WEBVTT

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Welcome to the Deep Dive. If you've followed,

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well, any policy debate in the last decade, you've

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probably heard two terms thrown around that sound

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almost the same. Minimum wage and living wage.

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They get used so interchangeably. And it's frustrating

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because they're used to talk about a floor on

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pay. But the philosophical, historical and economic

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evidence we've gathered shows they are built

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on fundamentally different, often conflicting.

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And that's the core confusion we're really here

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to cut through today. Our source material for

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this is incredibly rich. I mean, it provides

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comprehensive definitions and historical context

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stretching all the way back to ancient Greece.

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Oh, it's amazing. It is. And then it goes into

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contemporary philosophical justifications, global

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examples, and maybe most importantly, the core

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arguments driving the really intense economic

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debate today, including, you know, these competing

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quantitative models. So our mission is pretty

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straightforward. Cut to being truly well informed

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on this. We want to precisely delineate the difference

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between these two ideas, the moral aspiration

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versus the legal price floor, and then analyze

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that intensely contradictory economic evidence

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on their real world impact. So you walk away

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understanding the costs, the benefits and the

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deep underlying political tensions surrounding

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each approach. OK, so let's start with the standard

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that is fundamentally a moral and needs based

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concept. The living wage. Right. The core definition

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of a living wage is based on human need, not

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not on market forces. It's the minimum income

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necessary for a worker to meet their basic needs.

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And basic needs is a really important phrase

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here because it's defined quite broadly, isn't

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it? It is. It's explicitly defined to include

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things like food, of course, but also adequate

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housing, clothing and other essential necessities

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like utilities, transport and very often child

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care. The crucial element here is the goal of

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that income. It's not just about a biological

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minimum to survive, which is what we used to

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call subsistence wage. It sounds like the living

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wage is aiming for something much higher and,

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well, more holistic. It is. The goal is explicitly

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to allow a worker to afford a basic but decent

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standard of living just through their employment.

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So without having to rely on government help.

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Exactly. Without having to rely on government

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subsidies for day -to -day survival. It's about

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dignity and self -sufficiency, which automatically

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makes it higher than a mere subsistence wage,

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which, as you said, only accounts for the biological

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minimum required to keep you going. That concept

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also connects back to that historical idea of

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the family wage, the idea that one worker's income

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should be enough to support not just themselves,

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but also to raise a family. Yes, though many

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modern living wage calculations, they tend to

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start with the needs of a single adult and then

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they scale it up for different family types.

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And that adaptability, or you could call it calculation

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flexibility, is where all the complexity and

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frankly, the massive local variation comes from.

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The definition of needs is flexible because the

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cost of those needs vary so much by location

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and household type. A decent standard of living

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in, say, Manhattan looks fundamentally different

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from one in rural Alabama. Completely different.

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To understand this, let's look at how different

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groups actually calculate it. It's not just economists

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with spreadsheets. It's often based on these

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really detailed baskets of goods and services.

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A literal shopping list for a decent life. Pretty

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much. For example, in the United Kingdom and

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New Zealand, advocates define the living wage

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very holistically. It means a person working

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a standard 40 -hour week with no other income

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should be able to afford the full package necessary

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for a modest but decent life. And that package

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includes what? Well, that bundle has defined

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allowances for housing, utilities, transport,

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basic health care, and crucially, child care.

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They aren't just calculating the cost of one

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bedroom rental. They're trying to model a real

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life. And then you have a completely different

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method, like the one used by the Greater London

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Authority, the GLA, which links the required

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wage directly to the prosperity of the community

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it serves. Yes. The GLA calculation is fascinating

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because it doesn't just look at expenses. It

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benchmarks against general income levels. They

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calculate the threshold wage as an income equivalent

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to 60 percent of the median income in London.

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Okay, so it's relative. It's relative. And then,

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because they recognize that life isn't always

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predictable, they add an extra 15 % allowance

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on top of that for unforeseen events or emergencies.

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A little cushion. A cushion. This method makes

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sure that the living wage tracks overall societal

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prosperity, at least somewhat, rather than just

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inflation on, you know, bread and fuel. If London

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gets wealthier, the calculated living wage rises,

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so the working poor don't get completely left

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behind the average standard of living. To really

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drive home just how much local variation there

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is in the United States, we have to look at the

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striking estimates from groups like the National

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Low Income Housing Coalition. Their approach

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is so powerful. It really is. They tried to calculate

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the necessary wage purely through the lens of

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housing affordability, using that basic rule

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of thumb that no one should have to spend more

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than 30 percent of their income on housing. And

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the results, the resulting disparities are just

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incredible. I mean, they're often shocking. In

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2019, based on that 30 % rule for a fair market

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two -bedroom apartment, the necessary full -time

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hourly wage ranged from a staggering high of

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$36 .82 per hour in Hawaii. Wait, $36 an hour?

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$36 .82. That's nearly $76 ,000 a year just to

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afford a decent two -bedroom apartment without

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being house poor? I mean, that single number

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tells the whole story of the housing crisis in

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high -cost areas. Better than any chart. It absolutely

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does. And the absolute lowest state they calculated

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was Arkansas at $14 .26 per hour, still double

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the federal minimum wage. And these numbers are

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just so starkly different from the minimum wage

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in those same areas. Well, exactly. The MIT Living

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Wage Calculator uses a similar expense -based

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approach, and it produces a U .S. heat map showing

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that even for a single adult with no children,

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the estimated living wage ranges from $15 to

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over $20 per hour across most of the country.

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So it confirms that $7 .25. is just, it's not

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a living wage anywhere, really. Not in almost

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any urban or suburban environment, no. Okay,

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so if the living wage is this highly variable

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needs -based goal, a measure of dignity, then

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the minimum wage is something else entirely.

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It's a legal boundary. Precisely. The core definition

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of the minimum wage is just the lowest remuneration

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that employers can legally pay their employees.

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It's a statutory wage, a legal price floor for

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labor, enforceable by law. Simple as that. And

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the key distinction, which is what causes all

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the policy conflict, is that the minimum wage

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can and often does fail to meet the requirements

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for that basic, decent quality of life. And that

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failure is a policy choice, isn't it? It is the

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central conflict in the modern debate. When the

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legal minimum wage falls short of a living wage,

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it means that worker cannot meet their essential

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needs through employment alone. Which forces

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them onto government programs. Exactly. Forcing

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them to rely on government programs for supplementary

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income. This is the heart of that welfare subsidy

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argument we'll get into later. Economically speaking,

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the minimum wage is a legal threshold, a non

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-negotiable floor, while the living wage serves

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as a guideline or a moral target for where that

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floor ought to be. That difference becomes just

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crystal clear when you zoom out to a global view.

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Let's look at how the mandatory minimum wage

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looks across different developed economies using

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2024 OECD data. And this data is adjusted for

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purchasing power parity or PPP, which makes the

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figures comparable in real terms. The divergence

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is dramatic. So who's at the top? At the higher

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end of the OECD, you find countries that effectively

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use the minimum wage as a near -living wage floor.

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Luxembourg and Germany are both around $17 per

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hour. The U .K. is at $16, and the Netherlands

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and New Zealand are also high. So these countries

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have national minimums that are relatively robust

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compared to their cost of living. Right. But

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then you have nations like the United States,

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where the federal rate is just a mere $7 an hour,

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though of course many states mandate higher,

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and Mexico is even lower at $3 per hour. That

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gap between a $17 floor and a $7 floor just shows

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these vastly different national attitudes toward

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what the minimum wage is even for. It reflects

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whether the minimum wage is seen as a primary

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anti -poverty tool or just a safety net against,

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you know, egregious exploitation. And this brings

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us to a very specific metric economists use to

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gauge this. The Kites Index. Tell us more about

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this metric. Why is it so telling? The Cates

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Index is simple, but it's really powerful. It

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is the ratio of the legal minimum wage to the

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median wage in that country. It tells you how

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close the floor is to what a typical worker makes.

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And among the OECD countries listed in our data,

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the United States has the lowest CAITS index.

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It's at 0 .25. So 0 .25 means the federal minimum

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wage is only one quarter of what the typical

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American worker earns. That is a massive gap.

