WEBVTT

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If you're like pretty much everyone I know, you've

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got this constant feeling in your gut that everything

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just costs more. You know, the gas for your car,

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the groceries, your rent. It just feels like

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it's creeping up and sometimes jumping up from

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last year. That's inflation. It's that slow erosion

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of what your dollar can actually buy. Exactly.

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And for decades, the entire economic world, from

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policymakers to your pension fund, has relied

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on this one. Massive, unbelievably complex number

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to track that feeling. The Consumer Price Index,

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the CPI. The big one. Okay, let's unpack this.

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We always hear the CPI reported as just a single

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number, right? Inflation is up 4 % or 7%, whatever

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the headline is. But it is anything but simple.

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Not at all. It's the single most closely watched

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economic statistic on the planet, really, because

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it has so much leverage. It's the government's

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best shot at taking a huge weighted snapshot

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of what we all spend our money on. The so -called

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market basket of goods and services. And that

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basket is supposed to represent what you, the

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listener, are buying every month. We've got a

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fantastic stack of sources today that really

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get into the weeds of how this colossal number

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is built, why it's always so controversial and

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what the tiny choices in its calculation mean

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for your wallet. It really is the metric that

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tries to, I guess, arbitrate economic reality

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for a whole country. And its main function is,

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on the surface, pretty straightforward. Just

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tracking price changes. Right. Tracking price

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changes over time. If the CPI goes up by, say,

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5 % over a year, it means that basket of typical

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household stuff now costs 5 % more. But the stakes

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are just immense. Oh, absolutely. Because those

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changes, that percentage, it's not just a number

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on a screen. It's hardwired into the economy.

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It's used to index or adjust the real value of

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wages. It determines Social Security payment.

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It determines pensions. It regulates prices for

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utilities. And critically, it lets us deflate

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all these huge monetary numbers so we can actually

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see if the economy is growing in real inflation

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adjusted terms. And this is the big but we're

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going to keep coming back to. Our sources are

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crystal clear on this. While it's indispensable,

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the CPI is, and I'm quoting here, not a perfect

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measure of inflation or the cost of living. It's

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an approximation. It has to be. It's a necessary

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compromise, really, between what economists would

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consider a perfect theoretical ideal and the

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practical reality of needing a reliable number

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fast every single month. And it's in those compromises,

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those little judgment calls, that you find all

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the intense economic and, frankly, political

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fights that are always swirling around this number.

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That's where all the debate lives. And so today,

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we're going to trace the history of this market

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basket idea. Then we're going to dive right into

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the mechanics of how statistical agencies like

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the BLS actually handle this mountain of data.

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The weighting, the collection, all of it. Then

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we're getting into the deep water. The single

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biggest, most heated controversy in the entire

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index, which is what, over 40 % of the whole

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thing? Housing. How in the world do you accurately

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measure the cost of owning a home? The billion

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-dollar question. And finally, we'll look at

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all the different flavors of the CPI they use

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here in the U .S., that whole alphabet soup of

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acronyms, and what they mean for policy, especially

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for Social Security. The cost of living adjustments,

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or COALAs. Right. So let's start at the beginning.

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The anatomy of the basket itself. Where did this

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idea even come from? Well, the idea of trying

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to quantify this feeling of rising prices, it's

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not new at all. It actually has some surprisingly

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simple historical roots. We're not talking about

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something from the 1970s then. No, not even close.

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The concept of a price index was first proposed

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by an English economist, Joseph Lowe, way back

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in 1822. Wow. Okay, so what did his version look

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like? I'm picturing something a lot simpler than

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what we have today. Oh, much simpler. It was

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beautiful in its simplicity, really. Lowe's whole

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approach was just an elementary comparison. He

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said, let's compare the total price of a fixed

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basket of goods and services in one period. Call

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it period zero. The starting point. With the

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total price of the exact same fixed basket in

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the next period, period one. That's it. So that

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basic idea, the fixed basket, that's still the

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DNA of what we do now, even with all the supercomputers

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and, you know, modern economic theory. It is.

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That fixed basket approach remains the elementary

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basis of our current systems. We establish a

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list of what people buy and we just track its

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price over time. It sounds so manageable when

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you put it like that, but then you try to apply

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that to, what, 330 million people buying millions

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of different things? And it scales out of control

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very, very quickly. So let's ground this with

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actual math, but for just one item to make sure

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we get the mechanism. Good idea. So if we look

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at just one specific thing, let's say a gallon

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of milk, the single item price index is calculated

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by taking its current updated cost. What it costs

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today. Right. And you divide that by... what

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it costs in the base period, and then you multiply

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that whole thing by 100. Okay. So if the base

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year is, say, 1982, and milk cost $1 then, and

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today it costs $4, the math is 4 divided by 1

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times 100. The index for milk is 400. Exactly

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right. And that multiplication by 100, that's

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just a convention. It's a way to rescale the

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entire time series so that the base period value

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is always 100. It just creates a nice, clean

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starting point for comparison. It's a consistent

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benchmark. Yep. And this index is then reported

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monthly or quarterly, comparing prices now with

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those in that established price reference month.

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OK, now let's talk scale, because this is where

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the simple theory just smacks right into the

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wall of reality. That simple formula for milk

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has to be done, what, thousands and thousands

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of times? Tens of thousands. Our sources get

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into the sheer volume here. In the United States,

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the Bureau of Labor Statistics collects and averages

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prices for approximately 85 ,000 specific items

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sourced from 22 ,000 different stores and 35

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,000 rental units. I mean, just think about that.

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That means there are actual people, statisticians,

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whose job it is to track the price of a specific

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brand of laundry detergent in a specific type

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of store in a specific city month after month

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after month. It's a logistical and mathematical

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Everest. It really is. And all of that data then

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has to be compiled into one single cohesive number.

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The weighted average? The weighted average, exactly.

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A weighted average of all those thousands of

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item area indices. And the weight that's assigned

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to each item just reflects how much we as consumers

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spend on it. Right. So the index for gasoline

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matters a whole lot more than the index for,

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I don't know, chewing gum. Precisely. Because

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we spend a heck of a lot more on fuel than we

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do on gum. So before we get into how those weights

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are decided, which sounds like its own can of

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worms, we should talk about the exclusion zone.

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What gets deliberately left out of the basket?

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Because sometimes what's missing tells you a

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lot about what the index is trying to do. That's

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a really critical point. The CPI is designed

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first and foremost to measure current consumption.

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OK, so things we use up. Right. So anything related

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to saving or investing or capital formation,

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it's always excluded. So my stock portfolio,

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my 401k contributions. None of that is in there.

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Nope. Not factored in at all. And there's a geographic

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limit, too. Yes. The CPI is a domestic measure.

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So consumer spending that happens abroad is usually

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excluded. The goal is to focus on the price changes

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that residents experience inside the country's

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borders. Now, the third exclusion, this one is,

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I think, the most politically interesting one.

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Yeah. Our source gives this example where taxes

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made up a staggering 43 percent of the final

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cost of a good. But those taxes are completely

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left out of the CPI calculation. Why? Well, the

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CPI is generally designed to measure the price

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paid for a good or service before most consumption

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taxes are applied. Things like income tax are

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definitely out. The idea is to track the price

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of the commodity itself, not government policy.

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But the implication there is huge, isn't it?

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It is. If a government decides to shift how it

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taxes, people say, it lowers income taxes, which

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are excluded from the CPI, but raises sales taxes,

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which might be included but often aren't. Then

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the CPI might not actually show the real increase

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in what you're paying at the checkout. Exactly.

