WEBVTT

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Welcome to The Deep Dive, the show where we take

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the sources you provide, run them through that

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academic filter, and give you the essential and,

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yeah, sometimes surprising insights you need

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to be truly well -informed. And today, we are

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really opening up the archives. We are. We're

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looking at a man whose name is, I mean, it's

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an icon. He's often revered, often misunderstood,

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and almost always tied to the modern global economy.

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Adam Smith. That is the perfect way to frame

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it. I mean, for most people, when you hear Adam

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Smith, your brain immediately goes to the invisible

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hand or the wealth of nations. Right. And he

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was, you know, a pioneering Scottish economist

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and philosopher. He was active during that amazing

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period of Scottish Enlightenment, living from

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1723 to 1790. And people call him the father

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of economics. They do. the father of economics,

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sometimes the father of capitalism, and rightly

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so in many ways. But the sources we have here,

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they really emphasize something much more holistic,

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something I think is crucial and goes way beyond

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a simple economic blueprint. Smith was a philosopher

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first. He was a product of that intellectual

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explosion, the Scottish Enlightenment. And his

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work wasn't just about money. It was about the

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fundamental nature of humanity, of morality,

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and of justice. Absolutely. What he did was,

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for its time, truly radical. He built this comprehensive

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system that just moved away entirely from the

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older. often theological explanations for why

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wealth and power were distributed the way they

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were. Explanations based on divine will, you

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mean? Exactly. Divine will, a mandated social

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hierarchy. Smith said no. He proposed that wealth

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and social order could be understood through

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rational, observable forces. It was all a complex

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interplay of natural, political, social, and

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economic factors. He just fundamentally believed

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the world was a system you could analyze and

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organize through reason. So our mission today

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is to get way beyond the textbook soundbites,

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beyond the political simplifications. We're going

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to do a deep dive comparing his two classic foundational

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works, which, you know, you really have to read

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them together. You absolutely do. The Theory

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of Moral Sentiments from 1759 and then his Economic

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Masterwork. An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes

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of the Wealth of Nations from 1776. We need to

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reconstruct that unified vision he had. Right.

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The cohesive philosophy of human nature, morality.

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and economic prosperity that Smith was actually

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trying to build. Because if you only read The

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Wealth of Nations, you're only getting half the

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man. You're getting half the picture. It's the

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two -sided Adam Smith that really holds the key

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to his legacy. So I think we should start by

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unpacking the man himself, you know. His formative

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years, because his early life gave him all the

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evidence for his later theories. Okay, let's

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do it. Let's unpack this and dive into the philosopher's

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formative years. Because his biography, it offers

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some incredible clues about his worldview. born

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in a small port town kirkcaldy in scotland and

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tragedy struck him really early on his father

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who was a customs controller and a senior lawyer

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he died before adam was even born so he was raised

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entirely by his mother margaret douglas and their

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bond by all accounts was just incredibly strong

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he actually lived with her until she died in

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1784. and right at the start of his life we get

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this This incredibly bizarre anecdote. It sounds

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like something pulled straight out of an 18th

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century novel. I know, it's amazing. When he

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was only three years old, Adam Smith was actually

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abducted by a passing band of Romani. It's an

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astonishing detail. The primary biography we

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have, written by John Ray, it says that the family

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immediately sent out scouts. They tracked the

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group for miles down the road into a place called

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Leslie Wood, and they eventually found the woman

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who had taken him. And the story goes that as

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soon as she saw the rescuers coming, she just

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threw the child down and ran off into the woods.

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It's such a striking image, isn't it? A sort

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of fleeting moment of pure, unpredictable chaos

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right before a lifetime that would be dedicated

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to imposing systematic order on the world. A

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very poetic way to put it. Happily, he was returned

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to his mother and his academic life began pretty

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soon after. He went to the Burr School of Kirkcaldy,

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which was, you know, a really high quality school

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for the time. He learned all the classics, Latin,

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math, history, writing. And his intellectual

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path really started to take shape when he got

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to the University of Glasgow at just 14 years

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old. So young. Right. And this is where he started

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studying moral philosophy under this hugely influential

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figure, Francis Hutchison. And that period in

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Glasgow, it clearly shaped the entire ethical

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foundation of his thought. It's where he developed

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his passion for reason, for civilian liberties,

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for free speech. Hutchison was a massive influence.