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It is. It shows the minimum wage is not tracking

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national prosperity at all. Now, contrast that

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with, say, Colombia, which has a CAITS index

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of 0 .92. Almost one to one. Almost. Or Costa

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Rica at 0 .87. In those countries, the minimum

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wage floor is nearly synonymous with the median

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income. So this index clearly shows whether a

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country is setting a very low baseline for entry

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level work like the U .S. or if it's trying to

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use the minimum wage as a primary forceful tool

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for wage equalization. The index itself is a

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proxy for the whole philosophical debate. That

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comparison really drives home the point that

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before this was a policy debate or a statistical

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argument, it was a profound question of societal

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fairness and human dignity. Okay, let's unpack

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this. The idea of a needs -based wage stretches

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back far beyond modern industrial economies.

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That's right. The concept of an income that ensures

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the communal good or just basic fairness can

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be traced all the way back to ancient Greece.

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And Aristotle's contribution is particularly

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significant here because he explicitly linked

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income to quality of life and the ability to

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participate fully in society. He certainly did.

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Aristotle saw self -sufficiency, a life that

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lacked nothing essential, as a requirement for

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happiness. And he defined happiness as that which

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on its own makes life worthy of choice and lacking

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in nothing. That's a high bar. It is. And crucially,

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he placed the responsibility for ensuring that

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the poor could earn a sustainable living squarely

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on the state. These weren't just abstract moral

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points. They were political arguments about how

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to maintain a functional society. And this philosophical

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bedrock, it then evolved into theological discussions

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during the medieval period, particularly around

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trade and fairness. Right. Scholars like Thomas

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Aquinas argued for a just wage, and he directly

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correlated it with the concept of just prices.

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Just prices were those that allowed everyone,

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regardless of their status, to get access to

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life's necessities. Though a wage that didn't

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allow for that was unjust. It was considered

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inherently unjust because it imperiled the virtue

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and moral capability of those without access.

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If a worker couldn't afford food or shelter,

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how could they possibly uphold their spiritual

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or civic duties? The theological concern was

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that poverty forced individuals into sin and

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vice, and therefore an unjust wage imperiled

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the soul. And then we get to the earliest form

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of state intervention. which ironically was born

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out of a crisis where the state was trying to

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suppress wages. This is a fantastic piece of

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historical irony. We're talking about the ordinance

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of laborers in England in 1349. The Black Plague

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had wiped out a third of the population, creating

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this severe labor shortage. So supply and demand

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kicked in. It did its thing and wages soared.

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Landowners and the ruling class panicked and

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enacted the ordinance, which was designed to

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set a maximum wage a ceiling to stop workers

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from demanding too much. They were trying to

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rewind the clock on market forces, but that policy

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failed and it laid the groundwork for the exact

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opposite policy decades later. Precisely. The

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policy evolved. It became the statute of laborers.

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By 1389, instead of setting a simple ceiling,

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it was fixing wages to the price of food, trying

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to stabilize the system. That state mechanism

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of setting a wage based on calculated needs,

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even if the initial goal was constraint, created

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the institutional machinery. And this leads to...

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The first minimum wage. Eventually, this long

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history culminates in King James I's 1604 Act

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fixing a minimum wage, specifically for textile

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workers. The initial attempt to set a wage ceiling

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inadvertently paved a way for the first formal

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minimum wage floor, a surprising lineage for

00:12:50.740 --> 00:12:52.700
the modern system. It's important to remember

00:12:52.700 --> 00:12:55.419
that this moral imperative didn't just die with

00:12:55.419 --> 00:12:57.919
the rise of industrial capitalism. Even the canonical

00:12:57.919 --> 00:13:00.539
figures of classical economics recognize the

00:13:00.539 --> 00:13:02.559
necessity of adequate pay. You're talking about

00:13:02.559 --> 00:13:04.919
Adam Smith himself. Exactly. We often think of

00:13:04.919 --> 00:13:07.159
him as the champion of free markets. But his

00:13:07.159 --> 00:13:09.840
work, Wealth of Nations, recognized that rising

00:13:09.840 --> 00:13:12.360
real wages were a significant advantage to society.

00:13:12.840 --> 00:13:15.600
Smith was very clear on this. He argued, and

00:13:15.600 --> 00:13:18.120
I'm quoting here, that those who feed, clothe

00:13:18.120 --> 00:13:20.360
and lodge the whole body of the people should

00:13:20.360 --> 00:13:22.440
have such a share of the produce of their own

00:13:22.440 --> 00:13:25.120
labor as to be themselves tolerably well -fed,

00:13:25.279 --> 00:13:27.620
clothed and lodged. More than just subsistence.

00:13:27.759 --> 00:13:30.340
Way more. He advocated for an equitable share.

00:13:30.519 --> 00:13:33.419
For Smith, higher wages actually increased labor

00:13:33.419 --> 00:13:35.840
productivity. A well -fed worker is a better

00:13:35.840 --> 00:13:38.820
worker, which benefited the entire economy. He

00:13:38.820 --> 00:13:41.200
saw higher wages as a driver of overall growth,

00:13:41.399 --> 00:13:44.139
not just a cost to be minimized. And the moral

00:13:44.139 --> 00:13:47.039
foundation was continuously reinforced outside

00:13:47.039 --> 00:13:50.419
of secular economic theory, especially by powerful

00:13:50.419 --> 00:13:52.860
religious institutions. Yes, the Catholic Church

00:13:52.860 --> 00:13:55.379
has provided long -standing philosophical support,

00:13:55.620 --> 00:13:58.879
starting with Pope Leo III's 1891 encyclical

00:13:58.879 --> 00:14:02.179
Rerum Novarum. This document clearly articulated

00:14:02.179 --> 00:14:04.419
that wages should be sufficient to support the

00:14:04.419 --> 00:14:07.600
family wage concept. And that view has been consistent.

00:14:08.059 --> 00:14:10.059
Very consistent. It's been reaffirmed across

00:14:10.059 --> 00:14:12.940
the centuries, most notably by Pope John Paul

00:14:12.940 --> 00:14:16.879
II in 1981, who stated that a just wage is the

00:14:16.879 --> 00:14:19.740
concrete means of verifying the whole socioeconomic

00:14:19.740 --> 00:14:23.299
system. The moral imperative spanning from Aquinas

00:14:23.299 --> 00:14:26.259
to the 20th century has consistently placed the

00:14:26.259 --> 00:14:28.379
needs of the worker and their family above the

00:14:28.379 --> 00:14:32.200
pure pursuit of profit. This rich moral bedrock

00:14:32.200 --> 00:14:35.100
really informs the contemporary arguments, which

00:14:35.100 --> 00:14:37.340
frame the living wage not as a temporary anti

00:14:37.340 --> 00:14:40.200
-poverty patch, but as a fundamental right essential

00:14:40.200 --> 00:14:43.169
for a functional, sustainable democracy. Modern

00:14:43.169 --> 00:14:45.610
proponents typically rely on three powerful ethical

00:14:45.610 --> 00:14:48.029
frameworks. First, there's the rights perspective,

00:14:48.350 --> 00:14:51.450
championed by thinkers like John Ryan. He argues

00:14:51.450 --> 00:14:53.509
the living wage is a right derived from the concept

00:14:53.509 --> 00:14:55.990
of the common bounty of nature. So if private

00:14:55.990 --> 00:14:58.409
ownership stops laborers from accessing essential

00:14:58.409 --> 00:15:01.149
resources, the owners have an obligation. That's

00:15:01.149 --> 00:15:19.639
the argument. That's a strong claim. That the

00:15:19.639 --> 00:15:22.340
right to a decent life is superior to an employer's

00:15:22.340 --> 00:15:25.379
right to set wages based only on market clearing

00:15:25.379 --> 00:15:27.879
prices. It is. And this connects to the second

00:15:27.879 --> 00:15:30.440
framework, the argument based on community health

00:15:30.440 --> 00:15:33.100
and stability, the communal civic republicanism

00:15:33.100 --> 00:15:35.840
perspective, as articulated by Gerald Waltman.