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It might only capture the change in the product's

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price, completely missing the change in tax policy

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that's making it more expensive for you. Wait

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a minute. So if a government has an incentive

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to keep that headline CPI number low, maybe to

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avoid paying out higher Social Security adjustments,

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they could, in theory, shift the tax burden in

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a way that the CPI doesn't fully capture. It

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creates a potential statistical or political

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incentive. Absolutely. Because the CPI is the

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benchmark for so much, how you define what's

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in and what's out can have massive budgetary

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consequences. It's a very fine line to walk.

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And then the last exclusion is sometimes entire

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groups of people. That's right, especially for

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more specialized indices. Yeah. The goal is always

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to measure the experience of the average consumer.

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So the outliers get trimmed. Sometimes. In the

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UK's old retail price index, the RPI, they used

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to specifically exclude the very highest income

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households and certain low income pensioner households.

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The argument was that their spending patterns

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were just too different from the median experience

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and would skew the average. It just goes to show

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that even defining who the representative consumer

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is, that's a statistical and sometimes political

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choice in itself. So even after all this incredible

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data collection, all the exclusions, all the

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waiting, it's still just an approximation. It

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is. You mentioned that economists have this sort

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of holy grail, the true cost of living index.

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They do. They call it the constant utility index.

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Constant utility. OK. In theory, this perfect

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index would measure exactly how much more money

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you'd need to maintain the exact same standard

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of living, the same level of satisfaction or

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utility. even as prices change around you. So

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if steak prices double, the perfect index would

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track how much you'd need to spend on, I don't

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know, chicken or pork to be just as happy as

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you were before. That's the idea. It accounts

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for substitution. That sounds incredibly useful.

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So why don't we just use that? The problem is

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speed. A perfect constant utility index can only

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really be calculated retrospectively. It requires

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these huge, complex sets of consumer behavior

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data that take months or even years to... properly

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analyze. But the CPI has to come out now. It

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has to be released monthly, within weeks of the

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data being collected. And that need for speed

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forces a pragmatic approximation. And that approximation

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usually takes the form of a fixed weight index,

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what's technically known as a Lesper's index.

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Let's break that term down, Lesper's index, because

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that's really the technical name for this fixed

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basket problem, isn't it? It is. The easiest

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way to think about a true LeSpares index is to

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imagine you're stuck with the exact shopping

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list you used in the base year, let's say 2010.

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Even if over the next 10 years you completely

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stopped buying CDs and started buying streaming

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subscriptions, or you stopped buying beef because

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it got way too expensive. The index assumes you

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are still buying the original 2010 quantity of

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CDs and beef. Which means it's inherently overestimating

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inflation. Exactly. Because it doesn't see us

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doing the smart thing and switching to cheaper

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alternatives. It suffers from what's called substitution

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bias, precisely because it can't track those

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rapid changes in our behavior in real time. It's

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essentially using yesterday's economy to calculate

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today's prices. So we've laid the foundation,

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but now we get to the really tricky part. The

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devil is in the details. And for the CPI, the

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biggest detail is the structure of the weights.

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This is the recipe, right? It's the proportion

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of each ingredient in the basket. If you get

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the weights wrong, the final headline number

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is just wrong. That's absolutely correct. The

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weights are just the proportions assigned to

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all the different spending categories. They have

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to sum up to 100%, of course. And they are what

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define the statistical picture of that typical

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consumer. Let's use the U .S. expenditure weights

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from our sources to really anchor this. elephant

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in the room. It makes up 41 .4 % of the US CPI.

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A massive chunk. I mean, nearly half of all measured

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inflation is being driven by what happens with

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housing costs. And that huge percentage right

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there, it instantly tells you why the housing

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controversy we're about to discuss is so high

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stakes. Right. But OK, moving down the list,

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what are the next biggest pieces? After housing,

00:12:27.549 --> 00:12:30.769
you've got food and beverages at 17 .4%, and

00:12:30.769 --> 00:12:33.529
then transport is right on its heels at 17 .0%.

00:12:33.529 --> 00:12:35.950
So those three, housing, food, and transport,

00:12:36.090 --> 00:12:38.850
that's the vast majority of the index. It is.

00:12:38.909 --> 00:12:40.970
After that, you see medical care, which is a

00:12:40.970 --> 00:12:44.590
huge point of policy debate, at 6 .9%. Then apparel

00:12:44.590 --> 00:12:48.529
at 6 .0%, entertainment at 4 .4%, and then a

00:12:48.529 --> 00:12:51.590
catch -all other category at 6 .9%. So if some

00:12:51.590 --> 00:12:55.750
crisis makes gas prices soar by, say, 50 % overnight,

00:12:56.039 --> 00:12:58.320
That's going to have a much, much bigger impact

00:12:58.320 --> 00:13:00.720
on the final CPI number than if, I don't know,

00:13:00.759 --> 00:13:02.399
movie ticket prices did the same. Of course.

00:13:02.580 --> 00:13:04.740
The weights are the leverage points in the whole

00:13:04.740 --> 00:13:06.639
equation. Yeah. And they're constructed through

00:13:06.639 --> 00:13:09.120
this layered system, what statisticians call

00:13:09.120 --> 00:13:11.320
the hierarchy of indices. You can't just jump

00:13:11.320 --> 00:13:14.440
from those 85 ,000 individual items to the final

00:13:14.440 --> 00:13:16.559
number. It has to be built up in stages. Right.

00:13:16.580 --> 00:13:18.600
It's an aggregation process. So let's clarify

00:13:18.600 --> 00:13:20.220
that hierarchy. What's at the very bottom, the

00:13:20.220 --> 00:13:22.419
most granular level? At the very bottom, you

00:13:22.419 --> 00:13:25.559
have what are called elementary aggregates. price

00:13:25.559 --> 00:13:28.740
of a very specific type of good in a very specific

00:13:28.740 --> 00:13:31.679
place. The example from the source is something

00:13:31.679 --> 00:13:34.600
like the price of men's short sleeve cotton shirts

00:13:34.600 --> 00:13:36.919
sold in San Francisco department stores. That's

00:13:36.919 --> 00:13:40.159
specific. That's specific. It has to be. Because

00:13:40.159 --> 00:13:43.279
price movements are so localized and so dependent

00:13:43.279 --> 00:13:46.559
on the type of store, a shirt at a discount store

00:13:46.940 --> 00:13:49.779
in one city costs something very different than

00:13:49.779 --> 00:13:52.000
at a fancy boutique in another. So you take all

00:13:52.000 --> 00:13:54.259
those elementary aggregates and you average them

00:13:54.259 --> 00:13:57.299
together to form a low -level index, like outer

00:13:57.299 --> 00:14:00.200
garments, and then those combine into a higher

00:14:00.200 --> 00:14:02.480
-level subindex, like clothing, and eventually

00:14:02.480 --> 00:14:04.059
you get to the big categories we just talked

00:14:04.059 --> 00:14:06.779
about, like apparel. Precisely. And it's a standardized

00:14:06.779 --> 00:14:09.559
process, even in the European Union. Their harmonized

00:14:09.559 --> 00:14:11.940
index requires every member country to compute

00:14:11.940 --> 00:14:15.019
about 80 of these prescribed sub indices just

00:14:15.019 --> 00:14:16.600
to make sure everyone is building the number

00:14:16.600 --> 00:14:19.179
in a comparable way. OK, but here's a huge practical

00:14:19.179 --> 00:14:21.179
problem that jumps out at me. The unweighted

00:14:21.179 --> 00:14:23.340
challenge. If you're the statistician tracking

00:14:23.340 --> 00:14:25.399
the price of those shirts in San Francisco, do

00:14:25.399 --> 00:14:28.600
you actually know the sales volume of brand A

00:14:28.600 --> 00:14:31.379
versus brand B or how many were sold on sale

00:14:31.379 --> 00:14:34.960
versus at full price? Often, no. That's the problem.

