WEBVTT

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You know that feeling, right? When that envelope

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arrives in the mail, that annual property tax

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bill. Oh, yeah. And there's that little sigh

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you let out because you know it's this huge,

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unavoidable chunk of your budget. You pay it,

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of course. You have to. But I think what we're

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going to dig into today is that beneath that

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number on the page is a reality that is, well,

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it's just... incredibly complex and really, really

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different all over the world. It is. It's probably

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the single most important and yet I'd say the

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least understood mechanism for local finance

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anywhere. Right. What looks like this really

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simple charge on your home's value is actually

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this tangled web of, you know, history, powerful

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economic tools and some really different legal

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ideas depending on where you live. OK, so let's

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try and unpack that. Our mission for this deep

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dive is to get way beyond that annual bill. We're

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going to explore what property tax actually is

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historically, legally, what it does in practice.

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And we've got a whole stack of sources here that

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show just how differently everyone approaches

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this idea of taxing the ground beneath our feet.

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And just to, you know, set the stage. The core

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definition we're working with is that property

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tax is an ad valorem tax. Ad valorem. Latin,

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right. Latin, yes. It just means based on value.

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That is the absolute foundation for almost every

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system we're going to talk about. And crucially,

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it's not just one government taking a slice.

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It's really important to remember that you can

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have multiple jurisdictions, national, state,

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county, city. All of them can tax the very same

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property at the same time. And the language they

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use can get pretty specific. I mean, we keep

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seeing this term millage or mill rate. Before

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we even get to the math. What exactly is a mill?

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So a mill comes from the Latin word millesimum.

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A thousandth. Exactly. A thousandth part. So

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one mill is simply one thousandth of a dollar

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or a euro or whatever currency you're using.

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The mill rate is just the tax you pay for every

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thousand dollars of your property's value. It's

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a system designed to make these calculations

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manageable at the local level. OK, that helps

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cut through the jargon. So let's walk through

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it. How does that mill rate turn into the bill

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that I get? Can you give us the hard numbers?

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Sure. Let's use a really clear example. Imagine

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your home is officially assessed, and assessment

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is the key word here. It's not always the same

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as market value at, say, $50 ,000. And your town

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sets a mill rate of 20 mills. To get your tax

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bill, you take the assessed value, the $50 ,000,

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you multiply it by the mill rate, which is 20,

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and then you just divide that whole thing by

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1 ,000. So 50 ,000 times 20, that's a million?

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Divide that by 1 ,000. And there you go. Your

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property tax bill is $1 ,000 for the year. $1

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,000. Okay. It's a simple formula, but the key

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things for you, the listener, to remember are,

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one, it's based on that assessed value, and two,

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that 20 mils might actually be a combination

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of rates from the city, the county, the school

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district, all bundled together. Now, when we

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say property, our sources show that tax authorities

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break this down into four broad types. Can we

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quickly define those? Because we're really only

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focusing on two of them for this deep dive. Right.

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So legally, we're looking at four things. There's

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land. There are improvements to land. There's

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personal property. And finally, intangible property.

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Okay, walk me through those. Land is, well, it's

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the bird itself. Pretty simple. Yeah. Improvements

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are all the man -made things stuck to the land

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that don't move. So buildings, driveways, that

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kind of thing. Got it. Personal property is the

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movable stuff. You know, machinery, equipment,

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sometimes even farm animals, though that's often

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handled differently now. And intangible property

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is non -physical stuff, stocks, patents. That's

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almost never part of a general property tax today.

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And we're mostly focusing on what's called real

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property. The land plus the improvements, because

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let's be honest, that's where the money is. Precisely.

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That combination is what most people think of

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as property. And it's what we'll be focusing

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on as we travel the globe. OK, so we've got the

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baseline. We know what it is, how the mill rate

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works. Let's lay out the road ahead because we

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are covering a lot of ground. We're starting

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with these foundational policy ideas. Then we're

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going to jump around the world to look at some

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really different systems from Canada's transaction

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heavy model to what Hong Kong does. Before we

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end with the, frankly, surprising history and

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some of the really deep philosophical criticisms.

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this whole idea. And this is where it gets so

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interesting. You start to see that property tax

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isn't just about raising money. It becomes this

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powerful tool for, well, for social engineering

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and economic policy. All right. Jumping into

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section one. The foundations of property tax

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are what are we actually taxing? The first thing

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that just jumps out from the sources is that

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to achieve those social goals you mentioned,

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authorities almost never tax everything the same.

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Classification is everything. That's exactly

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right. Property is almost never taxed uniformly.

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It's classified by how it's used. Residential,

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commercial, industrial, vacant land. And each

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of those categories is often taxed at a very

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different rate. And that's not random. No, not

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at all. It's a conscious policy choice about

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who or what kind of economic activity should

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be carrying more of the weight for funding city

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services. So a city could decide, for example,

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that big office buildings get more benefit from,

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say, the subway system. So they should pay a

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higher rate than a single family home. It's a

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way to shift the load around. Exactly. And once

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you have that classification system, you can

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use the tax to do more than just raise money.

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You can actually try to influence behavior. And

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the most striking example of that is the vacancy

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tax. Which sounds like a direct shot at a problem

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we see everywhere, right? Housing shortages in

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big cities. But at the same time, you have investors

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just sitting on empty apartments, treating them

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like a stock instead of a home. It is a direct

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response to that market failure. If you're an

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owner and you're just sitting on a perfectly

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good habitable apartment and keeping it empty,

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the government can use property tax to give you

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a very strong financial nudge to get that unit

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onto the market, either for rent or for sale.

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And we've got two really interesting specific

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examples of this in our sources, right? One from

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the Middle East, one from Europe. First up. In

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Israel, the government just flat out imposes

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double the property tax rate on vacant apartments

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compared to occupied ones. Double. That's a huge

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penalty. It's a massive financial deterrent.

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It really forces the owner to do the math. Is

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it worth paying twice the tax just to keep this

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place empty? Or should I just rent it out and

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get that housing supply back online? And then

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there's France, where they did something similar

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and the sources say it actually worked. Yeah,

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the French experience is a really strong case

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study. brought in their vacant property tax,

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they actually measured a 13 % drop in the vacancy

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rate in the areas they targeted. So this isn't

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just a theory. This is using a tax system that's

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centuries old to solve a very modern urban housing

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problem. What's also fascinating is how the legal

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definition of the tax changes things. When we

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talk about a general property tax, we mean it's

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based on fair market value. But there's this

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really important legal distinction with another

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kind of charge. The special assessment tax. This

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distinction is so important because this is where

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a lot of the confusion and frankly, the anger

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from homeowners comes from. They get a bill that

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looks like a property tax bill, but it's for

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something completely different. So how are they

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different legally? Yeah. I mean, if it's all

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on my bill, what's the justification? A special

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assessment tax is only levied because of a specific

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localized improvement or benefit to your property.