00:15:35.919 --> 00:15:38.509
And his view is that poverty is just. Bad for

00:15:38.509 --> 00:15:41.490
everyone. Right. Waldman views poverty and extreme

00:15:41.490 --> 00:15:44.330
inequality as inherently destructive to a healthy

00:15:44.330 --> 00:15:47.529
community. A living wage ensures basic autonomy.

00:15:47.870 --> 00:15:50.629
It prevents that societal fissure that develops

00:15:50.629 --> 00:15:52.409
between the extremely rich and the chronically

00:15:52.409 --> 00:15:55.330
poor. And it ensures all classes can participate

00:15:55.330 --> 00:15:57.950
meaningfully in civic and political life. If

00:15:57.950 --> 00:16:00.110
you're working three jobs just to survive, you're

00:16:00.110 --> 00:16:02.149
not going to be an engaged citizen. You lack

00:16:02.149 --> 00:16:04.350
the time, the resources, the mental capacity.

00:16:05.179 --> 00:16:07.919
It compromises social sustainability and cohesion.

00:16:08.120 --> 00:16:09.740
Okay, here's where it gets really interesting

00:16:09.740 --> 00:16:13.539
for me. Connecting that moral failure directly

00:16:13.539 --> 00:16:17.620
to hard economic costs through the concept of

00:16:17.620 --> 00:16:20.360
negative externalities, particularly from the

00:16:20.360 --> 00:16:22.940
perspective of Donald Stable. Stable's moral

00:16:22.940 --> 00:16:25.120
economic thought links the lack of a living wage

00:16:25.120 --> 00:16:28.059
to profound economic inefficiencies. He argues

00:16:28.059 --> 00:16:30.679
that by paying subliving wages, businesses are

00:16:30.679 --> 00:16:32.720
not paying the full cost of maintaining their

00:16:32.720 --> 00:16:35.320
labor force. They're pushing that cost onto someone

00:16:35.320 --> 00:16:38.399
else. They are imposing a negative externality

00:16:38.399 --> 00:16:41.179
on society, essentially exploiting and exhausting

00:16:41.179 --> 00:16:44.279
the workforce. This failure to internalize the

00:16:44.279 --> 00:16:46.840
true cost leads to a mispricing of products.

00:16:47.340 --> 00:16:49.980
If your low -cost widget relies on the community

00:16:49.980 --> 00:16:51.710
to cover the health care and housing, of the

00:16:51.710 --> 00:16:54.269
worker who built it, that widget is artificially

00:16:54.269 --> 00:16:56.509
cheap. And this leads directly to the core of

00:16:56.509 --> 00:16:58.929
the well -known welfare subsidy argument. Precisely.

00:16:59.190 --> 00:17:01.610
Economists like Mullenberg, Singh, and Grimshaw

00:17:01.610 --> 00:17:04.410
reiterate that externality argument. They state

00:17:04.410 --> 00:17:06.650
clearly that welfare programs, housing assistance,

00:17:06.950 --> 00:17:08.990
food stamps, school meals, they effectively act

00:17:08.990 --> 00:17:11.650
as a direct taxpayer -funded subsidy to employers

00:17:11.650 --> 00:17:14.190
who pay low wages. So taxpayers are covering

00:17:14.190 --> 00:17:16.769
the true cost of labor for private companies.

00:17:17.069 --> 00:17:20.000
That's the argument. Society, via its taxes,

00:17:20.140 --> 00:17:22.099
is covering the true cost of maintaining the

00:17:22.099 --> 00:17:24.920
workforce, while the employer enjoys the low

00:17:24.920 --> 00:17:27.400
labor cost and retains the profit. This became

00:17:27.400 --> 00:17:29.839
a high profile political issue when politicians

00:17:29.839 --> 00:17:32.900
criticized large retailers like Walmart, arguing

00:17:32.900 --> 00:17:35.380
taxpayers shouldn't have to subsidize the wealthiest

00:17:35.380 --> 00:17:37.759
corporations just so they can pay low entry level

00:17:37.759 --> 00:17:41.460
wages. It flips the moral critique into an economic

00:17:41.460 --> 00:17:44.230
inefficiency argument. That moral argument didn't

00:17:44.230 --> 00:17:47.549
just disappear, it crashed head -on into neoclassical

00:17:47.549 --> 00:17:50.630
economic theory. Now we transition from philosophy

00:17:50.630 --> 00:17:53.809
to formal economic models. Minimum wage implementation

00:17:53.809 --> 00:17:56.210
is analyzed as a classic price floor intervention,

00:17:56.509 --> 00:17:58.890
and the debate rages because the simple theoretical

00:17:58.890 --> 00:18:01.890
predictions clash so intensely with complex empirical

00:18:01.890 --> 00:18:04.710
reality. The classical prediction is really the

00:18:04.710 --> 00:18:07.250
cornerstone of opposition to minimum wage hikes.

00:18:07.369 --> 00:18:10.089
This model assumes a perfectly competitive labor

00:18:10.089 --> 00:18:12.410
market, where labor is homogeneous and workers

00:18:12.410 --> 00:18:14.950
are perfectly mobile. So in this textbook world,

00:18:15.109 --> 00:18:17.309
the minimum wage acts like a classic price floor

00:18:17.309 --> 00:18:19.619
on labor. Just like a price floor on corn or

00:18:19.619 --> 00:18:22.859
oil. Exactly. And if this price floor is set

00:18:22.859 --> 00:18:25.599
above the equilibrium wage, that's the market

00:18:25.599 --> 00:18:28.299
clearing price where supply meets demand. Standard

00:18:28.299 --> 00:18:30.720
theory dictates a surplus of labor will occur.

00:18:30.880 --> 00:18:34.160
And that surplus is. By definition, unemployment.

00:18:34.599 --> 00:18:37.539
It is because firms demand fewer workers at the

00:18:37.539 --> 00:18:40.099
higher price. And at the same time, more workers

00:18:40.099 --> 00:18:42.220
are willing to supply their labor at that higher

00:18:42.220 --> 00:18:44.680
statutory rate. And the consequence of this,

00:18:44.819 --> 00:18:46.980
according to the standard model, is that the

00:18:46.980 --> 00:18:49.460
job losses are concentrated among the most vulnerable

00:18:49.460 --> 00:18:52.039
workers. The theory predicts that the minimum

00:18:52.039 --> 00:18:55.079
wage prices the services of the least productive

00:18:55.079 --> 00:18:57.859
workers out of the market. These are the individuals

00:18:57.859 --> 00:19:00.200
with the lowest wages to begin with, typically

00:19:00.200 --> 00:19:03.250
those with limited skills or education. or young,

00:19:03.309 --> 00:19:05.730
inexperienced workers. So if a worker's productivity

00:19:05.730 --> 00:19:08.529
is less than the new wage, the employer won't

00:19:08.529 --> 00:19:11.430
hire them. A rational employer won't. Critics

00:19:11.430 --> 00:19:13.569
also argue that this accelerates labor substitution,

00:19:14.049 --> 00:19:16.410
encouraging employers to quickly replace low

00:19:16.410 --> 00:19:18.589
-skilled labor with capital -themed self -checkout

00:19:18.589 --> 00:19:21.230
kiosks or automation further depressing entry

00:19:21.230 --> 00:19:23.809
-level positions permanently. The classical prediction

00:19:23.809 --> 00:19:26.630
is simple. Mandated high prices lead to less

00:19:26.630 --> 00:19:29.299
demand. But modern labor economists have pushed

00:19:29.299 --> 00:19:32.299
back hard against that simple theoretical certainty,

00:19:32.559 --> 00:19:35.440
questioning the core assumption of perfect competition.

00:19:35.920 --> 00:19:38.539
They argue that labor markets are often imperfect,

00:19:38.859 --> 00:19:40.799
and that's where the alternative models gain

00:19:40.799 --> 00:19:42.920
their power. That's where the monopsony model

00:19:42.920 --> 00:19:46.200
provides a powerful and often highly relevant

00:19:46.200 --> 00:19:49.480
counter -framework. A monopsony is a single buyer.

00:19:49.700 --> 00:19:52.519
In a labor context, it means an individual employer

00:19:52.519 --> 00:19:54.940
often has some degree of wage -setting power.