00:14:35.039 --> 00:14:38.039
At that lowest, most granular level of the elementary

00:14:38.039 --> 00:14:41.059
aggregate, the detailed sales data you'd need

00:14:41.059 --> 00:14:43.919
for perfect weighting. It's just not available

00:14:43.919 --> 00:14:46.120
to the statistical office. So what do they do?

00:14:46.299 --> 00:14:49.220
They know the average price of the 10 different

00:14:49.220 --> 00:14:51.600
shirts they're tracking, but they don't know

00:14:51.600 --> 00:14:53.559
the market share of each of those 10 shirts.

00:14:54.090 --> 00:14:56.750
So they often have to compute the price using

00:14:56.750 --> 00:14:59.429
an unweighted arithmetic or geometric mean. They

00:14:59.429 --> 00:15:01.950
just average them. They just average the prices

00:15:01.950 --> 00:15:04.009
together, basically assuming that each shirt

00:15:04.009 --> 00:15:05.909
they're tracking contributes equally to what

00:15:05.909 --> 00:15:08.110
people are buying, which, of course, we know

00:15:08.110 --> 00:15:10.090
is almost never true. That feels like a bit of

00:15:10.090 --> 00:15:12.730
a weak link in the chain, you know, relying on

00:15:12.730 --> 00:15:14.789
a simple average right at the foundation. It

00:15:14.789 --> 00:15:17.549
has been for a long time, but the data landscape

00:15:17.549 --> 00:15:19.590
is changing very, very quickly. Which brings

00:15:19.590 --> 00:15:22.509
us to barcode scanner data. The game changer.

00:15:23.240 --> 00:15:26.379
Our sources really highlight this. This technology

00:15:26.379 --> 00:15:29.519
is slowly making it possible to have real weights,

00:15:29.700 --> 00:15:32.360
even at that most detailed level. So instead

00:15:32.360 --> 00:15:34.600
of a person with a clipboard writing down a price.

00:15:34.860 --> 00:15:38.200
Exactly. Instead of that, scanner data gives

00:15:38.200 --> 00:15:40.899
the statistical office the actual fails volumes

00:15:40.899 --> 00:15:44.960
for specific products. Brand X, SQ number, Y

00:15:44.960 --> 00:15:47.399
plus where it was bought, and the exact price

00:15:47.399 --> 00:15:50.279
paid, including any discounts. So scanner data

00:15:50.279 --> 00:15:52.600
is finally getting the index a little closer

00:15:52.600 --> 00:15:55.840
to that constant utility ideal by cutting down

00:15:55.840 --> 00:15:58.299
on that substitution bias at the ground level.

00:15:58.480 --> 00:16:00.399
It is, and it helps with the whole data collection

00:16:00.399 --> 00:16:03.379
process itself. It addresses a major operational

00:16:03.379 --> 00:16:05.419
problem, which is what they call respondent burden.

00:16:05.519 --> 00:16:07.360
Making it easier for the people who participate

00:16:07.360 --> 00:16:09.820
in the surveys. Right. One source mentioned Statistics

00:16:09.820 --> 00:16:11.799
Iceland found that when people in their surveys

00:16:11.799 --> 00:16:14.000
are given detailed cash register receipts from

00:16:14.000 --> 00:16:16.460
scanner purchases, they don't have to write down

00:16:16.460 --> 00:16:19.039
every single item they bought in a diary. They

00:16:19.039 --> 00:16:20.879
can just keep the receipt. They just record the

00:16:20.879 --> 00:16:23.600
total and keep the receipt. It dramatically reduces

00:16:23.600 --> 00:16:26.120
the burden on them. It increases the accuracy

00:16:26.120 --> 00:16:28.299
of what was bought. And crucially, it gives you

00:16:28.299 --> 00:16:31.659
that specific point of purchase data. So you

00:16:31.659 --> 00:16:33.639
know if it was bought at a supermarket versus

00:16:33.639 --> 00:16:36.169
a corner store. Which helps you estimate those

00:16:36.169 --> 00:16:38.029
outlet -type weights we were just talking about.

00:16:38.110 --> 00:16:40.350
It's a huge leap forward. Okay, so we've got

00:16:40.350 --> 00:16:42.789
the weights and we've got the data sources, these

00:16:42.789 --> 00:16:45.990
periodical household expenditure surveys and

00:16:45.990 --> 00:16:49.149
the big national accounts. But these two sources

00:16:49.149 --> 00:16:51.549
don't always line up perfectly, do they? No,

00:16:51.549 --> 00:16:54.289
they don't. And managing that divergence is a

00:16:54.289 --> 00:16:57.309
huge part of the job. For instance, a household

00:16:57.309 --> 00:16:59.509
survey usually excludes what foreign visitors

00:16:59.509 --> 00:17:02.190
spend. But the national accounts, they track

00:17:02.190 --> 00:17:04.450
total consumption in the whole economy, including

00:17:04.450 --> 00:17:06.490
tourists. So you have to adjust for that. You

00:17:06.490 --> 00:17:09.269
have to adjust. Or, on the flip side, the national

00:17:09.269 --> 00:17:11.410
accounts include something called imputed rent

00:17:11.410 --> 00:17:14.230
for people who own their homes, an estimate of

00:17:14.230 --> 00:17:16.970
what the rental value would be. A household survey

00:17:16.970 --> 00:17:19.029
might only look at what people actually paid

00:17:19.029 --> 00:17:21.410
out of pocket. So you have to harmonize those

00:17:21.410 --> 00:17:23.509
different definitions. What's really fascinating

00:17:23.509 --> 00:17:25.730
here and something I think most people miss is

00:17:25.730 --> 00:17:27.490
that this isn't just about counting how many

00:17:27.490 --> 00:17:30.230
dollars were spent on beef nationally. No, it's

00:17:30.230 --> 00:17:32.130
so much more complex. You have to account for

00:17:32.130 --> 00:17:34.450
regional differences and store type differences

00:17:34.450 --> 00:17:37.230
all at the same time. It's exponential complexity.

00:17:37.529 --> 00:17:40.150
I mean, the ideal would be to estimate the spending

00:17:40.150 --> 00:17:43.390
for every single detailed category, for every

00:17:43.390 --> 00:17:46.029
single type of outlet in every single region

00:17:46.029 --> 00:17:48.150
of the country. Which is impossible. It's impossible.

00:17:48.450 --> 00:17:51.440
So you have to make educated estimates. You might

00:17:51.440 --> 00:17:54.220
lack detailed regional data. So you assume that,

00:17:54.279 --> 00:17:57.220
say, the northern region, which has 24 % of the

00:17:57.220 --> 00:18:00.559
population, also consumes 24 % of all sliced

00:18:00.559 --> 00:18:03.880
bread. A rough proxy. A rough but necessary proxy.

00:18:04.019 --> 00:18:06.519
Then you apply the national outlet data, say

00:18:06.519 --> 00:18:09.400
70 % of sliced bread is sold in supermarkets,

00:18:09.420 --> 00:18:11.920
to get an estimate for sliced bread sold in supermarkets

00:18:11.920 --> 00:18:14.130
in the northern region. They use every scrap

00:18:14.130 --> 00:18:16.390
of data they have because a rough estimate is

00:18:16.390 --> 00:18:18.329
better than ignoring that spending completely.

00:18:18.569 --> 00:18:20.349
And even with all this incredibly meticulous

00:18:20.349 --> 00:18:23.349
work, the whole system still suffers from what

00:18:23.349 --> 00:18:26.150
you called the cost of infrequency. The reweighting

00:18:26.150 --> 00:18:29.349
problem. Right. This is the LaSperre's index

00:18:29.349 --> 00:18:33.369
problem in the real world. It is. Ideally. The

00:18:33.369 --> 00:18:35.609
weights in the CPI would reflect what we're spending

00:18:35.609 --> 00:18:39.630
our money on right now this year. But in reality,

00:18:39.789 --> 00:18:41.630
they're historical. They're always looking in

00:18:41.630 --> 00:18:44.269
the rearview mirror. They are. They reflect spending

00:18:44.269 --> 00:18:46.569
patterns from the last big survey, which might

00:18:46.569 --> 00:18:49.869
be a year or two old. Rewaiting is incredibly

00:18:49.869 --> 00:18:52.329
expensive and labor intensive for statistical

00:18:52.329 --> 00:18:54.829
offices. So they just can't do it constantly.