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Its legal justification is that benefit, not

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your home's overall market value. The government

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has to show that it's demonstrably making your

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property better or more useful. Can you give

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me a real world example? Sure. Let's say the

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city decides to install a brand new sewer line

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on your block or put in new sidewalks and streetlights

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that directly serve your house. You'd pay a special

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assessment tax for that. Oh, OK. That tax pays

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for that specific project. It's totally separate

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from the general Avaloran property tax that funds

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the police, the fire department, the schools

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and everything else. OK, so the general property

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tax pays for the fire department that serves

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the whole town. That's a collective good. But

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the special assessment pays the brand new sidewalk

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right in front of my house. That's a targeted

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improvement just for my block. Precisely. One

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is for the collective good. The other is for

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a specific measurable benefit to your specific

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piece of land. They're justified on completely

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different legal grounds. And finally, for this

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section, to really get what property tax is,

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we should probably contrast it with two other

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big ideas mentioned in the sources, the rent

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tax and the land value tax. The rent tax is probably

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the easiest one to understand. It's a tax based

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purely on rental income or what the imputed rent

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might be. You're taxing the money the property

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makes, not the value of the property itself.

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So it shifts it from a wealth tax to an income

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tax. Exactly. A distinction we're going to see

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come to life when we talk about Hong Kong later

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on. And then there's the land value tax or LVT.

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And this is a much bigger and often politically

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charged idea. LVT is a totally different philosophy.

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It says you should only tax the value of the

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bare land itself and you should exclude the value

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of any improvements like buildings or landscaping.

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Because under an LVT system, if I own a prime

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downtown lot, my tax bill is the same, whether

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I leave it as a parking lot or build a 40 -story

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skyscraper on it. Right. Proponents of LVT, who

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are often called Georgists, see it as a way to

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encourage development and kill land speculation.

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It separates the value that comes from the owner's

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investment, the building, from the value that

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comes from society and nature, the location.

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This contrast is really important because a lot

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of the systems we're about to look at kind of

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blur the lines between these different ideas.

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OK, so we've got the basic concepts down. Let's

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start our world tour in Section 2 and see how

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this all plays out in the real world, starting

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right next door in Canada. Canada operates on

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a really sophisticated layered North American

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model. It's fundamentally ad valorem, but it's

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got all these other taxes and fees built in.

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The annual tax bill is complex because it's usually

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made up of three main layers. What are those

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layers? So the calculation starts with the market

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value, which is set by a provincial assessment

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authority. That's your base. Right. Then that

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value is multiplied by the municipal rate that

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funds your local police, fire, parks. Then you

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add an education rate on top of that for the

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schools. And then finally, you might have some

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special taxes for specific projects. And on top

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of all that, how often they reassess your property's

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value can vary wildly from province to province.

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That layering really shows how any budget squeeze

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was. it's for schools or for roads is going to

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show up on your property tax. Yeah. But the source

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material points out this really counterintuitive

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thing about city tax rates. Yes. The Vancouver

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paradox. It's fascinating. Vancouver has some

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of the highest, most insane property values in

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the world. Yeah. But for years, it's had one

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of the lowest property tax rates in Canada as

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a percentage of that value. How is that even

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possible? It seems like it should be the opposite.

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Well, it shows you something really important

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about how this works. High property values don't

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automatically mean high tax rates. Think about

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it. If the city's budget, the actual amount of

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money they need to run things, stays pretty stable,

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but the total value of all the property in the

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city has doubled because of a hot market. Then

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you only need to take a much smaller percentage,

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a smaller slice of that bigger pie, to get the

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same amount of money. You've got it. The budget

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is the constant, and the skyrocketing property

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values are the variable that actually lets them

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lower the rate. And it's not just Vancouver.

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The sources also noted that at one point, Toronto

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had the lowest rate among all the major cities

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in its province, Ontario. So beyond that annual

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tax, Canada also uses another big levy. The land

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transfer tax, or LTT. Yes, and this is a huge

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part of the cost of buying a home there. The

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LTT is a provincial tax you pay when you buy

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a property. So it's a one -time transaction tax,

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not an annual ownership tax. And it's usually

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progressive. The more expensive the house, the

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higher the rate you pay. And this is everywhere

00:12:00.850 --> 00:12:03.649
in Canada except for a couple of provinces. Correct.

00:12:03.789 --> 00:12:06.250
Alberta and Saskatchewan are the big exceptions.

00:12:06.590 --> 00:12:09.809
They generally don't have a provincial LTT, which

00:12:09.809 --> 00:12:12.879
makes buying a home there cheaper up front. But

00:12:12.879 --> 00:12:15.139
the costs can get really, really high in Canada's

00:12:15.139 --> 00:12:17.360
biggest city. Oh, absolutely. In Toronto, they

00:12:17.360 --> 00:12:19.720
have their own additional municipal land transfer

00:12:19.720 --> 00:12:22.759
tax, which gets stacked right on top of the provincial

00:12:22.759 --> 00:12:24.460
ones. So you get hit twice. You get hit twice.

00:12:24.580 --> 00:12:28.379
It means buyers in Toronto pay two separate LTTs

00:12:28.379 --> 00:12:31.519
on one purchase, and it can add tens of thousands

00:12:31.519 --> 00:12:34.299
of dollars to your closing costs. It's a huge

00:12:34.299 --> 00:12:37.460
upfront expense. Wow. That sounds like a major

00:12:37.460 --> 00:12:40.059
barrier. But the system does try to help out

00:12:40.059 --> 00:12:42.080
first -time buyers, right? It does. They use

00:12:42.080 --> 00:12:44.779
rebates as a policy tool. So in Ontario, for

00:12:44.779 --> 00:12:46.940
example, first -time homebuyers get a tax credit

00:12:46.940 --> 00:12:50.240
of about $750. But more importantly, there's

00:12:50.240 --> 00:12:52.899
a land transfer tax rebate of up to $4 ,000.

