

00:22:46.869 --> 00:22:49.309
her relationship with faith. She was an atheist,

00:22:49.430 --> 00:22:52.650
but had this incredibly powerful cultural and

00:22:52.650 --> 00:22:54.789
historical Jewish identity. The famous quote,

00:22:54.970 --> 00:22:57.329
I believe in the Jewish people and the Jewish

00:22:57.329 --> 00:23:00.359
people believe in God. To her, being Jewish was

00:23:00.359 --> 00:23:02.740
about the 2 ,000 -year struggle and the ultimate

00:23:02.740 --> 00:23:04.980
creation of the state she helped found. That

00:23:04.980 --> 00:23:07.119
was the fulfillment of her life's purpose. So

00:23:07.119 --> 00:23:09.019
when we look at the historical consensus, we

00:23:09.019 --> 00:23:11.599
see that duality so clearly. Most historians

00:23:11.599 --> 00:23:13.880
agree she was a huge success as minister of labor

00:23:13.880 --> 00:23:16.420
and housing. A true social engineer, but had

00:23:16.420 --> 00:23:19.000
a much less successful crisis -ridden run as

00:23:19.000 --> 00:23:21.890
prime minister. She is immortalized as the Iron

00:23:21.890 --> 00:23:25.029
Lady, a state founder commemorated in films and

00:23:25.029 --> 00:23:28.349
plays. But her legacy is also indelibly tied

00:23:28.349 --> 00:23:31.849
to the trauma of 1973 and her dismissive view

00:23:31.849 --> 00:23:34.309
of Palestinian national identity. She was both

00:23:34.309 --> 00:23:37.210
the architect of stability and perhaps a victim

00:23:37.210 --> 00:23:40.029
of her own hubris. And on a lighter note, there

00:23:40.029 --> 00:23:42.710
is that lasting cultural reference, Golda shoes.

00:23:43.430 --> 00:23:47.029
Nali Golda, the sturdy, practical, very unglamorous

00:23:47.029 --> 00:23:49.619
orthopedic shoes she always wore. They were so

00:23:49.619 --> 00:23:52.200
associated with her no -nonsense style that they

00:23:52.200 --> 00:23:54.279
were actually supplied to female soldiers in

00:23:54.279 --> 00:23:57.160
the IDF for years. It's a small detail, but it's

00:23:57.160 --> 00:23:59.559
a testament to her enduring practical footprint

00:23:59.559 --> 00:24:02.700
on Israeli life. She was a study in uncompromising

00:24:02.700 --> 00:24:05.700
will. What a monumental journey from organizing

00:24:05.700 --> 00:24:08.819
a fundraiser for textbooks in Milwaukee to securing

00:24:08.819 --> 00:24:10.759
the financial lifeline for a nation and then

00:24:10.759 --> 00:24:13.539
making that life or death decision hours before

00:24:13.539 --> 00:24:15.980
a war. And we detailed how she prioritized that

00:24:15.980 --> 00:24:18.039
strategic relationship with the U .S. by refusing

00:24:18.039 --> 00:24:20.519
a preemptive strike, a decision Kissinger confirmed

00:24:20.519 --> 00:24:22.640
was necessary to get that superpower support.

00:24:22.940 --> 00:24:25.160
It ensured long term survival, but at the immediate

00:24:25.160 --> 00:24:27.539
cost of thousands of lives and a national trauma.

00:24:27.849 --> 00:24:30.109
Which raises an important final question for

00:24:30.109 --> 00:24:32.650
you, the listener. In a young nation's fight

00:24:32.650 --> 00:24:35.509
for survival, how must a leader balance immediate

00:24:35.509 --> 00:24:38.509
tactical gain, that element of surprise, against

00:24:38.509 --> 00:24:41.250
the absolute strategic necessity of securing

00:24:41.250 --> 00:24:44.289
a superpower ally for the long war ahead? It

00:24:44.289 --> 00:24:46.230
is the ultimate trade -off, and Golda Meir lived

00:24:46.230 --> 00:24:47.869
through the harrowing consequences of making

00:24:47.869 --> 00:24:48.109
it.