00:18:55.049 --> 00:18:57.390
And the result of that is that the index is always

00:18:57.390 --> 00:18:59.630
chasing a moving target. It creates this huge

00:18:59.630 --> 00:19:02.049
time lag before new types of products ever get

00:19:02.049 --> 00:19:05.049
into the basket. A significant delay. The sources

00:19:05.049 --> 00:19:07.950
give two perfect examples. Internet service subscriptions

00:19:07.950 --> 00:19:10.710
and digital cameras. OK, what happened there?

00:19:11.099 --> 00:19:13.339
When digital cameras first exploded in popularity,

00:19:13.619 --> 00:19:15.180
they initially had to be lumped into the same

00:19:15.180 --> 00:19:18.299
elementary aggregate as film cameras. But there's

00:19:18.299 --> 00:19:20.440
a completely different technology. Completely

00:19:20.440 --> 00:19:23.279
different. But the basket structure hadn't been

00:19:23.279 --> 00:19:25.279
updated to give them their own category yet.

00:19:25.400 --> 00:19:27.900
So if a brand new category just appears on the

00:19:27.900 --> 00:19:31.420
market like VR headsets or some new digital service,

00:19:31.640 --> 00:19:34.859
the official CPI basically pretends it doesn't

00:19:34.859 --> 00:19:36.980
exist until the next big re -weighting cycle.

00:19:37.390 --> 00:19:39.910
Which means the official inflation rate for that

00:19:39.910 --> 00:19:43.069
whole period is fundamentally incomplete. The

00:19:43.069 --> 00:19:44.829
older the weights get, the more the official

00:19:44.829 --> 00:19:47.210
number diverges from our actual lived reality.

00:19:48.069 --> 00:19:50.529
Okay. So we've established that housing is the

00:19:50.529 --> 00:19:53.890
single biggest piece of the pie. 41 .4 % in the

00:19:53.890 --> 00:19:56.190
U .S. The 800 -pound gorilla. And now we are

00:19:56.190 --> 00:19:58.450
wading into the philosophical deep end. Because

00:19:58.450 --> 00:20:00.690
measuring the cost of owner -occupied housing

00:20:00.690 --> 00:20:02.950
might be the single most divisive, controversial

00:20:02.950 --> 00:20:05.390
element in all of statistics. It's a genuine

00:20:05.390 --> 00:20:07.809
dilemma. Because a house, it's two things at

00:20:07.809 --> 00:20:10.390
once. It's this massive, long -term, durable

00:20:10.390 --> 00:20:13.549
asset, an investment. Right. And it's also something

00:20:13.549 --> 00:20:15.750
that provides a continuous consumption service.

00:20:15.930 --> 00:20:18.549
Yeah. Shelter. The whole problem is how do you

00:20:18.549 --> 00:20:21.410
surgically separate the consumption cost from

00:20:21.410 --> 00:20:23.650
the investment component? So let's break down

00:20:23.650 --> 00:20:26.430
the three competing ways to do this. Approach

00:20:26.430 --> 00:20:29.849
one, the economist's view, which is all based

00:20:29.849 --> 00:20:33.470
on opportunity cost. The core idea here is that

00:20:33.470 --> 00:20:35.990
a homeowner... is consuming the service that

00:20:35.990 --> 00:20:38.890
the house provides. And that service is basically

00:20:38.890 --> 00:20:41.849
identical to what a renter gets. Okay, so the

00:20:41.849 --> 00:20:43.549
cost isn't what you pay on the mortgage. No.

00:20:43.869 --> 00:20:46.789
The true cost in this view is the opportunity

00:20:46.789 --> 00:20:49.710
cost, is what the owner gives up by living in

00:20:49.710 --> 00:20:52.130
the house themselves instead of, say, renting

00:20:52.130 --> 00:20:54.309
it out to someone else. And the most famous version

00:20:54.309 --> 00:20:56.750
of this is the rental equivalent approach, which

00:20:56.750 --> 00:20:59.230
is what the U .S. largely uses. Right. Under

00:20:59.230 --> 00:21:01.789
this approach, the cost of owning your home is

00:21:01.789 --> 00:21:03.529
the rent you could get if you leased it out.

00:21:04.079 --> 00:21:05.960
They're trying to price the service of shelter.

00:21:06.180 --> 00:21:09.079
But the practical problem seems huge. It is.

00:21:09.119 --> 00:21:11.500
How do you estimate the rental value of a house

00:21:11.500 --> 00:21:14.200
that isn't for rent? If you live in a unique

00:21:14.200 --> 00:21:16.579
five -bedroom house and there are no other five

00:21:16.579 --> 00:21:19.539
-bedroom houses for rent anywhere near you, the

00:21:19.539 --> 00:21:21.859
statisticians have to find comparable properties.

00:21:22.220 --> 00:21:25.849
Maybe two three -bedroom apartments? Maybe. And

00:21:25.849 --> 00:21:27.349
then they have to statistically adjust for the

00:21:27.349 --> 00:21:29.950
differences. And that whole process is just full

00:21:29.950 --> 00:21:32.730
of error and subjectivity. So what's the other

00:21:32.730 --> 00:21:35.630
side of that opportunity cost coin, the alternative

00:21:35.630 --> 00:21:38.950
cost approach? This one defines the cost differently.

00:21:39.109 --> 00:21:42.089
It looks at the capital expense. It asks, what

00:21:42.089 --> 00:21:44.250
is the interest the owner would have earned if

00:21:44.250 --> 00:21:46.230
they sold the house, invested that money for

00:21:46.230 --> 00:21:48.549
a year, and then bought the house back after

00:21:48.549 --> 00:21:51.299
accounting for depreciation? It's trying to capture

00:21:51.299 --> 00:21:53.559
the cost of having all that capital tied up in

00:21:53.559 --> 00:21:55.680
a house instead of in the stock market. Exactly.

00:21:56.000 --> 00:21:58.500
But there's a huge problem. Wait, let me guess.

00:21:58.759 --> 00:22:01.720
If house prices are going up really fast, the

00:22:01.720 --> 00:22:04.019
capital gain you get from owning it for that

00:22:04.019 --> 00:22:06.359
year could be bigger than the interest and the

00:22:06.359 --> 00:22:09.059
depreciation combined. You got it. And that could

00:22:09.059 --> 00:22:11.319
make the cost of housing in the CPI negative.

00:22:11.599 --> 00:22:14.059
Which would drag the whole inflation number down

00:22:14.059 --> 00:22:16.759
even while home prices are soaring. Right. It

00:22:16.759 --> 00:22:19.849
creates extreme volatility. If prices rise fast,

00:22:20.029 --> 00:22:22.309
the cost goes negative. If they suddenly fall,

00:22:22.549 --> 00:22:25.930
the cost spikes way up. And statisticians absolutely

00:22:25.930 --> 00:22:28.329
hate that kind of volatility in a headline number.