00:12:53.179 --> 00:12:55.120
So if you're buying a home under a certain price,

00:12:55.200 --> 00:12:57.919
I think the source said around $368 ,000, that

00:12:57.919 --> 00:13:00.759
four grand rebate means you pay zero provincial

00:13:00.759 --> 00:13:04.600
LTT. That's a huge incentive. It is. But on the

00:13:04.600 --> 00:13:06.480
other side of the coin, you have British Columbia,

00:13:06.720 --> 00:13:10.039
which has used property tax surcharges as a really

00:13:10.039 --> 00:13:12.740
aggressive tool to try and manage foreign investment

00:13:12.740 --> 00:13:14.759
in its housing market, especially in Vancouver.

00:13:15.100 --> 00:13:17.919
Ah, so this is a clear case of using a tax to

00:13:17.919 --> 00:13:20.120
change behavior. What do they do? So British

00:13:20.120 --> 00:13:22.799
Columbia already has a tiered transfer tax, but

00:13:22.799 --> 00:13:25.059
then they added a special surcharge that only

00:13:25.059 --> 00:13:27.980
targets non -resident foreign homebuyers. It

00:13:27.980 --> 00:13:30.600
started at 15 % and they quickly hiked it to

00:13:30.600 --> 00:13:33.240
20%. 20%. On top of everything else. On top of

00:13:33.240 --> 00:13:35.460
everything else. And the definition of a foreign

00:13:35.460 --> 00:13:38.480
buyer is really broad. It even includes international

00:13:38.480 --> 00:13:41.360
students and temporary foreign workers. It was

00:13:41.360 --> 00:13:44.080
explicitly designed to cool down foreign speculation

00:13:44.080 --> 00:13:46.320
in what was an incredibly overheated market.

00:13:46.639 --> 00:13:49.559
Okay, so from Canada's layered model, let's jump

00:13:49.559 --> 00:13:52.519
over to Germany. The problem there wasn't complexity,

00:13:52.620 --> 00:13:56.039
it was. It was a complete system breakdown that

00:13:56.039 --> 00:13:58.580
forced a massive reform because of a constitutional

00:13:58.580 --> 00:14:01.580
ruling. Right. Germany's property tax brings

00:14:01.580 --> 00:14:05.500
in almost 15 billion euros a year. It's absolutely

00:14:05.500 --> 00:14:08.460
vital for their municipalities. It funds schools,

00:14:08.740 --> 00:14:11.840
libraries, roads, all the local services. It's

00:14:11.840 --> 00:14:13.720
the bedrock of their local government funding.

00:14:13.899 --> 00:14:17.090
But that bedrock was built on, I guess. Quicksand.

00:14:17.149 --> 00:14:19.230
The way they were calculating the tax base was

00:14:19.230 --> 00:14:21.769
so old it was basically meaningless, which led

00:14:21.769 --> 00:14:23.950
to this huge constitutional court challenge in

00:14:23.950 --> 00:14:26.669
2018. The whole system was ruled unconstitutional

00:14:26.669 --> 00:14:29.190
because it violated their version of the Equal

00:14:29.190 --> 00:14:31.769
Protection Clause. The problem was that the tax

00:14:31.769 --> 00:14:34.289
calculations were based on standard property

00:14:34.289 --> 00:14:36.669
values that were decades old. How old are we

00:14:36.669 --> 00:14:38.509
talking? In what was West Germany, they were

00:14:38.509 --> 00:14:41.889
using values from 1964. In what was East Germany,

00:14:42.029 --> 00:14:45.549
they were using values from 1935. 19. 35. You

00:14:45.549 --> 00:14:47.970
can't be serious. Yeah. So they're taxing a modern

00:14:47.970 --> 00:14:50.710
skyscraper based on the value of whatever was

00:14:50.710 --> 00:14:53.370
on that land before World War Two. That's essentially

00:14:53.370 --> 00:14:55.529
what was happening. It was stunning and it created

00:14:55.529 --> 00:14:58.450
massive inequality. You could have two properties

00:14:58.450 --> 00:15:00.710
with wildly different modern values paying the

00:15:00.710 --> 00:15:03.649
exact same tax because their 1935 valuation happened

00:15:03.649 --> 00:15:06.389
to be the same. The court just said this is fundamentally

00:15:06.389 --> 00:15:09.809
unequal and has to stop. So. The court basically

00:15:09.809 --> 00:15:11.950
ordered a complete reboot of the entire system.

00:15:12.070 --> 00:15:14.169
That must be a bureaucratic nightmare. What's

00:15:14.169 --> 00:15:16.870
the timeline? for a change that big. It's a very

00:15:16.870 --> 00:15:19.389
long, very slow transition. The reform officially

00:15:19.389 --> 00:15:22.870
kicked in in 2022. Then every single property

00:15:22.870 --> 00:15:26.230
owner in Germany had until January 2023 to submit

00:15:26.230 --> 00:15:29.070
a massive mandatory reassessment of their property's

00:15:29.070 --> 00:15:31.610
value based on what it was worth on January 1st,

00:15:31.629 --> 00:15:34.509
2022. OK. And here's the kicker. The new taxes

00:15:34.509 --> 00:15:36.750
based on those new values won't actually be charged

00:15:36.750 --> 00:15:40.009
until January 1st, 2025. So from the court ruling

00:15:40.009 --> 00:15:43.549
in 2018 to the new tax bill in 2025. Yeah. That's

00:15:43.549 --> 00:15:45.659
a seven year process. just to get the new rates

00:15:45.659 --> 00:15:47.480
in place. That really shows you the scale of

00:15:47.480 --> 00:15:49.620
this. It really does. And while they were redoing

00:15:49.620 --> 00:15:51.259
the whole thing, they did keep a lot of the important

00:15:51.259 --> 00:15:53.539
exemptions for things like public buildings,

00:15:53.720 --> 00:15:56.360
churches and nonprofits, as long as the property

00:15:56.360 --> 00:15:58.759
is being used for a public good. They also gave

00:15:58.759 --> 00:16:01.080
cities the power to set a higher tax rate on

00:16:01.080 --> 00:16:03.720
undeveloped land to, you know, encourage construction.

00:16:04.080 --> 00:16:06.539
OK, let's pivot south now to France, which has

00:16:06.539 --> 00:16:10.080
this really robust, multi -part approach to taxing

00:16:10.080 --> 00:16:13.039
property. France's main tax is the tax concierge.

00:16:13.450 --> 00:16:15.830
It's a local tax paid by the owner, and it's

00:16:15.830 --> 00:16:17.629
pretty comprehensive. It's broken into three

00:16:17.629 --> 00:16:21.110
parts. The tax on built properties, like houses.