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He was really promoting the idea that public

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benevolence not just self -interest, was the

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true source of morality. But this is where it

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gets really interesting for me. The profound

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contrast he felt when he moved south to Oxford.

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Oh, yeah. In 1740, Smith got a really prestigious

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scholarship, the Snell Exhibition, and it sent

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him to Balliol College at Oxford for postgraduate

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studies. And he absolutely hated it. He was deeply,

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deeply disappointed. He saw the intellectual

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environment as just, well, stifling, vastly inferior

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to the vibrant academic world he had just left

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in Glasgow. And he didn't pull any punches about

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it later on. He criticizes Oxford directly in

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The Wealth of Nations, dedicating a whole passage

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to the institutional decay he saw there. And

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he blamed it on the endowments. That's the key

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technical insight. The colleges had so much money

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from these rich endowments that the professors'

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income was completely independent of their performance.

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It didn't matter if they were good teachers or

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if any students showed up. Exactly. Smith wrote

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that the greater part of the public professors

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there had, for many years, given up altogether

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even the pretense of teaching. That is just a

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scorching indictment. And it gives you an early

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look into his core economic thinking, doesn't

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it? He saw firsthand what happens when incentive

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structures are fundamentally broken. Right. When

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your security and your income are guaranteed

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no matter what, the effort just plummets. That

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observation right there in Oxford, it laid the

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groundwork for his later theories on competition

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and accountability. On top of that. The officials

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at Oxford weren't exactly encouraging radical

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new ideas. I mean, we have that specific account

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of them finding Smith reading a copy of David

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Hume's A Treatise of Human Nature. Hume was viewed

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with deep suspicion by the conservative English

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establishment at the time, a dangerous thinker.

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So imagine the scene. They reportedly confiscate

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the book, one of the most important philosophical

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works of the century, and they punish Smith severely

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just for reading it. It just shows you the restrictive,

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dogmatic environment he felt trapped in. Now,

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while his time there was unhappy, he did make

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great use of the Boyd Lane Library. He basically

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taught himself several subjects through intense,

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self -directed reading. But the intellectual

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repression was just too much. He left in 1746,

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before his scholarship was even done. Contemporaries

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said he was suffering from what was likely a

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severe nervous breakdown. Brought on by the stress

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and, you know, that intellectual vacuum. But

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he returns to Scotland and thankfully he moves

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into what he later called the happiest and most

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honorable period of his life, his career as a

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teacher. In 1748, he starts giving these incredibly

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successful public lectures at the University

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of Edinburgh. And these lectures were really

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diverse. He covered rhetoric. literary criticism,

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and most importantly, something he called the

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progress of opulence. Ah, so this is where it

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starts. This is where it starts. It was in these

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lectures that he first began to lay out his economic

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philosophy, what he termed the obvious and simple

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system of natural liberty. The idea that wealth

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arises naturally when people are allowed to pursue

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their own interests, as long as they stay within

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the bounds of justice. And around 1750, a crucial

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collaboration begins. He finally meets David

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Hume. the very writer whose book got him in so

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much trouble at Oxford. They formed this intellectual

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and personal bond that really became the defining

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friendship of Smith's life. They just shared

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an understanding of human nature and reason.

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Hume became his greatest friend and his intellectual

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sounding board. Smith then spent 13 years as

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this highly regarded professor of moral philosophy

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back at Glasgow, basically embodying the complete

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opposite of the lazy professionals he'd complained

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about at Oxford. And this professional diligence,

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this systematic approach, it stands in such a

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fascinating contrast to his personal life. The

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stories. The stories are amazing. We have so

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many accounts of him being absolutely comically

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absent -minded, a true genius, just lost in his

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own thoughts. Known for a peculiar way of speaking

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and walking and for smiling and talking to companions

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that no one else could see. The anecdotes are

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fantastic. They really paint a picture of a mind

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just constantly operating on another level. You

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have the famous story of him giving a tour of

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a tanning factory. He's intensely discussing

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free trade, so engrossed in his own theory that

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he just absentmindedly walks right into a huge

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tanning pit. And had to be rescued. It's just...