00:22:28.490 --> 00:22:30.549
And you brought this up earlier. There's an intellectual

00:22:30.549 --> 00:22:33.309
inconsistency here, isn't there? If you use this

00:22:33.309 --> 00:22:35.589
logic for a house, why not for everything else

00:22:35.589 --> 00:22:37.670
that lasts a long time? You should if you're

00:22:37.670 --> 00:22:40.390
being logically consistent. Your refrigerator

00:22:40.390 --> 00:22:44.549
provides a cooling service for 15 years. An appendectomy

00:22:44.549 --> 00:22:47.079
provides the service of good health. for the

00:22:47.079 --> 00:22:49.940
rest of your life. My couch, my car. All durable

00:22:49.940 --> 00:22:52.440
consumer goods and services should, by this logic,

00:22:52.599 --> 00:22:55.539
be measured by their rental equivalent or their

00:22:55.539 --> 00:22:58.660
opportunity cost. The fact that economists generally

00:22:58.660 --> 00:23:02.599
only apply this incredibly complex logic to housing.

00:23:02.859 --> 00:23:05.400
And not to my sofa. It shows that it's really

00:23:05.400 --> 00:23:07.339
about the sheer size of the housing category,

00:23:07.579 --> 00:23:10.599
not about pure theoretical consistency. Okay,

00:23:10.640 --> 00:23:12.680
that brings us to the second way, approach two,

00:23:12.740 --> 00:23:15.380
the spending approach or the debt profile method.

00:23:15.880 --> 00:23:18.539
This side just says, forget all the theory. Let's

00:23:18.539 --> 00:23:20.640
just track what homeowners actually spend. This

00:23:20.640 --> 00:23:22.599
feels the most intuitive to the average person,

00:23:22.700 --> 00:23:25.359
right? It focuses on the actual outlays, repairs,

00:23:25.640 --> 00:23:28.180
maintenance, property taxes, and the big one,

00:23:28.279 --> 00:23:30.400
mortgage interest payments. Because that's the

00:23:30.400 --> 00:23:33.079
bill you see every month. Right. But the complexity

00:23:33.079 --> 00:23:36.700
of actually implementing this is kind of horrifying.

00:23:37.420 --> 00:23:39.359
Because you can't just track current spending.

00:23:39.500 --> 00:23:41.160
You have to compare it to the spending in the

00:23:41.160 --> 00:23:43.619
base period. You have to create a counterfactual.

00:23:43.700 --> 00:23:45.839
You do. If you're calculating the CPI today,

00:23:46.000 --> 00:23:48.240
you have to compare the interest someone is paying

00:23:48.240 --> 00:23:50.539
now to the interest that would have been paid

00:23:50.539 --> 00:23:53.640
on a similar house that was bought and mortgaged

00:23:53.640 --> 00:23:55.680
way back in the original reference period, like

00:23:55.680 --> 00:23:58.420
2005 or something. So you're tracking the historical

00:23:58.420 --> 00:24:01.180
debt profile of a hypothetical house bought 15

00:24:01.180 --> 00:24:03.700
years ago and then adjusting it for today's conditions.

00:24:04.039 --> 00:24:07.319
It's a staggering... Statistical exercise. And

00:24:07.319 --> 00:24:09.420
it leads directly to the great policy paradox.

00:24:09.740 --> 00:24:13.220
Which is, if the central bank raises interest

00:24:13.220 --> 00:24:17.059
rates to stop inflation, what does this method

00:24:17.059 --> 00:24:20.079
do to the CPI? It makes inflation look worse.

00:24:20.480 --> 00:24:23.420
That rise in interest rates, which is designed

00:24:23.420 --> 00:24:26.000
to cool the economy, shows up in the debt profile

00:24:26.000 --> 00:24:28.559
method as a higher cost of homeownership. So

00:24:28.559 --> 00:24:30.619
it pushes the measured inflation rate up. It's

00:24:30.619 --> 00:24:32.799
a broken feedback loop. The cure for inflation

00:24:32.799 --> 00:24:36.160
looks like more inflation. Precisely. It makes

00:24:36.160 --> 00:24:39.140
the index look unstable and counterproductive

00:24:39.140 --> 00:24:41.559
to the very policy it's supposed to be guiding.

00:24:41.740 --> 00:24:44.599
And is this method applied consistently to all

00:24:44.599 --> 00:24:47.400
our debt, car loans, credit cards? No, which

00:24:47.400 --> 00:24:49.920
is another big consistency failure. If you're

00:24:49.920 --> 00:24:52.819
going to cover mortgage interest, logic says

00:24:52.819 --> 00:24:55.279
you should cover the interest on all consumer

00:24:55.279 --> 00:24:58.099
credit instead of just the full price of the

00:24:58.099 --> 00:25:00.420
things bought on credit. But most countries that

00:25:00.420 --> 00:25:03.579
use this debt profile method don't do that. They

00:25:03.579 --> 00:25:06.140
treat mortgages as a special case. Okay, finally,

00:25:06.259 --> 00:25:08.700
let's get to the third way, approach three, the

00:25:08.700 --> 00:25:11.380
transaction prices approach. This seems like

00:25:11.380 --> 00:25:14.180
the simple, direct method. Just treat a house

00:25:14.180 --> 00:25:16.339
like you'd treat a washing machine. This is the

00:25:16.339 --> 00:25:18.329
most straightforward interpretation. You just

00:25:18.329 --> 00:25:20.769
use the agreed -upon transaction prices for houses,

00:25:21.009 --> 00:25:23.269
you ignore all the financing and borrowing stuff,

00:25:23.450 --> 00:25:26.009
and you only include the sale of new dwellings.

00:25:26.109 --> 00:25:28.710
Why only new ones? You exclude secondhand sales

00:25:28.710 --> 00:25:30.589
because that's just an asset transfer between

00:25:30.589 --> 00:25:33.029
two consumers. It's not new consumption for the

00:25:33.029 --> 00:25:34.970
economy as a whole. This sounds so much cleaner.

00:25:35.410 --> 00:25:37.630
But you said it creates a fight between investment

00:25:37.630 --> 00:25:40.630
and consumption. This is where the CPI clashes

00:25:40.630 --> 00:25:43.380
with broader economic measurement. In the big

00:25:43.380 --> 00:25:45.859
system of national accounts, the purchase of

00:25:45.859 --> 00:25:48.980
a new house is almost always treated as an investment,

00:25:49.099 --> 00:25:52.180
as capital formation, not as consumption. I see.

00:25:52.279 --> 00:25:54.619
So if the CPI, which is supposed to be a consumption

00:25:54.619 --> 00:25:57.519
index, suddenly starts including new houses as

00:25:57.519 --> 00:25:59.880
consumption, it creates a serious break with

00:25:59.880 --> 00:26:02.059
all the other major government statistics. And

00:26:02.059 --> 00:26:04.339
economists really, really want the definition

00:26:04.339 --> 00:26:07.359
of consumption to be consistent everywhere. And

00:26:07.359 --> 00:26:10.059
then there's one last almost philosophical problem

00:26:10.059 --> 00:26:13.039
with the land itself. Right. The argument is

00:26:13.039 --> 00:26:15.980
that land is this irreproducible permanent asset.

00:26:16.039 --> 00:26:19.440
You can't consume land. Therefore, the price

00:26:19.440 --> 00:26:22.279
used in the CPI should exclude the value of the

00:26:22.279 --> 00:26:24.539
land underneath the house. So the statisticians

00:26:24.539 --> 00:26:27.299
would have to somehow figure out what the empty

00:26:27.299 --> 00:26:29.480
lot would be worth and subtract that from the

00:26:29.480 --> 00:26:32.420
sale price of the house? Yes, which is incredibly

00:26:32.420 --> 00:26:34.950
difficult, if not impossible. to do reliably,

00:26:35.170 --> 00:26:37.069
especially in a dense city where the house's

00:26:37.069 --> 00:26:39.289
value is completely tied up with the land's value.

00:26:39.470 --> 00:26:41.950
So to sum up the housing confusion, it's this

00:26:41.950 --> 00:26:43.849
three way battle. And the reasons it's never

00:26:43.849 --> 00:26:46.730
been solved are feasibility, volatility and just

00:26:46.730 --> 00:26:49.410
plain old logical disagreement. That's it exactly.