00:16:21.490 --> 00:16:24.990
The tax on unbuilt land, like farms. And then

00:16:24.990 --> 00:16:27.389
a separate tax just for household waste removal.

00:16:27.730 --> 00:16:29.669
So they've got you covered whether you own an

00:16:29.669 --> 00:16:33.110
apartment, a field, or both. But the calculation...

00:16:34.220 --> 00:16:36.360
This is one of the most conceptually tricky methods

00:16:36.360 --> 00:16:38.639
we've come across. It is because it doesn't use

00:16:38.639 --> 00:16:41.240
simple market value. For a house, the tax base

00:16:41.240 --> 00:16:43.919
is 50 % of the property's cadastral rental value.

00:16:44.240 --> 00:16:47.440
For unbuilt land, it's 80 % of that value. Whoa,

00:16:47.500 --> 00:16:49.779
hold on. What on earth is cadastral rental value?

00:16:49.879 --> 00:16:51.539
Is that what I could actually rent my house for?

00:16:51.779 --> 00:16:54.379
No, and that is the crucial point. It is the

00:16:54.379 --> 00:16:56.919
theoretical rent the tax authority thinks your

00:16:56.919 --> 00:16:59.159
property could command based on its characteristics

00:16:59.159 --> 00:17:02.080
compared to other similar properties. It's a

00:17:02.080 --> 00:17:04.819
government -determined estimate of... So the

00:17:04.819 --> 00:17:07.380
government dreams up a theoretical rent. And

00:17:07.380 --> 00:17:10.680
then for my house, they only tax half of that

00:17:10.680 --> 00:17:13.519
theoretical number. That's it. And then that

00:17:13.519 --> 00:17:16.359
number gets multiplied by a government revaluation

00:17:16.359 --> 00:17:18.880
coefficient to account for inflation. And then

00:17:18.880 --> 00:17:21.059
that final number is multiplied by the tax rate

00:17:21.059 --> 00:17:23.819
set by your local town. It's got all these bureaucratic

00:17:23.819 --> 00:17:26.380
layers built in. Which I guess means your tax

00:17:26.380 --> 00:17:28.980
bill is a lot less volatile than if it was based

00:17:28.980 --> 00:17:31.559
on the wild swings of the housing market. But

00:17:31.559 --> 00:17:33.200
it also means there's a lot of government input.

00:17:33.299 --> 00:17:36.519
Yes. But the French system is also really notable

00:17:36.519 --> 00:17:39.480
for its long list of exemptions, which are clearly

00:17:39.480 --> 00:17:42.319
designed to achieve specific social goals. Yeah,

00:17:42.319 --> 00:17:43.980
let's list some of those out because they're

00:17:43.980 --> 00:17:46.480
perfect examples of policy choices. So first,

00:17:46.500 --> 00:17:48.859
you have temporary exemptions to encourage certain

00:17:48.859 --> 00:17:51.940
things. For instance, new houses are exempt for

00:17:51.940 --> 00:17:54.799
two years. If you do major energy efficiency

00:17:54.799 --> 00:17:57.839
renovations, you're exempt for five years, a

00:17:57.839 --> 00:18:01.140
clear push for green investment. And new low

00:18:01.140 --> 00:18:03.819
income housing projects can get a 15 year exemption.

00:18:04.079 --> 00:18:06.539
Those line up perfectly with housing and climate

00:18:06.539 --> 00:18:09.640
policy. What about permanent exemptions? The

00:18:09.640 --> 00:18:11.740
permanent ones cover things like state -owned

00:18:11.740 --> 00:18:14.059
property and buildings used for religious worship.

00:18:14.359 --> 00:18:17.220
But the most important one, as a social policy,

00:18:17.440 --> 00:18:20.640
is that owners over the age of 75 with an income

00:18:20.640 --> 00:18:23.220
below a certain level are exempt from the tax

00:18:23.220 --> 00:18:26.420
fonciere for life. It's designed to stop seniors

00:18:26.420 --> 00:18:28.559
on fixed incomes from being taxed out of their

00:18:28.559 --> 00:18:31.339
homes. And just like we saw in Israel, the French

00:18:31.339 --> 00:18:33.700
system goes after empty homes pretty aggressively

00:18:33.700 --> 00:18:36.380
with separate taxes. Oh, yes. They have distinct

00:18:36.380 --> 00:18:39.269
additional taxes. There's one for furnished secondary

00:18:39.269 --> 00:18:41.690
residences. And for properties that are just

00:18:41.690 --> 00:18:43.710
sitting empty, they have two levels. One tax

00:18:43.710 --> 00:18:45.670
for properties in high demand areas that have

00:18:45.670 --> 00:18:48.190
been vacant for at least a year, and another

00:18:48.190 --> 00:18:50.029
one for places that have been empty for more

00:18:50.029 --> 00:18:53.490
than two years. It's a very clear, multi -layered

00:18:53.490 --> 00:18:56.750
attack on passive property ownership. Okay. Moving

00:18:56.750 --> 00:18:59.009
into section three, we're shifting away from

00:18:59.009 --> 00:19:01.509
these traditional ownership models to look at

00:19:01.509 --> 00:19:03.690
systems that are really different, often with

00:19:03.690 --> 00:19:06.670
very clear social goals. Let's start with the

00:19:06.670 --> 00:19:09.650
U .K., which is a real anomaly in the developed

00:19:09.650 --> 00:19:12.410
world. It is because the U .K. is almost unique

00:19:12.410 --> 00:19:16.029
among wealthy OECD countries for not taxing the

00:19:16.029 --> 00:19:18.690
ownership of residential property itself. If

00:19:18.690 --> 00:19:20.750
you own your house, you don't pay an annual tax

00:19:20.750 --> 00:19:23.309
on the value of that asset, which is a massive

00:19:23.309 --> 00:19:25.730
break from that ad valorem principle we started

00:19:25.730 --> 00:19:27.910
with. So instead, they have the council tax.

00:19:28.670 --> 00:19:30.750
And that's paid by the person living in the house,

00:19:30.789 --> 00:19:33.109
not necessarily the owner. Correct. Council tax

00:19:33.109 --> 00:19:35.430
is considered a hybrid. It's part property tax,

00:19:35.589 --> 00:19:38.269
part personal tax. The liability is on the resident.

00:19:38.470 --> 00:19:40.849
The owner only has to pay if the property is

00:19:40.849 --> 00:19:43.450
empty. And even then, there are often discounts.

00:19:43.789 --> 00:19:45.569
And this is where it gets even more complicated.