00:19:55.200 --> 00:19:57.279
How does that happen? It happens because workers

00:19:57.279 --> 00:19:59.279
aren't perfectly mobile, maybe because of high

00:19:59.279 --> 00:20:02.339
search costs or geographic isolation, non -compete

00:20:02.339 --> 00:20:04.940
clauses, or just the dominance of one big employer

00:20:04.940 --> 00:20:07.119
in a small town. So if a company is basically

00:20:07.119 --> 00:20:09.740
the only game in town, they don't have to compete

00:20:09.740 --> 00:20:12.359
aggressively on wages, right? Precisely. They

00:20:12.359 --> 00:20:15.400
can pay workers less than the actual value the

00:20:15.400 --> 00:20:17.319
workers create for the firmless than their marginal

00:20:17.319 --> 00:20:20.359
revenue product. When that happens, the market

00:20:20.359 --> 00:20:22.680
is failing. So the minimum wage could actually

00:20:22.680 --> 00:20:25.420
fix the market. In this scenario, a moderate

00:20:25.420 --> 00:20:27.940
minimum wage doesn't cause unemployment. It actually

00:20:27.940 --> 00:20:30.859
corrects the market failure. By fixing a price

00:20:30.859 --> 00:20:33.019
floor closer to the marginal product of labor,

00:20:33.240 --> 00:20:36.619
it forces the monopsonist employer to raise wages,

00:20:36.819 --> 00:20:39.440
which can actually increase labor demand, potentially

00:20:39.440 --> 00:20:41.819
increasing both employment and efficiency at

00:20:41.819 --> 00:20:44.579
the same time. The minimum wage in this view

00:20:44.579 --> 00:20:47.660
is a necessary regulation policy. That completely

00:20:47.660 --> 00:20:50.380
flips the script. But how does the macroeconomic

00:20:50.380 --> 00:20:53.599
view, the Keynesian view, support this? The Keynesian

00:20:53.599 --> 00:20:56.200
view focuses on aggregate demand. A minimum wage

00:20:56.200 --> 00:20:58.819
increase necessarily shifts income from high

00:20:58.819 --> 00:21:01.480
income earners who tend to save a lot to low

00:21:01.480 --> 00:21:03.700
income workers who have a very high propensity

00:21:03.700 --> 00:21:06.180
to spend their entire paycheck immediately. So

00:21:06.180 --> 00:21:08.619
more spending in the economy. Right. This increase

00:21:08.619 --> 00:21:11.200
in purchasing power for low income workers stimulates

00:21:11.200 --> 00:21:14.099
aggregate demand across the economy. That increased

00:21:14.099 --> 00:21:16.420
demand for goods and services encourages companies

00:21:16.420 --> 00:21:19.579
to expand production and therefore hire more

00:21:19.579 --> 00:21:22.000
workers to meet the new sales volume potentially.

00:21:23.549 --> 00:21:27.710
And beyond these entire economic models, there

00:21:27.710 --> 00:21:30.250
are specific critiques of why that simple supply

00:21:30.250 --> 00:21:33.549
-demand model just doesn't translate well to

00:21:33.549 --> 00:21:36.430
real -world business decisions. One major factor

00:21:36.430 --> 00:21:39.369
is inelastic demand for the final product. If

00:21:39.369 --> 00:21:42.029
the demand for a firm's product, say fast food

00:21:42.029 --> 00:21:45.130
in a highly convenient location, is highly inelastic,

00:21:45.309 --> 00:21:48.250
management can absorb the cost increase by passing

00:21:48.250 --> 00:21:50.910
it on to consumers as higher prices without reducing

00:21:50.910 --> 00:21:53.910
jobs. And labor costs are often a smaller piece

00:21:53.910 --> 00:21:55.609
of the pie than people think. They often are.

00:21:56.000 --> 00:21:57.980
Then you have the counterintuitive idea that

00:21:57.980 --> 00:22:00.339
paying more can actually save the company money.

00:22:00.480 --> 00:22:03.160
The efficiency gains argument. Exactly. Higher

00:22:03.160 --> 00:22:05.779
wages often lead to significantly reduced employee

00:22:05.779 --> 00:22:08.740
turnover. Low turnover means the firm saves money

00:22:08.740 --> 00:22:11.099
on constantly recruiting, interviewing, and training

00:22:11.099 --> 00:22:13.460
new employees. It also means employees are more

00:22:13.460 --> 00:22:15.859
experienced and productive. These saved costs

00:22:15.859 --> 00:22:18.980
can, in some cases, fully or partially offset

00:22:18.980 --> 00:22:21.240
the higher wage rate. Finally, we noted that

00:22:21.240 --> 00:22:23.799
the most complex mathematical models, they deal

00:22:23.799 --> 00:22:25.480
with the sheer friction of the labor market.

00:22:25.839 --> 00:22:27.960
the difficulty of finding the right job or the

00:22:27.960 --> 00:22:30.900
right worker. Absolutely. In labor markets, with

00:22:30.900 --> 00:22:33.420
frictions like search costs or lack of perfect

00:22:33.420 --> 00:22:36.480
information, the model suggests significant nuance.

00:22:36.579 --> 00:22:38.920
They show that if the minimum wage is set at

00:22:38.920 --> 00:22:41.700
a sufficiently low level, it can actually boost

00:22:41.700 --> 00:22:43.859
the job search effort of the unemployed and decrease

00:22:43.859 --> 00:22:46.059
the overall unemployment rate. Because the reward

00:22:46.059 --> 00:22:49.000
for finding a job is greater. Exactly. Conversely,

00:22:49.019 --> 00:22:51.599
they confirm that a very high minimum wage is

00:22:51.599 --> 00:22:54.849
still detrimental. This suggests the impact isn't

00:22:54.849 --> 00:22:57.750
just binary. It's highly sensitive to the exact

00:22:57.750 --> 00:23:00.589
level set relative to the median wage and productivity.

00:23:01.009 --> 00:23:03.750
OK, this is where theory meets reality and where

00:23:03.750 --> 00:23:06.329
the consensus among economists truly collapsed

00:23:06.329 --> 00:23:08.829
over the last few decades, forcing a dramatic

00:23:08.829 --> 00:23:11.329
reevaluation of long held assumptions about the

00:23:11.329 --> 00:23:13.829
minimum wage. For decades, I mean, until the

00:23:13.829 --> 00:23:16.690
mid 1990s, the economic consensus was almost

00:23:16.690 --> 00:23:19.289
monolithic. The minimum wage unequivocally reduced

00:23:19.289 --> 00:23:21.750
employment. especially for young workers. This

00:23:21.750 --> 00:23:24.210
changed decisively with the 1992 New Jersey,

00:23:24.269 --> 00:23:26.670
Pennsylvania study by David Card and Alan Kruger.

00:23:26.829 --> 00:23:29.089
This study became famous because of its methodology.

00:23:29.549 --> 00:23:32.509
They focused on the fast food industry, a major

00:23:32.509 --> 00:23:35.170
employer of minimum wage labor, after New Jersey

00:23:35.170 --> 00:23:39.329
raised its minimum wage from $4 .25 to $5 .05

00:23:39.329 --> 00:23:42.069
per hour, while neighboring Pennsylvania's rate

00:23:42.069 --> 00:23:45.279
held steady. The methodology was crucial, a difference

00:23:45.279 --> 00:23:47.700
in differences approach. They surveyed fast food

00:23:47.700 --> 00:23:50.160
restaurants in both states before and after the

00:23:50.160 --> 00:23:52.380
New Jersey hike, and their initial surprising

00:23:52.380 --> 00:23:55.380
finding was that the minimum wage increase slightly

00:23:55.380 --> 00:23:57.400
increased employment in the New Jersey restaurants.