00:26:50.089 --> 00:26:52.130
Statisticians struggle with the feasibility of

00:26:52.130 --> 00:26:54.349
getting good data. They worry about the volatility

00:26:54.349 --> 00:26:56.609
if they include interest rates or capital gains.

00:26:56.950 --> 00:26:59.190
And the theorists can't agree on which approach

00:26:59.190 --> 00:27:02.160
is the most logically consistent. It remains

00:27:02.160 --> 00:27:04.359
the most fundamentally challenging piece of the

00:27:04.359 --> 00:27:07.539
entire index. So these fights over data and housing,

00:27:07.759 --> 00:27:10.079
they're happening all over the world. But here

00:27:10.079 --> 00:27:12.839
in the United States, the debate gets this specific

00:27:12.839 --> 00:27:15.680
political urgency because the Bureau of Labor

00:27:15.680 --> 00:27:18.720
Statistics doesn't compute just one CPI. No,

00:27:18.779 --> 00:27:20.799
they compute several. each one aimed at a different

00:27:20.799 --> 00:27:23.079
population or using a different method. It's

00:27:23.079 --> 00:27:25.839
the alphabet soup of U .S. CPIs. It is. You have

00:27:25.839 --> 00:27:28.119
the CPI -U for all urban consumers. That's the

00:27:28.119 --> 00:27:29.900
main headline number you always hear about. Then

00:27:29.900 --> 00:27:32.799
there's the CPI -W for urban wage earners and

00:27:32.799 --> 00:27:35.880
clerical workers. There's a rarely used CPI -E

00:27:35.880 --> 00:27:38.509
for the elderly. And then there's these statistically

00:27:38.509 --> 00:27:41.809
refined CCPIU, which is the chain CPI for all

00:27:41.809 --> 00:27:44.309
urban consumers. And the really crucial thing

00:27:44.309 --> 00:27:46.170
to understand here is that all of these different

00:27:46.170 --> 00:27:49.609
indices, they're using the exact same raw price

00:27:49.609 --> 00:27:51.809
data. That's right. They all start with those

00:27:51.809 --> 00:27:55.470
8 ,018 separate item area indices we talked about.

00:27:55.589 --> 00:27:58.009
The only thing that's different between a CPIU

00:27:58.009 --> 00:28:01.029
and a CKIW is the weights that are applied to

00:28:01.029 --> 00:28:03.549
that data. Exactly. The weights are adjusted

00:28:03.549 --> 00:28:06.069
to reflect the spending patterns of their target

00:28:06.069 --> 00:28:08.710
population. So the standard ones, the CPI -U

00:28:08.710 --> 00:28:12.089
and CPI -W, they use weights that are held constant

00:28:12.089 --> 00:28:15.029
for 24 months. Right. They're only updated in

00:28:15.029 --> 00:28:17.630
January of even -numbered years, which means

00:28:17.630 --> 00:28:21.430
for up to two full years, the index is assuming

00:28:21.430 --> 00:28:23.210
that you're buying the exact same proportional

00:28:23.210 --> 00:28:25.670
basket of stuff, no matter what happens to prices.

00:28:25.910 --> 00:28:28.210
And that fixed weight structure is exactly why

00:28:28.210 --> 00:28:29.970
we have the substitution effect problem we talked

00:28:29.970 --> 00:28:34.049
about earlier. of beef skyrockets. The normal

00:28:34.049 --> 00:28:36.710
CPIU just assumes I'm still buying the same amount

00:28:36.710 --> 00:28:38.190
of beef, even though I've obviously switched

00:28:38.190 --> 00:28:41.049
to cheaper chicken. That is the classic substitution

00:28:41.049 --> 00:28:44.450
bias. And that is exactly what the CCPIU, the

00:28:44.450 --> 00:28:46.970
chained CPI, was designed to fix. How does it

00:28:46.970 --> 00:28:50.170
do it? The chained CPI updates its weights every

00:28:50.170 --> 00:28:52.910
month. Oh, wow. It immediately reflects changes

00:28:52.910 --> 00:28:56.589
in our spending patterns. If millions of us substitute

00:28:56.589 --> 00:28:59.650
chicken for beef, That shift shows up in the

00:28:59.650 --> 00:29:02.880
very next month's CCPIU calculation. So it's

00:29:02.880 --> 00:29:05.759
a much more dynamic, much more accurate measure

00:29:05.759 --> 00:29:07.779
of what's actually happening. Statistically,

00:29:07.859 --> 00:29:10.279
yes. It's a superior measure of inflation because

00:29:10.279 --> 00:29:13.160
it tracks consumer behavior in almost real time.

00:29:13.299 --> 00:29:15.839
And because we consumers always tend to buy the

00:29:15.839 --> 00:29:18.559
cheaper thing when prices change, the chain CPI

00:29:18.559 --> 00:29:21.859
has to, by its very nature, run a little lower

00:29:21.859 --> 00:29:24.079
than the fixed weight CPIU, right? That's right.

00:29:24.180 --> 00:29:25.980
Because the fixed weight one is artificially

00:29:25.980 --> 00:29:28.160
inflated by pretending we're still stuck buying

00:29:28.160 --> 00:29:30.839
the expensive items. The chain CPI accounts for

00:29:30.839 --> 00:29:33.259
our adaptation. OK, now let's get to the biggest

00:29:33.259 --> 00:29:35.019
political pressure point in this whole system,

00:29:35.140 --> 00:29:38.220
the COLA controversy. The cost of living adjustment

00:29:38.220 --> 00:29:41.140
for, what, 70 million Social Security recipients

00:29:41.140 --> 00:29:44.160
is based on the annual increase in the CPIW.

00:29:44.200 --> 00:29:46.599
The Index for Urban Wage Earners and Clerical

00:29:46.599 --> 00:29:49.400
Workers. Yes. And this is just a classic case

00:29:49.400 --> 00:29:52.599
of a statistical mismatch with huge social consequences.

00:29:53.019 --> 00:29:55.980
It is. You're using an index designed for the

00:29:55.980 --> 00:29:58.940
working population to adjust the incomes of the

00:29:58.940 --> 00:30:01.349
retired population. And Social Security recipients

00:30:01.349 --> 00:30:04.599
are primarily the elderly. And the elderly spend

00:30:04.599 --> 00:30:06.960
a substantially larger portion of their income

00:30:06.960 --> 00:30:09.700
on health care. Some estimates say between 20

00:30:09.700 --> 00:30:12.640
and 40 percent. Then younger working people do.

00:30:12.839 --> 00:30:15.599
And we all know that for decades, inflation in

00:30:15.599 --> 00:30:17.900
health care has just massively outpaced inflation

00:30:17.900 --> 00:30:21.019
in the rest of the economy. So the CPIW, the

00:30:21.019 --> 00:30:23.980
index being used for the CLA, severely underweights

00:30:23.980 --> 00:30:26.480
the one category where seniors are spending most

00:30:26.480 --> 00:30:29.339
of their money and facing the highest price increases.

00:30:29.599 --> 00:30:31.880
Which means the CLA they get may not be adequately

00:30:31.880 --> 00:30:35.099
compensating them. for the real increase in their

00:30:35.099 --> 00:30:37.640
personal cost of living. Does the BLS know this

00:30:37.640 --> 00:30:40.279
is a problem? Oh, they do. They recognize this,

00:30:40.359 --> 00:30:43.720
and they actually track the CPIE and index specifically

00:30:43.720 --> 00:30:46.059
for the elderly. But it's not used for policy.