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It's perfect. And the domestic ones are just

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as good. There's the story of him making tea

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and instead of sugar, he puts bread and butter

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into the teapot. Brings the whole thing. Drinks

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this terrible concoction and then declares it

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to be. The worst cup of tea he had ever had,

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just completely disconnected from the physical

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world. But the best one, for me, has to be the

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time he walked out of his house in his nightgown,

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totally lost in thought, and ended up walking

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15 miles out of town. It was the sound of church

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bells that finally snapped him out of it. He

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realized he was miles from home, still in his

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sleepwear. The genius lost in his own systems.

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And this pattern of intense focus and personal

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detachment, it really defined his life. He never

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married. As we said, he lived with his mother

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until she died. And it all culminates in his

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final instructions before his own death in 1790.

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He had this powerful desire to control his intellectual

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legacy. He told his literary executors, the famous

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chemist Joseph Black and the geologist James

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Hutton, to destroy all of his unpublished material.

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Everything. All his notes, his correspondence,

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anything not deemed immediately fit for publication,

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just destroy it. And that intentional destruction

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is why so few of his personal papers survive.

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Smith, the ultimate system builder, he intentionally

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purged his own personal history. He wanted to

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make sure that his published work would stand

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as his only legacy. We're left with the system,

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not the man's intimate thoughts. Which means

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everything we know about his core philosophy

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has to come from those two great published works.

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And that brings us directly to the first one.

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The moral compass he built. Yes. Let's move to

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part two and talk about the theory of moral sentiments,

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published in 1759. I mean, if you want to understand

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the wealth of nations, you absolutely have to

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start here. This work is so critical. It establishes

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the philosophical, the psychological, the ethical

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foundation for everything that comes after it.

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It's often forgotten now, you know, overshadowed

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by the fame of his later work. But Smith himself

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thought it was his best work, right? He's widely

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believed to have considered moral sentiments

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superior to his economic writings. And crucially,

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He kept revising it. Six editions, adding and

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refining his arguments right up until his death

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in 1790. He really saw it as his defining statement

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on human nature. And the core question he's tackling

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here is just so fundamental. How do we humans,

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who start life as, you know, blank slates without

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some kind of divinely implanted moral code, how

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do we form moral judgments? How do we develop

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a conscience and become social beings? That is

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the radical departure. He wasn't relying on a

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preordained religious sense of right and wrong,

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which is the traditional answer. His approach

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was observational. It was behavioral, rooted

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entirely in human interaction. So how does it

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work? Smith proposed that morality arises dynamically

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from our interactive social relationships. And

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the essential mechanism, the glue that holds

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society together, is what he called sympathy.

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And we really need to clarify that term for a

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modern listener. When Smith used the word sympathy,

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it wasn't what we mean today, like pity or feeling

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sorry for someone. Not at all. In the 18th century,

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it was much closer to what we now call empathy.

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Right. The ability to recognize and share or

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at least mentally reconstruct the feelings of

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another person. Precisely. For Smith, morality

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isn't innate. It's socially constructed through

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this constant dynamic search for what he called

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the mutual sympathy of sentiments. So we're always

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watching other people. Always. We observe others

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judging us. We look at their faces, their reactions

00:12:23.620 --> 00:12:26.259
to what we do. And we instinctively try to adjust

00:12:26.259 --> 00:12:28.299
our behavior so that we can achieve that mutual

00:12:28.299 --> 00:12:31.059
feeling of understanding and approval. We want

00:12:31.059 --> 00:12:32.980
our emotions to resonate with the people around

00:12:32.980 --> 00:12:36.379
us. And this process of constantly calibrating

00:12:36.379 --> 00:12:39.179
our actions based on social feedback, this leads

00:12:39.179 --> 00:12:41.879
directly to his monumental concept of the impartial

00:12:41.879 --> 00:12:44.340
spectator. It's basically the mechanism of conscience.

00:12:44.919 --> 00:12:47.740
How does that inner moral judge develop? It's

00:12:47.740 --> 00:12:50.820
a process of internalization. By constantly observing

00:12:50.820 --> 00:12:52.700
and anticipating how other people are going to

00:12:52.700 --> 00:12:55.179
judge our actions, and by seeking their approval

00:12:55.179 --> 00:12:57.500
and avoiding their disapproval, we're forced

00:12:57.500 --> 00:12:59.539
to step outside of ourselves. To see ourselves

00:12:59.539 --> 00:13:03.100
as others see us. Exactly. And over time, this

00:13:03.100 --> 00:13:06.179
external pressure leads us to develop an internalized

00:13:06.179 --> 00:13:08.980
set of habits and principles and rules of conduct.