00:23:57.579 --> 00:23:59.680
Increase it. Slightly increased it compared to

00:23:59.680 --> 00:24:02.819
Pennsylvania. This result fundamentally contradicted

00:24:02.819 --> 00:24:05.559
the supply and demand prediction. Their 1995

00:24:05.559 --> 00:24:08.559
book, Myth and Measurement, didn't just challenge

00:24:08.559 --> 00:24:11.259
the consensus, it shattered it and ushered in

00:24:11.259 --> 00:24:13.759
a new imperialism. empirically driven era of

00:24:13.759 --> 00:24:16.400
minimum wage research. But that finding didn't

00:24:16.400 --> 00:24:18.680
end the debates. It ignited a methodological

00:24:18.680 --> 00:24:21.799
war. Subsequent research immediately tried to

00:24:21.799 --> 00:24:25.019
refute their findings. Exactly. The debate immediately

00:24:25.019 --> 00:24:28.019
became a battle over data sources. David Newmark

00:24:28.019 --> 00:24:30.500
and William Washer later reexamined the data,

00:24:30.619 --> 00:24:33.319
but they used official payroll records from large

00:24:33.319 --> 00:24:35.660
fast food chains instead of the phone surveys

00:24:35.660 --> 00:24:37.940
Card and Kruger had conducted. And they found

00:24:37.940 --> 00:24:40.710
the opposite. Newmark and Washer claim to find

00:24:40.710 --> 00:24:44.049
the predicted employment decreases. This methodological

00:24:44.049 --> 00:24:46.650
dispute surveys versus administrative payroll

00:24:46.650 --> 00:24:48.910
data became the core tension in labor economics

00:24:48.910 --> 00:24:52.430
for years. Later, analyses have tried to reconcile

00:24:52.430 --> 00:24:54.829
these differences, showing that maybe positive

00:24:54.829 --> 00:24:57.470
employment effects were localized in small independent

00:24:57.470 --> 00:25:00.410
businesses, while large corporate chains showed

00:25:00.410 --> 00:25:03.009
the negative effects more clearly. So after all

00:25:03.009 --> 00:25:05.730
this back and forth, what does the weight of

00:25:05.730 --> 00:25:08.690
modern evidence tell us about the actual impact

00:25:08.690 --> 00:25:11.609
on the goal of fighting poverty? When analyzing

00:25:11.609 --> 00:25:14.490
the impact on poverty, the sources draw a subtle

00:25:14.490 --> 00:25:17.170
but clear line. The evidence suggests that living

00:25:17.170 --> 00:25:20.089
wage legislation modestly reduces urban poverty

00:25:20.089 --> 00:25:23.289
rates. But not minimum wage laws. In stark contrast,

00:25:23.549 --> 00:25:25.829
state minimum wage laws often fail to show this

00:25:25.829 --> 00:25:28.130
measurable, direct effect on poverty reduction.

00:25:28.529 --> 00:25:30.650
But we have to factor in the limited scope of

00:25:30.650 --> 00:25:33.619
living wage laws. Right. They usually only apply

00:25:33.619 --> 00:25:35.599
to businesses that have government contracts.

00:25:35.819 --> 00:25:38.180
That limitation is fundamental to understanding

00:25:38.180 --> 00:25:40.980
their societal impact. Because of their limited

00:25:40.980 --> 00:25:43.420
application, it's estimated that only one to

00:25:43.420 --> 00:25:45.960
two percent of the bottom quartile of the wage

00:25:45.960 --> 00:25:48.559
distribution actually qualify for living wage

00:25:48.559 --> 00:25:51.720
legislation. So while they might be locally effective,

00:25:52.200 --> 00:25:54.940
their overall impact on national poverty is small.

00:25:55.500 --> 00:25:57.940
Let's dive into the hard economic tradeoffs.

00:25:58.220 --> 00:26:00.680
Using the Congressional Budget Office, the CBO,

00:26:00.960 --> 00:26:03.099
their projections on raising the U .S. federal

00:26:03.099 --> 00:26:06.019
minimum wage significantly. This gives us the

00:26:06.019 --> 00:26:08.220
clearest look at the predicted cost. The CBO

00:26:08.220 --> 00:26:10.759
projected in 2021 that raising the federal minimum

00:26:10.759 --> 00:26:15.000
wage incrementally to $15 per hour by 2025 would

00:26:15.000 --> 00:26:18.000
be a massive policy intervention. It would directly

00:26:18.000 --> 00:26:20.859
increase wages for 17 million workers and lift

00:26:20.859 --> 00:26:23.799
900 ,000 people out of poverty. Those are significant

00:26:23.799 --> 00:26:26.299
poverty reduction gains. They are. But this is

00:26:26.299 --> 00:26:28.900
where the policy tradeoff becomes stark and unavoidable.

00:26:29.019 --> 00:26:31.299
The other side of the ledger. Absolutely. The

00:26:31.299 --> 00:26:33.940
CBO also projected that the same policy would

00:26:33.940 --> 00:26:36.720
reduce employment by approximately 1 .4 million

00:26:36.720 --> 00:26:39.480
people. Furthermore, it would lead to a slight

00:26:39.480 --> 00:26:42.059
decrease in overall economic output and cause

00:26:42.059 --> 00:26:45.599
prices to rise. So for critics, that 1 .4 million

00:26:45.599 --> 00:26:48.660
lost jobs number is definitive proof that the

00:26:48.660 --> 00:26:51.299
standard model still holds true at scale. And

00:26:51.299 --> 00:26:54.119
for proponents, the 900 ,000 lifted out of poverty

00:26:54.119 --> 00:26:56.779
makes the policy worthwhile. It forces an ethical

00:26:56.779 --> 00:26:59.359
choice on policymakers. We even have more recent

00:26:59.359 --> 00:27:02.349
specific data from California. following a significant

00:27:02.349 --> 00:27:06.130
$16 to $20 per hour fast food minimum wage increase.

00:27:06.369 --> 00:27:09.049
Yes. Studies tracking this immediate sharp height

00:27:09.049 --> 00:27:12.289
estimated a 2 .7 to 3 .6 percent decline in fast

00:27:12.289 --> 00:27:14.289
food employment in California compared to the

00:27:14.289 --> 00:27:16.609
rest of the U .S. during the same period. This

00:27:16.609 --> 00:27:19.390
translates to an estimated 10 ,000 to 23 ,000

00:27:19.390 --> 00:27:22.109
lost jobs in that highly specific sector. So

00:27:22.109 --> 00:27:24.190
the empirical evidence here supports the classical

00:27:24.190 --> 00:27:26.769
prediction for sharp, focused increases. Yet

00:27:26.769 --> 00:27:29.289
we can't ignore the non -economic benefits that

00:27:29.289 --> 00:27:31.519
accrue, especially for employers. who voluntarily

00:27:31.519 --> 00:27:33.559
adopt the higher ethical standard of a living

00:27:33.559 --> 00:27:36.180
wage. Research consistently supports these soft

00:27:36.180 --> 00:27:39.059
benefits. A study in Canada found that workers

00:27:39.059 --> 00:27:41.299
who received a living wage showed significantly

00:27:41.299 --> 00:27:43.799
higher effective commitment to their organization,

00:27:44.140 --> 00:27:46.680
meaning they genuinely liked and felt loyal to

00:27:46.680 --> 00:27:49.000
their employer, and they had lower turnover intention.

00:27:49.420 --> 00:27:51.640
And this translated into better behavior. It

00:27:51.640 --> 00:27:53.980
did. They protected the company's public image,

00:27:54.200 --> 00:27:55.980
and they were more willing to help colleagues.

00:27:56.240 --> 00:27:58.579
This is interpreted through social exchange theory.

00:27:59.079 --> 00:28:01.740
You treat me well, I feel a mutual obligation

00:28:01.740 --> 00:28:04.519
to you. It improves overall organizational stability.

00:28:04.940 --> 00:28:07.900
And moving beyond the workplace, minimum wage

00:28:07.900 --> 00:28:09.759
increases have been linked to some surprising

00:28:09.759 --> 00:28:13.319
social benefits that reduce societal costs. Yes.

00:28:13.500 --> 00:28:15.900
Studies show that higher minimum wages are correlated

00:28:15.900 --> 00:28:18.400
with a decline in property and drunk crimes among

00:28:18.400 --> 00:28:21.779
ex -incarcerated individuals. And even more profoundly,

00:28:21.960 --> 00:28:25.099
one study found that for every $1 increase in

00:28:25.099 --> 00:28:27.579
the minimum wage, the annual suicide growth rate

00:28:27.579 --> 00:28:31.630
fell by 1%. Wow. When economic pressure is reduced,

00:28:31.869 --> 00:28:34.130
mental health outcomes improve. Finally, let's

00:28:34.130 --> 00:28:36.289
circle back to that crucial question of who ultimately

00:28:36.289 --> 00:28:39.910
pays the pass -through of costs to the consumer.