00:19:45.609 --> 00:19:47.789
The amount you pay isn't a percentage of what

00:19:47.789 --> 00:19:50.269
your house is worth today. It's based on these

00:19:50.269 --> 00:19:53.349
historical value bands. Exactly. Your property

00:19:53.349 --> 00:19:55.529
is put into a council tax band. There are nine

00:19:55.529 --> 00:19:58.230
in England. based on what it was worth on a single

00:19:58.230 --> 00:20:02.490
day back in 1991. Wait, 1991? So if my house's

00:20:02.490 --> 00:20:05.630
value has, say, tripled since 1991, I'm getting

00:20:05.630 --> 00:20:08.630
a huge accidental tax break. Doesn't that completely

00:20:08.630 --> 00:20:12.069
violate the whole based on value idea? It creates

00:20:12.069 --> 00:20:14.349
huge equity problems, yes. It makes the system

00:20:14.349 --> 00:20:16.369
really out of step with the modern market. It's

00:20:16.369 --> 00:20:18.309
a common criticism. And the bands are rigid.

00:20:18.470 --> 00:20:20.569
On top of that, the amount you pay depends on

00:20:20.569 --> 00:20:22.410
how many people live there. If it's just one

00:20:22.410 --> 00:20:25.329
person, you get a 25 % discount. The UK also

00:20:25.329 --> 00:20:27.900
relies heavily on a transaction tax, right? the

00:20:27.900 --> 00:20:31.480
Stamp Duty Land Tax, or SDLT. SDLT is a big one.

00:20:31.619 --> 00:20:34.259
It's a progressive tax you pay when you buy property

00:20:34.259 --> 00:20:36.519
in England and Northern Ireland, and they really

00:20:36.519 --> 00:20:38.960
use it as a housing policy tool. For a regular

00:20:38.960 --> 00:20:41.039
UK resident buying their main home, the first

00:20:41.039 --> 00:20:44.680
£250 ,000 of the price is tax -free. And for

00:20:44.680 --> 00:20:46.359
first -time buyers, it's even better. They pay

00:20:46.359 --> 00:20:50.480
0 % up to £425 ,000. It's clearly designed to

00:20:50.480 --> 00:20:52.339
help people get on the property ladder. And just

00:20:52.339 --> 00:20:54.819
like we saw in Canada, they use this tax to discourage

00:20:54.819 --> 00:20:57.569
foreign investors. They do. Don't UK residents

00:20:57.569 --> 00:21:00.650
have to pay a 2 % surcharge on the SDLT on top

00:21:00.650 --> 00:21:03.390
of all the other rates? It's a theme we see over

00:21:03.390 --> 00:21:06.230
and over. If a market gets too hot because of

00:21:06.230 --> 00:21:09.190
foreign money, transaction taxes are the go -to

00:21:09.190 --> 00:21:11.589
tool to try and cool it down. OK, so from the

00:21:11.589 --> 00:21:14.130
UK taxing the resident, let's go halfway around

00:21:14.130 --> 00:21:16.650
the world to Hong Kong, which offers... Maybe

00:21:16.650 --> 00:21:18.670
the clearest, most fundamental difference of

00:21:18.670 --> 00:21:21.130
all the systems we've looked at. Yeah. Hong Kong's

00:21:21.130 --> 00:21:23.750
property tax is just flat out not ad valorem.

00:21:23.890 --> 00:21:26.250
It's a pure income tax. This is the critical

00:21:26.250 --> 00:21:28.970
distinction. The tax is not on the value of the

00:21:28.970 --> 00:21:32.089
asset. Owners only have to pay property tax if

00:21:32.089 --> 00:21:34.190
they receive consideration, which just means

00:21:34.190 --> 00:21:37.269
rental income during the tax year. So if I own

00:21:37.269 --> 00:21:39.170
a multimillion dollar apartment in Hong Kong

00:21:39.170 --> 00:21:41.829
and I live in it myself, I pay zero property

00:21:41.829 --> 00:21:44.329
tax. Absolutely correct. Because you're not deriving

00:21:44.329 --> 00:21:46.720
any income from it. The wealth that's tied up

00:21:46.720 --> 00:21:48.920
in that asset is untouched by this particular

00:21:48.920 --> 00:21:51.480
tax. So how do they calculate the tax then? It's

00:21:51.480 --> 00:21:53.400
computed on what they call the net assessable

00:21:53.400 --> 00:21:55.859
value, which is 80 % of the assessable value.

00:21:56.140 --> 00:21:58.440
And the assessable value is basically your total

00:21:58.440 --> 00:22:01.640
rental income minus any unrecoverable rent and

00:22:01.640 --> 00:22:03.920
minus any local rates you paid as the owner.

00:22:04.059 --> 00:22:07.059
It's purely a tax on revenue. That's a huge difference.

00:22:07.140 --> 00:22:10.079
It shifts the entire tax burden away from just

00:22:10.079 --> 00:22:13.119
owning wealth to actually generating income from

00:22:13.119 --> 00:22:16.140
that wealth. It's the ultimate contrast to, say,

00:22:16.240 --> 00:22:18.539
the German or Canadian systems. Now let's look

00:22:18.539 --> 00:22:21.640
at Chile, which uses its property tax for something

00:22:21.640 --> 00:22:24.980
else entirely, explicit social redistribution.

00:22:25.180 --> 00:22:28.359
They basically nationalize the tax base to spread

00:22:28.359 --> 00:22:30.740
wealth between different towns. Chile's system,

00:22:30.859 --> 00:22:33.740
the territorial tax, is paid quarterly. It's

00:22:33.740 --> 00:22:36.000
based on a low percentage, maybe one or two percent

00:22:36.000 --> 00:22:38.859
of the property's physical value. And that fiscal

00:22:38.859 --> 00:22:41.359
value is set by their IRS based on things like

00:22:41.359 --> 00:22:43.740
construction materials and age. And it's usually

00:22:43.740 --> 00:22:46.059
much lower than the actual market value. So the

00:22:46.059 --> 00:22:48.420
tax burden is already pretty light. But the sources

00:22:48.420 --> 00:22:50.500
point to these really powerful exemptions designed

00:22:50.500 --> 00:22:53.539
for social equity. The exemptions are key. Residential

00:22:53.539 --> 00:22:56.200
properties valued below about U .S. $40 ,000

00:22:56.200 --> 00:22:59.420
are completely exempt. And for homes valued above

00:22:59.420 --> 00:23:02.359
that, you only pay tax on the amount that exceeds

00:23:02.359 --> 00:23:05.579
that $40 ,000 threshold. It's designed to protect

00:23:05.579 --> 00:23:08.200
lower value homes and only tax the higher end

00:23:08.200 --> 00:23:09.839
of the market. So it's very progressive at the

00:23:09.839 --> 00:23:11.980
collection point. But the really unique part

00:23:11.980 --> 00:23:13.980
is what happens to the money after it's collected.