00:13:09.200 --> 00:13:12.100
That is the impartial spectator. It becomes the

00:13:12.100 --> 00:13:14.559
internalized voice of conscience, that neutral,

00:13:14.600 --> 00:13:17.639
objective judge we carry inside us, monitoring

00:13:17.639 --> 00:13:19.659
our private thoughts. in our public actions.

00:13:19.820 --> 00:13:22.100
So we end up modifying our behavior not just

00:13:22.100 --> 00:13:24.120
to please the people in the room, but to please

00:13:24.120 --> 00:13:27.120
this internalized, idealized standard, which

00:13:27.120 --> 00:13:29.600
kind of represents the objective view of society.

00:13:30.000 --> 00:13:32.480
And that self -control is absolutely key. The

00:13:32.480 --> 00:13:34.559
whole point of seeking the impartial spectator's

00:13:34.559 --> 00:13:37.740
approval is that it forces us to sacrifice immediate,

00:13:37.980 --> 00:13:41.409
selfish gratification. It demands that we exercise

00:13:41.409 --> 00:13:44.429
self -command and self -control to keep our passions

00:13:44.429 --> 00:13:46.690
within socially acceptable limits. So that ethical

00:13:46.690 --> 00:13:49.639
framework of self -command is the bedrock. It's

00:13:49.639 --> 00:13:52.139
the bedrock upon which a stable commercial society

00:13:52.139 --> 00:13:54.700
can later be built. Without it, you just have

00:13:54.700 --> 00:13:57.320
chaos. Okay, that brings us to the famous tension.

00:13:57.580 --> 00:13:59.720
If the impartial spectator is supposed to give

00:13:59.720 --> 00:14:02.000
us this framework for moral behavior and self

00:14:02.000 --> 00:14:04.500
-command, then where does that leave the intense

00:14:04.500 --> 00:14:06.820
focus on self -interest that he talks about later

00:14:06.820 --> 00:14:09.600
in The Wealth of Nations? Ah, yes, the infamous

00:14:09.600 --> 00:14:12.480
Adam Smith problem. This is where it historically

00:14:12.480 --> 00:14:15.419
came from, right? It is. The Adam Smith problem

00:14:15.419 --> 00:14:19.159
was this. historical conflict that earlier scholars

00:14:19.159 --> 00:14:22.659
saw. How could the same man write one book centered

00:14:22.659 --> 00:14:25.379
on sympathy and what seems like altruistic behavior

00:14:25.379 --> 00:14:28.600
and then 17 years later publish another book

00:14:28.600 --> 00:14:31.419
all about self -interest and private gain? They

00:14:31.419 --> 00:14:33.279
looked contradictory, like he'd had some kind

00:14:33.279 --> 00:14:35.720
of intellectual shift or even a moral failing.

00:14:35.919 --> 00:14:38.519
Was he an idealist who became a cynical economist?

00:14:39.279 --> 00:14:42.320
Well, modern scholarship has largely, and I'd

00:14:42.320 --> 00:14:45.399
say decisively, dismissed that conflict. So it's

00:14:45.399 --> 00:14:47.460
not a problem anymore. It's not a problem. The

00:14:47.460 --> 00:14:49.899
consensus now is that the two works aren't rivals

00:14:49.899 --> 00:14:52.120
at all. They're completely complementary parts

00:14:52.120 --> 00:14:55.299
of a single unified system. The theory of moral

00:14:55.299 --> 00:14:57.679
sentiments provides the necessary psychological

00:14:57.679 --> 00:15:00.759
and moral framework. It defines the ethical rules

00:15:00.759 --> 00:15:02.960
and the limits of acceptable human behavior.