00:28:40.069 --> 00:28:42.809
Yeah. How significant is that erosion of the

00:28:42.809 --> 00:28:45.190
nominal wage increase? That pass -through is

00:28:45.190 --> 00:28:48.430
a consistent finding. A 10 % minimum wage hike

00:28:48.430 --> 00:28:50.150
is typically translated into higher consumer

00:28:50.150 --> 00:28:53.309
prices. Specifically, studies suggest this might

00:28:53.309 --> 00:28:56.289
translate to about a 0 .4 % increase in grocery

00:28:56.289 --> 00:28:59.230
prices. And for fast food? In the fast food sector,

00:28:59.390 --> 00:29:01.670
studies on McDonald's found a 10 % minimum wage

00:29:01.670 --> 00:29:04.690
increase translated to a 1 .4 % increase in the

00:29:04.690 --> 00:29:07.390
price of a Big Mac. What this means in practice

00:29:07.390 --> 00:29:10.029
is that low -wage workers, who are also customers,

00:29:10.309 --> 00:29:13.240
end up paying slightly higher prices. So the

00:29:13.240 --> 00:29:15.240
increase in their real wage, their purchasing

00:29:15.240 --> 00:29:17.759
power, is slightly less than the nominal increase

00:29:17.759 --> 00:29:20.440
suggests. The journey of economic opinion itself

00:29:20.440 --> 00:29:22.400
is one of the most compelling narratives in this

00:29:22.400 --> 00:29:25.619
whole deep dive. The declining consensus is just

00:29:25.619 --> 00:29:29.420
dramatic. It's a huge story. In 1978, a staggering

00:29:29.420 --> 00:29:32.200
90 % of surveyed economists agreed that the minimum

00:29:32.200 --> 00:29:34.380
wage increases unemployment among low -skilled

00:29:34.380 --> 00:29:36.859
workers. That certainty has been completely eroded.

00:29:36.920 --> 00:29:39.619
What's the number now? By 2000, that number in

00:29:39.619 --> 00:29:42.819
full agreement had dropped to only 46%, although

00:29:42.819 --> 00:29:45.839
74 % still agreed with the statement if you included

00:29:45.839 --> 00:29:48.740
various provises like, only if it is set too

00:29:48.740 --> 00:29:51.859
high. This shift is entirely attributed to the

00:29:51.859 --> 00:29:53.920
debate sparked by the Card and Kruger research.

00:29:54.299 --> 00:29:56.440
It forced the profession to acknowledge the limits

00:29:56.440 --> 00:29:59.099
of the simple textbook model. It did. And when

00:29:59.099 --> 00:30:01.299
we look at the highest level meta -analyses,

00:30:01.400 --> 00:30:03.519
the studies that synthesize all the research,

00:30:03.579 --> 00:30:06.039
the current professional assessment is, well...

00:30:06.279 --> 00:30:08.099
It's nuanced. What's the bottom line? The most

00:30:08.099 --> 00:30:10.579
recent ones suggest a minimal employment effect

00:30:10.579 --> 00:30:13.480
overall, while confirming a significant increase

00:30:13.480 --> 00:30:16.440
in earnings for low paid workers. Many of these

00:30:16.440 --> 00:30:19.000
analyses explicitly correct for historical publication

00:30:19.000 --> 00:30:21.779
bias, where studies that found a negative result

00:30:21.779 --> 00:30:24.160
were more likely to be published. So what's the

00:30:24.160 --> 00:30:26.420
honest assessment now? The honest assessment

00:30:26.420 --> 00:30:29.240
as of 2021 is simply that there is no consensus

00:30:29.240 --> 00:30:31.279
on the employment effects of the minimum wage.

00:30:31.480 --> 00:30:34.220
We are truly in a period of intense intellectual

00:30:34.220 --> 00:30:37.390
uncertainty. And this lack of consensus in theory

00:30:37.390 --> 00:30:40.269
has led to really diverse policy responses globally.

00:30:40.769 --> 00:30:43.130
The application of the living wage model is most

00:30:43.130 --> 00:30:45.349
visible in these large -scale social movements,

00:30:45.509 --> 00:30:47.690
often leading to voluntary standards that aim

00:30:47.690 --> 00:30:50.410
to surpass government mandates. The UK Living

00:30:50.410 --> 00:30:53.809
Wage Foundation, LWF, is a perfect example of

00:30:53.809 --> 00:30:57.529
a successful voluntary system driven by grassroots

00:30:57.529 --> 00:30:59.990
activism. It started in London, right? It did,

00:31:00.109 --> 00:31:03.549
launched by London Citizens in 2001. It's a coalition

00:31:03.549 --> 00:31:06.910
of community organizations and unions. And they

00:31:06.910 --> 00:31:09.690
don't lobby for legislation. They promote a voluntary

00:31:09.690 --> 00:31:12.849
accreditation scheme for employers to pay a wage

00:31:12.849 --> 00:31:15.210
calculated to meet the costs of a basic decent

00:31:15.210 --> 00:31:18.109
life. It creates a moral incentive for firms.

00:31:18.369 --> 00:31:20.200
And it's crucial. to draw that line again between

00:31:20.200 --> 00:31:22.460
the voluntary living wage and the government's

00:31:22.460 --> 00:31:25.079
mandatory floor. Absolutely vital. When the UK

00:31:25.079 --> 00:31:26.920
government introduced the mandatory national

00:31:26.920 --> 00:31:29.920
living wage in 2016, it sounded like they'd adopted

00:31:29.920 --> 00:31:32.160
the movement's goal. But the government's rate

00:31:32.160 --> 00:31:35.240
was and remains a lower statutory minimum for

00:31:35.240 --> 00:31:38.180
older workers. It's distinct from the LWS calculation,

00:31:38.380 --> 00:31:40.809
which is based purely on need. The voluntary

00:31:40.809 --> 00:31:43.450
standard maintains an ethical high ground. This

00:31:43.450 --> 00:31:46.329
movement is also really active in targeting multinational

00:31:46.329 --> 00:31:49.190
supply chains in the developing world, where

00:31:49.190 --> 00:31:51.690
the moral argument is perhaps the most urgent.

00:31:51.869 --> 00:31:54.490
That's the mission of the Asia Floor Wage, AFW

00:31:54.490 --> 00:31:57.390
coalition. They tie up multinational employers

00:31:57.390 --> 00:32:00.609
in textile manufacturing across 11 Asian countries.

00:32:01.109 --> 00:32:03.910
Their goal is to implement a true living wage

00:32:03.910 --> 00:32:06.690
in sectors where wages can be exceptionally low,

00:32:06.890 --> 00:32:10.500
sometimes as low as U .S. $38. per month in places

00:32:10.500 --> 00:32:13.000
like Bangladesh a decade ago. So they're pushing

00:32:13.000 --> 00:32:15.420
the moral framework onto global commerce. Exactly.

00:32:15.759 --> 00:32:17.920
They're asking multinational brands to cover

00:32:17.920 --> 00:32:20.619
the true externalized cost of labor in their

00:32:20.619 --> 00:32:22.859
supply chains. In the Republic of Ireland, the

00:32:22.859 --> 00:32:25.900
campaign also focuses heavily on objective calculation

00:32:25.900 --> 00:32:29.640
to drive voluntary compliance. Since 2014, the

00:32:29.640 --> 00:32:32.119
Irish campaign has been very active, using academic

00:32:32.119 --> 00:32:34.539
research into a minimum essential standard of

00:32:34.539 --> 00:32:37.680
living, MEASL, to set its targets. The MEASL

00:32:37.680 --> 00:32:39.759
research determines the minimum necessary income

00:32:39.759 --> 00:32:41.700
for different household types. And has it been

00:32:41.700 --> 00:32:43.900
effective? The social pressure has been effective.