00:30:46.500 --> 00:30:49.440
It is not used. And the reason is purely about

00:30:49.440 --> 00:30:52.500
the budget. Our sources lay out the brutal economics

00:30:52.500 --> 00:30:54.799
of it. The Social Security Trust Fund currently

00:30:54.799 --> 00:30:58.599
has a projected solvency of about 40 years. If

00:30:58.599 --> 00:31:01.829
we were to switch to using the CPIE, which is

00:31:01.829 --> 00:31:04.490
more accurate for seniors and would provide higher

00:31:04.490 --> 00:31:07.329
annual COLA payments. It would drain the fund

00:31:07.329 --> 00:31:10.009
faster. It's estimated to shorten that solvency

00:31:10.009 --> 00:31:13.509
forecast by about five years. Wow. So a seemingly

00:31:13.509 --> 00:31:16.369
neutral statistical choice, which indexed to

00:31:16.369 --> 00:31:18.869
use it, has consequences that ripple through

00:31:18.869 --> 00:31:20.930
the entire federal budget. It literally changes

00:31:20.930 --> 00:31:23.069
the retirement age and tax burdens for future

00:31:23.069 --> 00:31:25.829
generations. The policy implications are just

00:31:25.829 --> 00:31:28.599
staggering. And this all came to a head and became

00:31:28.599 --> 00:31:31.619
a huge political flashpoint around 2010 during

00:31:31.619 --> 00:31:34.140
budget negotiations. And the debate was all about

00:31:34.140 --> 00:31:37.819
that chain CPI, the CCPIU. Right. And the proponents,

00:31:37.819 --> 00:31:39.779
people like former White House chief of staff

00:31:39.779 --> 00:31:42.339
Erskine Bowles, they argued really passionately

00:31:42.339 --> 00:31:45.119
that we should switch to the chain CPI for COLA

00:31:45.119 --> 00:31:47.390
adjustments. This argument was twofold. It's

00:31:47.390 --> 00:31:49.730
more accurate and it saves a ton of money. They

00:31:49.730 --> 00:31:52.509
argue the CCPIU is a more accurate measure of

00:31:52.509 --> 00:31:54.549
true inflation because it captures substitution.

00:31:54.970 --> 00:31:57.670
And switching to it was estimated to save the

00:31:57.670 --> 00:32:01.009
government over $290 billion over a decade. And

00:32:01.009 --> 00:32:04.289
that's because, as we said, the chain's CPI always

00:32:04.289 --> 00:32:07.029
runs a little bit lower than the standard CPI.

00:32:07.150 --> 00:32:09.890
Right. Historically, about a quarter to a third

00:32:09.890 --> 00:32:12.710
of a percentage point lower every year. So by

00:32:12.710 --> 00:32:15.769
adopting the more accurate index. The government

00:32:15.769 --> 00:32:18.029
would save hundreds of billions of dollars by

00:32:18.029 --> 00:32:20.670
automatically giving out slightly smaller annual

00:32:20.670 --> 00:32:23.809
increases to federal pensions and Social Security.

00:32:23.950 --> 00:32:26.450
That's the dynamic. Exactly. It was framed as

00:32:26.450 --> 00:32:29.589
a marriage of fiscal responsibility and statistical

00:32:29.589 --> 00:32:32.910
accuracy. But the critics, people like former

00:32:32.910 --> 00:32:35.269
Labor Secretary Robert Reich and groups representing

00:32:35.269 --> 00:32:38.470
retired federal employees, they pushed back hard.

00:32:38.670 --> 00:32:41.170
Very hard. What was their argument? Their argument

00:32:41.170 --> 00:32:45.180
was that. The CCPIU, while maybe it's better

00:32:45.180 --> 00:32:47.220
at capturing the substitution effect for things

00:32:47.220 --> 00:32:50.579
like groceries, still completely fails the elderly

00:32:50.579 --> 00:32:53.240
demographic because of that huge weight of health

00:32:53.240 --> 00:32:55.299
care. They said it doesn't solve the core problem.

00:32:55.500 --> 00:32:57.920
Exactly. They argued it still doesn't adequately

00:32:57.920 --> 00:33:00.339
address the fact that seniors spend 20 to 40

00:33:00.339 --> 00:33:02.099
percent of their income on these high inflation

00:33:02.099 --> 00:33:04.680
health care costs. They saw it as a backdoor

00:33:04.680 --> 00:33:06.940
way to cut benefits for the most vulnerable people.

00:33:07.119 --> 00:33:10.670
And in the end? In the end? While it was seriously

00:33:10.670 --> 00:33:13.089
considered during major deficit talks in 2013,

00:33:13.509 --> 00:33:16.410
the political blowback was just too intense and

00:33:16.410 --> 00:33:19.349
is not adopted. So we've got the CPIU, the W,

00:33:19.549 --> 00:33:23.009
the E, the CCPRU. With all this variation and

00:33:23.009 --> 00:33:25.589
controversy, where does the most powerful economic

00:33:25.589 --> 00:33:28.529
player of all, the Federal Reserve, look for

00:33:28.529 --> 00:33:31.490
its main signal on inflation? They use yet another

00:33:31.490 --> 00:33:34.049
index, the Personal Consumption Expenditures

00:33:34.049 --> 00:33:37.549
Price Index, or PCEPI. So why do they prefer

00:33:37.549 --> 00:33:41.190
that one? The Fed favors the PCEPI because it

00:33:41.190 --> 00:33:43.309
believes it addresses some of the CPI's biggest

00:33:43.309 --> 00:33:45.809
structural flaws. It's a broader measure that

00:33:45.809 --> 00:33:47.910
comes from the national accounts, not just household

00:33:47.910 --> 00:33:50.890
surveys. And crucially, it updates its weights

00:33:50.890 --> 00:33:53.490
more dynamically than the standard CPI -U. So

00:33:53.490 --> 00:33:55.329
it's better at handling that substitution effect.

00:33:55.630 --> 00:33:57.789
Much better. It's also seen as having a more

00:33:57.789 --> 00:33:59.970
comprehensive scope across the whole economy.

00:34:00.130 --> 00:34:02.049
And the statistical difference between the two,

00:34:02.109 --> 00:34:03.869
it might seem small, right? We're talking about

00:34:03.869 --> 00:34:06.349
maybe half a percentage point difference in the

00:34:06.349 --> 00:34:08.210
historical average. It seems small. but over

00:34:08.210 --> 00:34:10.369
the span of a generation, that difference is

00:34:10.369 --> 00:34:13.309
enormous. How so? Historically, inflation, as

00:34:13.309 --> 00:34:16.469
measured by the PCEPI, has averaged about 3 .3

00:34:16.469 --> 00:34:19.289
% a year. But CPI measured inflation has averaged

00:34:19.289 --> 00:34:22.269
3 .8%. So that 0 .5 percentage point difference,

00:34:22.409 --> 00:34:24.489
it just compounds year after year after year.

00:34:24.650 --> 00:34:27.389
It does. Imagine calculating a worker's real

00:34:27.389 --> 00:34:31.730
wage growth over 30 years using the 3 .8 % CPI

00:34:31.730 --> 00:34:35.449
benchmark versus the 3 .3 % PCEPI benchmark.

00:34:35.730 --> 00:34:38.750
The real value... of your wages, of your savings,

00:34:38.829 --> 00:34:41.579
of your debt. It all shifts massively. And the

00:34:41.579 --> 00:34:44.360
PCAPI showing lower inflation, that's a key reason

00:34:44.360 --> 00:34:47.000
why the Fed uses it for its 2 % long -term inflation

00:34:47.000 --> 00:34:49.820
target. It is. OK, so let's bring this complex

00:34:49.820 --> 00:34:52.039
statistical world crashing right into the real

00:34:52.039 --> 00:34:54.079
world with some recent headlines. Our sources

00:34:54.079 --> 00:34:57.300
track the US CPI data using 1982 as the base

00:34:57.300 --> 00:34:59.900
year, where the index is 100. By December of

00:34:59.900 --> 00:35:03.880
2021, that CPI reading hit 7%. And that 7 % figure,

00:35:04.000 --> 00:35:05.960
that was the highest level in over 40 years.