00:23:14.160 --> 00:23:16.220
It doesn't just stay in the wealthy town where

00:23:16.220 --> 00:23:18.819
it was raised. This is the social mechanism that

00:23:18.819 --> 00:23:21.210
sets Chile apart. While the money initially goes

00:23:21.210 --> 00:23:23.849
to the local municipality, they have to contribute

00:23:23.849 --> 00:23:26.470
a big chunk of it to a common municipal fund.

00:23:26.789 --> 00:23:29.210
This national fund is then redistributed back

00:23:29.210 --> 00:23:31.789
out to all the municipalities based on need bin,

00:23:31.890 --> 00:23:34.049
things like the poverty rate and how much infrastructure

00:23:34.049 --> 00:23:36.569
they need. So it basically nationalizes the local

00:23:36.569 --> 00:23:40.390
tax base. Money from a rich coastal suburb could

00:23:40.390 --> 00:23:43.089
end up paying for a school or a clinic in a poor

00:23:43.089 --> 00:23:45.950
rural town. That's precisely the goal. It's a

00:23:45.950 --> 00:23:48.549
powerful example of using property tax not just

00:23:48.549 --> 00:23:50.630
to raise money, but as a deliberate tool for

00:23:50.630 --> 00:23:53.269
national wealth equalization and to fight regional

00:23:53.269 --> 00:23:55.769
inequality. And finally, in this section, let's

00:23:55.769 --> 00:23:59.230
touch on Italy and the, well, the pretty confusing

00:23:59.230 --> 00:24:02.049
history of its local tax structure. Before 2020,

00:24:02.329 --> 00:24:05.450
Italy's system was called the Imposta Unica Cominale,

00:24:05.529 --> 00:24:09.339
or IUC. Now, despite the name Unica, which means

00:24:09.339 --> 00:24:12.099
single, it was actually this awkward combination

00:24:12.099 --> 00:24:15.460
of three totally separate taxes all bundled together.

00:24:15.559 --> 00:24:18.039
It was a real headache for homeowners. To make

00:24:18.039 --> 00:24:20.119
it clear, the IEC was kind of like having three

00:24:20.119 --> 00:24:22.240
different faucets all flowing into the same sink.

00:24:22.740 --> 00:24:24.980
What were those three components? The three were

00:24:24.980 --> 00:24:28.769
the IMU, the TASI, and the TARI. The IMU was

00:24:28.769 --> 00:24:31.410
the basic ownership tax on buildings and land.

00:24:31.650 --> 00:24:34.309
The TASI was a tax for indivisible services,

00:24:34.509 --> 00:24:36.150
things like streetlights and road maintenance

00:24:36.150 --> 00:24:38.490
that benefit everyone. And the TARI was just

00:24:38.490 --> 00:24:41.390
the tax for garbage collection. So IMU paid for

00:24:41.390 --> 00:24:43.650
owning the property, TASI paid for the general

00:24:43.650 --> 00:24:45.890
upkeep of the town, and TARI paid to take out

00:24:45.890 --> 00:24:48.339
the trash. A single name for three different

00:24:48.339 --> 00:24:51.059
calculations. Exactly. It was a mess. So in 2020,

00:24:51.240 --> 00:24:53.019
they finally got rid of Tassie and rolled it

00:24:53.019 --> 00:24:55.180
into the new IMU, which simplified things a bit.

00:24:55.500 --> 00:24:58.240
Today's IMU rates are usually between 0 .4 %

00:24:58.240 --> 00:25:00.980
and 0 .8 % of the property's cadastral value.

00:25:01.259 --> 00:25:03.720
And like France, primary residences are often

00:25:03.720 --> 00:25:06.180
exempt, right? That's right. Your main home is

00:25:06.180 --> 00:25:09.279
usually exempt from IMU, as is agricultural land

00:25:09.279 --> 00:25:12.069
that's actively being farmed. But one really

00:25:12.069 --> 00:25:14.410
interesting thing, given our global topic, is

00:25:14.410 --> 00:25:17.569
that Italy also has a special wealth tax, the

00:25:17.569 --> 00:25:20.670
LVIE, that's levied specifically on Italian residents

00:25:20.670 --> 00:25:23.250
who own real estate abroad. So they're trying

00:25:23.250 --> 00:25:26.190
to stop capital flight. Exactly. It's an aggressive

00:25:26.190 --> 00:25:28.910
attempt to capture and tax the global assets

00:25:28.910 --> 00:25:31.690
of their citizens. So wealthy Italians can't

00:25:31.690 --> 00:25:34.009
just buy property elsewhere to avoid paying tax

00:25:34.009 --> 00:25:36.900
at home. That trick around the world really shows

00:25:36.900 --> 00:25:40.339
that property tax isn't one single thing. It's

00:25:40.339 --> 00:25:43.400
this incredibly flexible machine. Now let's take

00:25:43.400 --> 00:25:45.400
a step back in Section 4 and look at the history

00:25:45.400 --> 00:25:47.339
and the biggest criticisms. It's important to

00:25:47.339 --> 00:25:49.240
know that this all didn't start with market value,

00:25:49.380 --> 00:25:52.559
did it? It started with, what, crops. Oh, absolutely.

00:25:52.779 --> 00:25:54.900
Before you had widespread currency, tax was just

00:25:54.900 --> 00:25:57.140
a physical slice of what you produced. We've

00:25:57.140 --> 00:25:59.180
got records from the ancient city -state of Lagash

00:25:59.180 --> 00:26:02.579
in modern Iraq from around 6000 BCE. They had

00:26:02.579 --> 00:26:05.539
a system called bala, which means rotation. To

00:26:05.539 --> 00:26:09.119
make the job of tax collection manageable, because

00:26:09.119 --> 00:26:11.220
you had to physically go and count everything,

00:26:11.559 --> 00:26:13.779
they would just tax a different part of the city

00:26:13.779 --> 00:26:15.880
each month. It was a rotating burden, so the

00:26:15.880 --> 00:26:18.079
whole city paid over the course of a year. But

00:26:18.079 --> 00:26:21.019
no single area got crushed by constant collection.