00:32:44.299 --> 00:32:47.140
Major companies, including supermarkets like

00:32:47.140 --> 00:32:49.619
Little and Aldi, committed to paying the living

00:32:49.619 --> 00:32:53.099
wage in 2020, illustrating the impact of a clear,

00:32:53.200 --> 00:32:56.920
verifiable, ethical standard. In the U .S., living

00:32:56.920 --> 00:32:59.140
wage policies have historically been localized

00:32:59.140 --> 00:33:01.559
and served as policy laboratories, though their

00:33:01.559 --> 00:33:04.029
scope is limited. Right. U .S. living wage laws

00:33:04.029 --> 00:33:06.789
typically cover only businesses with government

00:33:06.789 --> 00:33:09.609
contracts or receiving state assistance. Early

00:33:09.609 --> 00:33:12.329
examples include Santa Fe, San Francisco and

00:33:12.329 --> 00:33:15.230
critically Miami -Dade County in Florida, which

00:33:15.230 --> 00:33:17.970
in 1999 became the first location in the South

00:33:17.970 --> 00:33:20.589
to pass such an ordinance. And these policies

00:33:20.589 --> 00:33:23.069
often try to bridge the gap by tying the wage

00:33:23.069 --> 00:33:25.900
to inflation. They do. For instance, the Miami

00:33:25.900 --> 00:33:28.440
-Dade rate reached over $12 an hour with benefits

00:33:28.440 --> 00:33:32.720
or $15 without by 2018 rates significantly higher

00:33:32.720 --> 00:33:35.019
than the federal minimum. And sometimes the moral

00:33:35.019 --> 00:33:37.079
argument needs more than just a well -researched

00:33:37.079 --> 00:33:39.880
proposal. It needs direct action to pierce the

00:33:39.880 --> 00:33:41.819
public consciousness. The University of Virginia

00:33:41.819 --> 00:33:44.519
Living Wage campaign in 2012 is a great anecdote

00:33:44.519 --> 00:33:47.460
of this. Twelve students initiated a hunger strike

00:33:47.460 --> 00:33:49.779
to publicize the issue of low -paid contracted

00:33:49.779 --> 00:33:53.059
workers, bringing intense public and media scrutiny

00:33:53.059 --> 00:33:55.880
to the university's labor practices. It shows

00:33:55.880 --> 00:33:58.220
that the moral and ethical components are often

00:33:58.220 --> 00:34:00.740
the most powerful tools activists have. Let's

00:34:00.740 --> 00:34:04.299
pivot to a foundational global precedent. Australia's

00:34:04.299 --> 00:34:06.900
legal system provides an incredibly early, powerful

00:34:06.900 --> 00:34:10.500
example of mandating a human dignity wage. The

00:34:10.500 --> 00:34:13.699
1907 Harvester Judgment in Australia is a landmark

00:34:13.699 --> 00:34:17.070
ruling. It set the stage for defining wages based

00:34:17.070 --> 00:34:20.130
on social necessity. The ruling mandated that

00:34:20.130 --> 00:34:22.329
an employer pay a wage guaranteeing a standard

00:34:22.329 --> 00:34:25.230
of living reasonable for a human being in a civilized

00:34:25.230 --> 00:34:27.809
community living in frugal comfort. And it mandated

00:34:27.809 --> 00:34:29.969
regardless of the employer's ability to pay.

00:34:30.170 --> 00:34:32.329
Exactly. It firmly established that labor laws

00:34:32.329 --> 00:34:34.530
should guarantee a standard of living based on

00:34:34.530 --> 00:34:36.809
social decency, not just the market's current

00:34:36.809 --> 00:34:39.449
ability to clear prices. Finally, we have the

00:34:39.449 --> 00:34:42.030
tragic case of Lebanon, illustrating what happens

00:34:42.030 --> 00:34:44.289
when the legal framework, however robust, robust,

00:34:44.389 --> 00:34:47.090
is rendered meaningless by macroeconomic collapse.

00:34:47.530 --> 00:34:50.289
Lebanon provides a stark lesson in fragility.

00:34:50.750 --> 00:34:53.070
Following the financial collapse that began in

00:34:53.070 --> 00:34:56.690
2019, the local currency plummeted, pushing three

00:34:56.690 --> 00:34:59.349
quarters of the population into poverty. The

00:34:59.349 --> 00:35:01.849
minimum monthly wage, which had been about USD

00:35:01.849 --> 00:35:06.090
$450 pre -crisis, lost virtually all its real

00:35:06.090 --> 00:35:11.000
value. It sank to barely $30 by 2021. This failure

00:35:11.000 --> 00:35:13.099
occurred despite Lebanese law mandating that

00:35:13.099 --> 00:35:15.420
the minimum pay must be sufficient to meet essential

00:35:15.420 --> 00:35:18.039
needs. It shows that macroeconomic stability

00:35:18.039 --> 00:35:21.019
is absolutely essential for even the most ethically

00:35:21.019 --> 00:35:23.920
sound statutory minimums to work. Since the minimum

00:35:23.920 --> 00:35:26.400
wage is frequently criticized, especially due

00:35:26.400 --> 00:35:28.699
to the empirical evidence showing that at scale,

00:35:28.920 --> 00:35:31.940
it carries the risk of job cuts, economists often

00:35:31.940 --> 00:35:34.480
propose alternative policy tools, things that

00:35:34.480 --> 00:35:36.980
aim to achieve the same anti -poverty goals without

00:35:36.980 --> 00:35:39.019
directly interfering with the price of labor.

00:35:39.369 --> 00:35:41.110
And let's start with that fundamental economic

00:35:41.110 --> 00:35:43.550
criticism that remains powerful, even with the

00:35:43.550 --> 00:35:45.949
shift in consensus. The unemployment risk. Right.

00:35:46.050 --> 00:35:49.329
If the legal price floor is set too high, it

00:35:49.329 --> 00:35:51.550
leads to unemployment and reduces the availability

00:35:51.550 --> 00:35:54.849
of crucial entry level jobs. This is also linked

00:35:54.849 --> 00:35:57.349
to the argument that a business voluntarily adopting

00:35:57.349 --> 00:36:00.409
a high living wage will struggle to compete with

00:36:00.409 --> 00:36:02.869
rivals who pay lower market rates. The second

00:36:02.869 --> 00:36:05.010
major criticism is that the minimum wage is just

00:36:05.010 --> 00:36:08.449
a blunt instrument poorly targeted for poverty

00:36:08.449 --> 00:36:11.320
relief. Correct. Critics argue it's an inadequate

00:36:11.320 --> 00:36:13.920
anti -poverty tool because the benefits often

00:36:13.920 --> 00:36:16.679
miss the intended target. Many beneficiaries

00:36:16.679 --> 00:36:19.000
are secondary earners in relatively high income

00:36:19.000 --> 00:36:21.639
households, like a college student working a

00:36:21.639 --> 00:36:23.940
summer job while living at home. So the policy

00:36:23.940 --> 00:36:26.840
doesn't target the actual working poor efficiently.

00:36:27.500 --> 00:36:30.280
A 2000 survey of labor economists showed only

00:36:30.280 --> 00:36:33.420
31 % viewed minimum wages as the most effective

00:36:33.420 --> 00:36:35.960
tool for fighting poverty. They preferred other

00:36:35.960 --> 00:36:38.440
methods that target income directly. So if the

00:36:38.440 --> 00:36:40.500
minimum wage is a blunt instrument that may cause

00:36:40.500 --> 00:36:43.420
job loss and is poorly targeted, what do economists

00:36:43.420 --> 00:36:45.860
propose as a cleaner solution to help the working

00:36:45.860 --> 00:36:48.309
poor? The alternatives are designed to solve

00:36:48.309 --> 00:36:51.190
the low wage problem by using the tax code or

00:36:51.190 --> 00:36:53.690
improving worker value rather than dictating

00:36:53.690 --> 00:36:55.570
a price floor that interferes with the labor

00:36:55.570 --> 00:36:57.630
market. And the alternative most highly supported

00:36:57.630 --> 00:37:00.929
by economists is tax based income support. That

00:37:00.929 --> 00:37:03.550
is the refundable tax credit, specifically the

00:37:03.550 --> 00:37:07.449
Earned Income Tax Credit or EITC in the US. In

00:37:07.449 --> 00:37:10.530
that same 2000 survey, 98 percent of economists

00:37:10.530 --> 00:37:13.690
views this type of policy as an effective anti

00:37:13.690 --> 00:37:16.099
-poverty measure. How does it work? It works

00:37:16.099 --> 00:37:18.199
by supplementing the income of low -wage workers

00:37:18.199 --> 00:37:20.980
through the tax system. Crucially, the credit

00:37:20.980 --> 00:37:23.059
is targeted only at those with earned income,

00:37:23.300 --> 00:37:26.340
reinforcing the work ethic, but it avoids subsidizing