00:35:06.099 --> 00:35:08.179
It was the headline shockwave that really marked

00:35:08.179 --> 00:35:10.360
the beginning of a major shift in monetary policy.

00:35:10.639 --> 00:35:13.039
So even though the Fed prefers the PCEPI for

00:35:13.039 --> 00:35:15.800
its long -term thinking. The CPI is the metric

00:35:15.800 --> 00:35:18.820
the public sees and feels. And it was that really

00:35:18.820 --> 00:35:21.639
dramatic CPI signal that prompted the Federal

00:35:21.639 --> 00:35:24.780
Reserve under Jerome Powell to begin aggressive

00:35:24.780 --> 00:35:27.719
quantitative tightening and start signaling the

00:35:27.719 --> 00:35:29.820
rate hikes that were expected to kick off in

00:35:29.820 --> 00:35:33.889
March of 2022. So the CPI. For all of its flaws,

00:35:34.090 --> 00:35:35.969
the housing problems, the substitution bias,

00:35:36.170 --> 00:35:39.130
all of it, it's still the immediate vital signal

00:35:39.130 --> 00:35:41.929
that forces the central bank to act. It's the

00:35:41.929 --> 00:35:43.969
number that makes people feel the heat, even

00:35:43.969 --> 00:35:46.090
if the Fed is looking at its sibling index for

00:35:46.090 --> 00:35:49.170
the long term plan. Hashtag tag you tag outro.

00:35:49.719 --> 00:35:51.679
So if we try and connect this entire deep dive

00:35:51.679 --> 00:35:53.880
to the bigger picture, I think what we've really

00:35:53.880 --> 00:35:56.900
uncovered is that the Consumer Price Index, it's

00:35:56.900 --> 00:35:58.739
a statistic that's built on a whole series of

00:35:58.739 --> 00:36:01.619
really difficult philosophical and, frankly,

00:36:01.699 --> 00:36:04.280
political choices. We've really seen two main

00:36:04.280 --> 00:36:06.920
battlegrounds that define the whole number. The

00:36:06.920 --> 00:36:09.079
first one is that fundamental philosophical problem

00:36:09.079 --> 00:36:11.179
of how to measure owner -occupied housing. Right.

00:36:11.260 --> 00:36:13.440
Do you choose the subjective but maybe theoretically

00:36:13.440 --> 00:36:16.099
better opportunity cost method? Or do you choose

00:36:16.099 --> 00:36:18.599
the debt payments method that's unstable and

00:36:18.599 --> 00:36:21.710
creates that policy paradox? Or do you just choose

00:36:21.710 --> 00:36:24.150
a transaction price approach that messes up all

00:36:24.150 --> 00:36:27.150
your other economic statistics? Each path gives

00:36:27.150 --> 00:36:29.269
you a fundamentally different inflation number.

00:36:29.429 --> 00:36:32.210
And the second battleground is that political

00:36:32.210 --> 00:36:35.590
and social conflict over what's fair versus what's

00:36:35.590 --> 00:36:37.849
statistically rigorous. Right. You have the policy

00:36:37.849 --> 00:36:41.050
choice of which index is the fairest one to use

00:36:41.050 --> 00:36:44.389
for Coale. Is it the CPI -W, which is designed

00:36:44.389 --> 00:36:48.170
for workers, not retirees? Is it the CPI -E?

00:36:48.619 --> 00:36:50.599
which is demographically perfect for seniors

00:36:50.599 --> 00:36:53.079
but creates huge fiscal problems down the road.

00:36:53.239 --> 00:36:56.340
Or is it the chain CPI, which is statistically

00:36:56.340 --> 00:36:59.400
more robust but ends up resulting in lower benefit

00:36:59.400 --> 00:37:01.800
increases for people? The statistician is in

00:37:01.800 --> 00:37:04.659
this impossible position of being tasked with

00:37:04.659 --> 00:37:07.219
both scientific accuracy and managing political

00:37:07.219 --> 00:37:10.219
consequences. The CPI is never just about the

00:37:10.219 --> 00:37:13.760
math. It's a series of policy compromises disguised

00:37:13.760 --> 00:37:16.360
as a single number. So what does this all mean

00:37:16.360 --> 00:37:18.849
for you, the listener? Well, it means that the

00:37:18.849 --> 00:37:21.050
headline inflation figure you hear, whether it's

00:37:21.050 --> 00:37:23.769
2 % or 7%, it's never a perfect reflection of

00:37:23.769 --> 00:37:25.650
your personal experience. Right. If you're an

00:37:25.650 --> 00:37:27.750
elderly person who relies heavily on prescription

00:37:27.750 --> 00:37:30.530
drugs and hospital visits, your personal inflation

00:37:30.530 --> 00:37:33.469
rate is almost certainly much higher than the

00:37:33.469 --> 00:37:37.309
CPI -W suggests. But if you're a young, adaptable

00:37:37.309 --> 00:37:39.710
consumer who's really quick to substitute from

00:37:39.710 --> 00:37:42.369
one product to another when prices change? Your

00:37:42.369 --> 00:37:44.369
personal inflation rate might actually track

00:37:44.369 --> 00:37:47.679
much closer to that lower. chained CPI figure.

00:37:47.980 --> 00:37:50.639
Understanding the weights helps you figure out

00:37:50.639 --> 00:37:52.909
where you sit on that spectrum. And it really

00:37:52.909 --> 00:37:55.710
encourages you to see the power in these small

00:37:55.710 --> 00:37:58.409
statistical choices. That difference between

00:37:58.409 --> 00:38:00.989
the historical average inflation of the CPI at

00:38:00.989 --> 00:38:05.909
3 .8 % and the PCEPI at 3 .3%, that has massive

00:38:05.909 --> 00:38:07.969
cumulative implications for the real value of

00:38:07.969 --> 00:38:10.010
your savings, for the future of entitlement programs,

00:38:10.210 --> 00:38:12.489
and for the purchasing power of your wages over

00:38:12.489 --> 00:38:15.269
your entire lifetime. That half a percent can

00:38:15.269 --> 00:38:17.210
absolutely be the difference between a comfortable

00:38:17.210 --> 00:38:19.710
retirement and a really strained one. And the

00:38:19.710 --> 00:38:21.769
whole process is always one of catch -up. The

00:38:21.769 --> 00:38:23.309
statisticians are always looking at the past

00:38:23.309 --> 00:38:25.050
to try and calibrate the present. Which brings

00:38:25.050 --> 00:38:27.469
us to our final provocative thought for you to

00:38:27.469 --> 00:38:30.849
chew on. If the CPI basket is always being updated

00:38:30.849 --> 00:38:33.909
periodically every two years, every decade to

00:38:33.909 --> 00:38:36.869
reflect our current habits, what happens during

00:38:36.869 --> 00:38:39.809
periods of genuinely rapid, massive behavioral

00:38:39.809 --> 00:38:42.969
change? Think about the sudden explosion of digital

00:38:42.969 --> 00:38:45.710
services, the shift from buying CDs and DVDs

00:38:45.710 --> 00:38:47.789
to streaming, or the huge reliance on virtual

00:38:47.789 --> 00:38:50.409
everything during the pandemic. If the index

00:38:50.409 --> 00:38:52.599
is always - lagging behind measuring the prices

00:38:52.599 --> 00:38:55.059
of yesterday's consumption mix? Is it inherently

00:38:55.059 --> 00:38:57.380
incapable of capturing the true speed of modern

00:38:57.380 --> 00:39:00.039
inflation? Is the one number we rely on for our

00:39:00.039 --> 00:39:02.599
most crucial decisions always by its very nature

00:39:02.599 --> 00:39:04.519
a step behind the curve? We'll leave that with

00:39:04.519 --> 00:39:04.659
you.