00:26:21.390 --> 00:26:23.730
And systems like in ancient Egypt started to

00:26:23.730 --> 00:26:26.970
move away from just area and towards potential

00:26:26.970 --> 00:26:30.769
output, towards value. Yeah. Ancient Egypt taxed

00:26:30.769 --> 00:26:34.029
the value of grain, cattle, oil and the land

00:26:34.029 --> 00:26:35.869
itself. And they had a professional class of

00:26:35.869 --> 00:26:38.490
tax assessors, scribes who are highly respected.

00:26:38.670 --> 00:26:41.029
They kept these detailed records of who owned

00:26:41.029 --> 00:26:42.829
what and they would check crop yields. If you

00:26:42.829 --> 00:26:44.730
couldn't pay, you went to court. So it was a

00:26:44.730 --> 00:26:47.750
slow shift from taxing area to taxing value or

00:26:47.750 --> 00:26:50.420
income. OK, let's fast forward to the American

00:26:50.420 --> 00:26:53.480
colonial period. Property tax became the foundational

00:26:53.480 --> 00:26:56.680
tool for building communities. In the 13 colonies,

00:26:56.819 --> 00:26:58.900
it was used to fund the most essential services.

00:26:59.220 --> 00:27:01.759
The Puritans in Boston, for example, use it to

00:27:01.759 --> 00:27:03.440
pay for the church and for religious education.

00:27:03.559 --> 00:27:05.700
And everybody had to pay. It didn't matter what

00:27:05.700 --> 00:27:08.319
your own religion was. It was seen as a civic

00:27:08.319 --> 00:27:11.700
duty. And they also built in this measure of

00:27:11.700 --> 00:27:14.839
social compassion, but also social control that

00:27:14.839 --> 00:27:16.720
we don't really think about with taxes today.

00:27:16.839 --> 00:27:19.420
Not at all. The sources note that the assessors

00:27:19.420 --> 00:27:22.140
would explicitly consider your social situation.

00:27:22.640 --> 00:27:25.319
A widow with kids was often not only forgiven

00:27:25.319 --> 00:27:27.819
her taxes for the year, but she might actually

00:27:27.819 --> 00:27:30.099
receive a monthly payment from the town treasury.

00:27:30.339 --> 00:27:33.000
A kind of guaranteed income funded by property

00:27:33.000 --> 00:27:36.079
tax. Exactly. But on the other hand, there were

00:27:36.079 --> 00:27:38.940
clear punishments. If you destroyed public property,

00:27:39.000 --> 00:27:41.839
like you damaged a road, you had to pay for the

00:27:41.839 --> 00:27:44.420
repairs through a direct increase in your property

00:27:44.420 --> 00:27:47.230
tax. It was a very transparent tool. for both

00:27:47.230 --> 00:27:51.990
welfare and local justice. Now, after 1776, in

00:27:51.990 --> 00:27:54.490
the early United States, property tax became

00:27:54.490 --> 00:27:56.829
the center of this huge political fight between

00:27:56.829 --> 00:27:59.690
two of the founders, Alexander Hamilton and Thomas

00:27:59.690 --> 00:28:01.970
Jefferson. And this fight really sealed the fate

00:28:01.970 --> 00:28:05.009
of property tax as a local thing in the US. Hamilton,

00:28:05.309 --> 00:28:07.589
who wanted a strong central government, argued

00:28:07.589 --> 00:28:10.589
for a high national property tax to give the

00:28:10.589 --> 00:28:12.630
new federal government more power and more money.

00:28:12.990 --> 00:28:15.349
Jefferson, who was all about states' rights and

00:28:15.349 --> 00:28:17.940
local control, wanted that revenue to be raised

00:28:17.940 --> 00:28:20.740
locally. He saw property tax as the most democratic

00:28:20.740 --> 00:28:23.200
way for communities to fund themselves. And Hamilton

00:28:23.200 --> 00:28:25.220
actually got his national property tax for a

00:28:25.220 --> 00:28:27.220
little while, right? But it was a total failure.

00:28:27.380 --> 00:28:30.680
Why? It was a bureaucratic disaster and it was

00:28:30.680 --> 00:28:33.400
deeply unpopular. The states hated the federal

00:28:33.400 --> 00:28:35.799
government meddling in their local revenue. There

00:28:35.799 --> 00:28:38.539
were protests. People refused to pay. And it

00:28:38.539 --> 00:28:40.539
was repealed pretty quickly and never successfully

00:28:40.539 --> 00:28:43.859
brought back. That failure is why, to this day,

00:28:43.940 --> 00:28:46.480
property tax in the U .S. is almost exclusively

00:28:46.480 --> 00:28:49.599
a local revenue stream. It's what pays for our

00:28:49.599 --> 00:28:52.319
schools, our police, our fire departments. That

00:28:52.319 --> 00:28:55.039
history is fascinating. But the most powerful

00:28:55.039 --> 00:28:58.029
part of this section is the ultimate... fundamental

00:28:58.029 --> 00:29:01.150
criticism of property tax. It asked this really

00:29:01.150 --> 00:29:03.910
deep question about what it even means to own

00:29:03.910 --> 00:29:06.430
something. The criticism basically asks, does

00:29:06.430 --> 00:29:09.009
property tax mean that true absolute ownership

00:29:09.009 --> 00:29:11.670
of your home is just an illusion? That's a pretty

00:29:11.670 --> 00:29:13.940
heavy statement. What's the argument? The argument

00:29:13.940 --> 00:29:16.480
is that property tax proves that property owners

00:29:16.480 --> 00:29:19.160
are really just long term renters and the government

00:29:19.160 --> 00:29:22.240
is the true landlord. And the proof is what happens

00:29:22.240 --> 00:29:24.720
if you don't pay because the government can legally

00:29:24.720 --> 00:29:26.599
kick you out of your home for not paying this

00:29:26.599 --> 00:29:29.140
annual fee. Your ownership is conditional. And

00:29:29.140 --> 00:29:31.859
the consequences for not paying can be incredibly

00:29:31.859 --> 00:29:35.500
extreme. We have this really shocking specific

00:29:35.500 --> 00:29:39.019
story from Southfield, Michigan, that just illustrates