00:37:26.340 --> 00:37:28.380
low -income workers from high -income families,

00:37:28.460 --> 00:37:30.880
making it far better targeted. And it was championed

00:37:30.880 --> 00:37:32.980
across the political spectrum, which speaks to

00:37:32.980 --> 00:37:35.619
its effectiveness. It was. President Reagan famously

00:37:35.619 --> 00:37:39.139
called the EITC the best anti -poverty, the best

00:37:39.139 --> 00:37:43.090
pro -family, the best job creation measure. Economically,

00:37:43.150 --> 00:37:45.530
its effectiveness is often undisputed because

00:37:45.530 --> 00:37:48.130
it doesn't directly raise the cost of hiring

00:37:48.130 --> 00:37:50.869
labor for the employer, minimizing the job loss

00:37:50.869 --> 00:37:53.949
prediction. The CBO agrees. The CBO itself found

00:37:53.949 --> 00:37:56.670
that the EITC delivers larger monetary benefits

00:37:56.670 --> 00:37:59.530
to the working poor at a lower overall societal

00:37:59.530 --> 00:38:02.789
cost compared to minimum wage increases. It's

00:38:02.789 --> 00:38:04.690
a more efficient alternative. The other major

00:38:04.690 --> 00:38:07.489
alternative is the complete support model, basic

00:38:07.489 --> 00:38:11.420
income. Basic income, or UBI, involves providing

00:38:11.420 --> 00:38:13.780
every citizen with a periodic, unconditional

00:38:13.780 --> 00:38:16.420
sum of money sufficient to live on, regardless

00:38:16.420 --> 00:38:19.760
of employment status. Proponents argue this radically

00:38:19.760 --> 00:38:22.239
changes the dynamic. It increases worker bargaining

00:38:22.239 --> 00:38:24.900
power. Significantly. If you have a guaranteed

00:38:24.900 --> 00:38:27.320
floor of income, you aren't desperate, and you

00:38:27.320 --> 00:38:30.460
can refuse a substandard job. This allows individuals

00:38:30.460 --> 00:38:32.920
time to search for a better job or invest in

00:38:32.920 --> 00:38:36.199
education. Proponents also argue it's more economically

00:38:36.199 --> 00:38:38.920
efficient because it bypasses the employer entirely.

00:38:39.340 --> 00:38:41.699
We also noted that some highly developed economies

00:38:41.699 --> 00:38:44.380
manage wage floors without any statutory minimum

00:38:44.380 --> 00:38:47.519
wage. Yes. Countries like Sweden, Denmark and

00:38:47.519 --> 00:38:50.059
Italy. They rely exclusively on collective bargaining.

00:38:50.300 --> 00:38:53.139
They achieve very high minimum earnings by sector

00:38:53.139 --> 00:38:55.119
through agreements negotiated directly between

00:38:55.119 --> 00:38:57.519
strong employer groups and powerful trade unions.

00:38:57.760 --> 00:39:00.239
But that system only works because of high union

00:39:00.239 --> 00:39:02.809
density. It's only viable because of the very

00:39:02.809 --> 00:39:05.289
high union participation rates in those countries,

00:39:05.429 --> 00:39:07.909
which gives labor the necessary power to negotiate

00:39:07.909 --> 00:39:10.789
effectively across entire industries. And finally,

00:39:10.889 --> 00:39:14.030
a strategy focused not on regulating price, but

00:39:14.030 --> 00:39:16.829
on increasing worker value itself. Education

00:39:16.829 --> 00:39:19.909
and training. This strategy attempts to fundamentally

00:39:19.909 --> 00:39:23.389
alter the supply curve of labor. By providing

00:39:23.389 --> 00:39:25.829
state -funded apprenticeships or technical training,

00:39:25.909 --> 00:39:29.130
like Germany's renowned dual system, low -skilled

00:39:29.130 --> 00:39:31.550
workers are enabled to increase their value and

00:39:31.550 --> 00:39:34.489
move into higher -paying roles. This decreases

00:39:34.489 --> 00:39:36.969
the supply pressure on the low -skill labor market.

00:39:37.210 --> 00:39:39.650
It focuses on mobility and investment rather

00:39:39.650 --> 00:39:42.150
than regulation. Precisely. We've covered a tremendous

00:39:42.150 --> 00:39:44.989
amount of ground today, transitioning from Aristotle's

00:39:44.989 --> 00:39:47.190
philosophy all the way to 21st century empirical

00:39:47.190 --> 00:39:49.909
data. To synthesize the key knowledge nuggets

00:39:49.909 --> 00:39:52.250
we've extracted, the living wage is fundamentally

00:39:52.250 --> 00:39:54.530
an ethical standard demanding a decent quality

00:39:54.530 --> 00:39:57.610
of life without government subsidy. Contrasting

00:39:57.610 --> 00:39:59.610
sharply with the minimum wage, which is just

00:39:59.610 --> 00:40:02.809
a legal price floor, we traced the history of

00:40:02.809 --> 00:40:05.349
the needs -based argument from Aristotle's self

00:40:05.349 --> 00:40:08.389
-sufficiency principle to Adam Smith's call for

00:40:08.389 --> 00:40:11.170
equitable shares. And we also thoroughly dissected

00:40:11.170 --> 00:40:13.869
that major split in economic theory, the classical

00:40:13.869 --> 00:40:16.809
supply and demand model versus the modern monopsony

00:40:16.809 --> 00:40:19.110
and frictional market models, which shows why

00:40:19.110 --> 00:40:21.769
the longstanding consensus on job loss has eroded

00:40:21.769 --> 00:40:24.250
so dramatically. And the real world evidence

00:40:24.250 --> 00:40:27.449
confirms this complexity. We see these real quantified

00:40:27.449 --> 00:40:30.869
tradeoffs like the CBO projecting 900 ,000 left

00:40:30.869 --> 00:40:33.750
out of poverty versus 1 .4 million lost jobs.

00:40:33.889 --> 00:40:36.630
But we also saw evidence of non -economic benefits

00:40:36.630 --> 00:40:39.230
like reduced crime and higher employee commitment

00:40:39.230 --> 00:40:42.050
when a living wage is implemented. This leads

00:40:42.050 --> 00:40:44.880
us back to the final necessary conflict. If the

00:40:44.880 --> 00:40:47.119
core policy fight boils down to who ultimately

00:40:47.119 --> 00:40:49.260
pays the cost of maintaining a low -wage workforce,

00:40:49.480 --> 00:40:51.440
the consumer, the taxpayer, or the employer.

00:40:51.679 --> 00:40:54.039
And we know empirically that minimum wage increases,

00:40:54.099 --> 00:40:57.019
like that 1 .4 % price hike on a Big Mac, are

00:40:57.019 --> 00:40:59.340
often passed on as price increases to the consumer.

00:40:59.599 --> 00:41:02.159
Then, what happens to the core ethical mission

00:41:02.159 --> 00:41:05.179
of the living wage when the poorest workers who

00:41:05.179 --> 00:41:07.360
benefit from the higher paycheck end up paying

00:41:07.360 --> 00:41:10.320
a hidden sales tax on the very goods and services

00:41:10.320 --> 00:41:13.420
they buy? That conflict, the erosion of the real

00:41:13.420 --> 00:41:16.179
wage through cost passed through, is the core

00:41:16.179 --> 00:41:18.880
tension of distributive justice worth mulling

00:41:18.880 --> 00:41:21.500
over long after this deep dive is complete, an

00:41:21.500 --> 00:41:23.500
economic problem where the solution seems to

00:41:23.500 --> 00:41:25.840
be part of the cost. Thank you for diving deep

00:41:25.840 --> 00:41:26.659
with us. Thank you.