00:29:39.019 --> 00:29:42.359
the brutal reality of this idea. This is a well

00:29:42.359 --> 00:29:44.380
-documented case that really gets to the heart

00:29:44.380 --> 00:29:46.880
of the criticism. A resident fell behind on her

00:29:46.880 --> 00:29:50.480
property taxes by about $900. The town, following

00:29:50.480 --> 00:29:53.000
the law, refused to accept a late payment after

00:29:53.000 --> 00:29:55.259
a certain point. Instead, they confiscated her

00:29:55.259 --> 00:29:58.720
home, which is valued at nearly $300 ,000, and

00:29:58.720 --> 00:30:00.799
sold it to cover the debt. Wait, they took a

00:30:00.799 --> 00:30:04.849
$300 ,000 home over a $900 debt? They did. and

00:30:04.849 --> 00:30:07.109
it highlights the most severe implication for

00:30:07.109 --> 00:30:09.890
property rights. The value of the asset they

00:30:09.890 --> 00:30:12.490
took was wildly out of proportion to the debt

00:30:12.490 --> 00:30:15.190
owed, but the state's right to collect its tax

00:30:15.190 --> 00:30:17.970
and the lien that comes with it was more powerful

00:30:17.970 --> 00:30:20.170
than the individual's claim to her own home.

00:30:20.829 --> 00:30:23.369
Critics say this is definitive proof that your

00:30:23.369 --> 00:30:25.410
ownership is contingent on paying that annual

00:30:25.410 --> 00:30:28.190
fee to the state. It changes how you see the

00:30:28.190 --> 00:30:30.289
whole thing. It really does. It's not just a

00:30:30.289 --> 00:30:33.170
tax. It's the annual renewal fee on your tenancy

00:30:33.170 --> 00:30:35.119
with the government. And just to round out the

00:30:35.119 --> 00:30:37.579
picture, even though this tax is so common, it's

00:30:37.579 --> 00:30:39.440
worth noting there are some surprising places

00:30:39.440 --> 00:30:42.440
that don't have it at all on residential property.

00:30:42.660 --> 00:30:44.900
It's a surprisingly long list for such a fundamental

00:30:44.900 --> 00:30:47.700
tax. Who are the big exceptions? Well, in the

00:30:47.700 --> 00:30:49.700
People's Republic of China, there's no tax on

00:30:49.700 --> 00:30:51.420
homeowners because the government technically

00:30:51.420 --> 00:30:54.900
owns all the land. We also see no property tax

00:30:54.900 --> 00:30:58.359
in places like Kuwait, Malta and Greenland. And

00:30:58.359 --> 00:31:00.519
even inside the U .S. sphere of influence, there

00:31:00.519 --> 00:31:03.980
are some tax free zones. Yes. The U .S. territory

00:31:03.980 --> 00:31:07.359
of American Samoa has no property tax. And even

00:31:07.359 --> 00:31:09.799
in a state like Alaska, only about two dozen

00:31:09.799 --> 00:31:12.480
municipalities actually levy one. But where they

00:31:12.480 --> 00:31:15.420
do, it makes up the vast majority of local revenue,

00:31:15.559 --> 00:31:18.799
which shows you just how effective this tax is

00:31:18.799 --> 00:31:21.619
when it's applied. This has been a really fascinating

00:31:21.619 --> 00:31:24.160
and, I think, exhaustive breakdown. It shows

00:31:24.160 --> 00:31:26.980
property tax is a financial tool. It's a social

00:31:26.980 --> 00:31:29.819
lever and it's a bit of a philosophical hot potato.

00:31:30.000 --> 00:31:32.759
Yeah. Let's try and synthesize the two big takeaways

00:31:32.759 --> 00:31:34.920
from this deep dive. I think the first one is

00:31:34.920 --> 00:31:37.259
that property tax, even though we think of it

00:31:37.259 --> 00:31:40.380
as the simple local thing, is incredibly adaptable.

00:31:40.400 --> 00:31:42.140
We saw systems where it works like an income

00:31:42.140 --> 00:31:44.839
tax, like in Hong Kong. Right. Or a tax on residents,

00:31:44.960 --> 00:31:48.039
like in the UK, or even a national wealth redistribution

00:31:48.039 --> 00:31:50.720
tool, like in Chile. Its application is always

00:31:50.720 --> 00:31:52.980
a policy choice, whether you're trying to equalize

00:31:52.980 --> 00:31:55.559
wealth or just get landlords to rent out empty

00:31:55.559 --> 00:31:57.019
apartments. apartments like in France and Israel.

00:31:57.220 --> 00:31:59.119
And the second big takeaway is that despite all

00:31:59.119 --> 00:32:01.880
that global variety, its core function at the

00:32:01.880 --> 00:32:03.700
local level is still absolutely fundamental.

00:32:04.279 --> 00:32:07.420
It is, for lack of a better term, the cost of

00:32:07.420 --> 00:32:10.660
local civilization. I mean, in the U .S., it's

00:32:10.660 --> 00:32:13.819
the engine that funds 97 percent of local infrastructure,

00:32:14.059 --> 00:32:16.980
police, fire, schools, roads. You just can't

00:32:16.980 --> 00:32:19.519
run a city without it. It is the necessary engine

00:32:19.519 --> 00:32:21.880
of local government. But let's end with that

00:32:21.880 --> 00:32:24.019
really provocative thought that the critics raised,

00:32:24.240 --> 00:32:26.839
building on that example from Michigan, where

00:32:26.839 --> 00:32:31.180
a $900 debt led to losing a $300 ,000 home. If

00:32:31.180 --> 00:32:33.740
failing to pay your property taxes, even a tiny

00:32:33.740 --> 00:32:36.119
amount, can lead to the state taking and selling

00:32:36.119 --> 00:32:38.400
your home, does that mean true absolute property

00:32:38.400 --> 00:32:40.900
ownership is fundamentally an illusion? Are we

00:32:40.900 --> 00:32:43.400
at best just long -term tenants of the state

00:32:43.400 --> 00:32:46.079
paying an annual rent on the land? It's a powerful

00:32:46.079 --> 00:32:48.589
question. And it challenges the very core of

00:32:48.589 --> 00:32:50.650
our ideas about property rights. It really encourages

00:32:50.650 --> 00:32:53.029
us to look seriously at those other ideas we

00:32:53.029 --> 00:32:54.869
mentioned, like Georgism and the land value tax,

00:32:55.130 --> 00:32:57.509
as maybe potential solutions. Understanding the

00:32:57.509 --> 00:32:59.250
history and the philosophy behind that annual

00:32:59.250 --> 00:33:01.269
bill, it really changes everything about how

00:33:01.269 --> 00:33:02.849
you read it next time it shows up in your mailbox.