00:15:03.080 --> 00:15:05.259
It sets up the rules of the game. Exactly. And

00:15:05.259 --> 00:15:07.120
then The Wealth of Nations describes how the

00:15:07.120 --> 00:15:09.200
game is actually played within those morally

00:15:09.200 --> 00:15:11.919
bounded rules. The Wealth of Nations applies

00:15:11.919 --> 00:15:15.320
the specific necessary virtue of prudence to

00:15:15.320 --> 00:15:18.220
the private sphere of the economy. Prudence,

00:15:18.220 --> 00:15:21.480
for Smith, is the virtue of self -care, rational

00:15:21.480 --> 00:15:23.919
self -management, looking after your family and

00:15:23.919 --> 00:15:26.360
your future. It's the lowest of the virtues,

00:15:26.460 --> 00:15:28.539
but it's still necessary. It's the foundation

00:15:28.539 --> 00:15:31.299
of economic action. And he had a plan for a third

00:15:31.299 --> 00:15:33.500
book, right, to complete the system. He did.

00:15:33.679 --> 00:15:36.840
He intended for this unified system to culminate

00:15:36.840 --> 00:15:40.139
in a planned third major work that would have

00:15:40.139 --> 00:15:42.720
been about the virtue of justice and public law.

00:15:42.919 --> 00:15:46.279
So you see the progression. from internal morality

00:15:46.279 --> 00:15:49.480
to private economic action to the rules of public

00:15:49.480 --> 00:15:51.860
order. One scholar in our sources argues that

00:15:51.860 --> 00:15:54.080
both books are actually, and I quote, Newtonian

00:15:54.080 --> 00:15:55.940
in their methodology. That sounds very technical.

00:15:55.980 --> 00:15:57.500
What does that mean? It's a really compelling

00:15:57.500 --> 00:15:59.519
analogy that connects Smith back to the scientific

00:15:59.519 --> 00:16:02.460
revolution. Think about it. Newton applied empirical

00:16:02.460 --> 00:16:04.840
observation and system building to understand

00:16:04.840 --> 00:16:07.200
the forces of nature, like gravity and motion.

00:16:07.399 --> 00:16:10.919
Smith applied that same observation -based, system

00:16:10.919 --> 00:16:13.240
-building approach of natural science to human

00:16:13.240 --> 00:16:15.830
social phenomena. to morality, to economics,

00:16:16.029 --> 00:16:18.750
to law. He was trying to identify the universal,

00:16:18.950 --> 00:16:21.049
predictable forces at work in human society,

00:16:21.269 --> 00:16:23.629
just like gravity is a universal force in physics.

00:16:23.870 --> 00:16:26.509
So things like market competition or our desire

00:16:26.509 --> 00:16:29.190
for mutual sympathy, he treated those like predictable

00:16:29.190 --> 00:16:32.230
social laws. Precisely. He argues that just as

00:16:32.230 --> 00:16:34.610
markets develop spontaneously, driven by rational

00:16:34.610 --> 00:16:37.399
incentives, a similar kind of market... dynamic,

00:16:37.480 --> 00:16:40.200
governs how our morality develops. People are

00:16:40.200 --> 00:16:42.259
constantly testing and adjusting their moral

00:16:42.259 --> 00:16:44.740
sentiments in a social marketplace, seeking that

00:16:44.740 --> 00:16:47.720
mutual sympathy. It's a kind of continuous market

00:16:47.720 --> 00:16:49.820
for social approval. And that internal check,

00:16:49.899 --> 00:16:52.000
that need for approval, it prevents the purely

00:16:52.000 --> 00:16:53.879
self -interested person from just becoming a

00:16:53.879 --> 00:16:56.019
social monster. That is the key takeaway for

00:16:56.019 --> 00:16:58.460
you, the listener. The desire for moral approval

00:16:58.460 --> 00:17:01.919
in his first book, TMS, actually functions as

00:17:01.919 --> 00:17:04.579
the internal restraint on the pure, unbridled

00:17:04.579 --> 00:17:07.279
self -interest he talks about later. It ensures

00:17:07.279 --> 00:17:09.420
that when people pursue their economic game in

00:17:09.420 --> 00:17:12.319
WN, they're still operating within the bounds

00:17:12.319 --> 00:17:14.519
set by their conscience and the need for social

00:17:14.519 --> 00:17:17.700
acceptance. So morality is the necessary precondition

00:17:17.700 --> 00:17:21.019
for a functioning, prosperous market economy.

00:17:21.180 --> 00:17:24.400
In short, in TMS, sympathy is the moral faculty

00:17:24.400 --> 00:17:27.720
that restrains self -interest. In WN, competition

00:17:27.720 --> 00:17:30.319
is the economic faculty that restrains self -interest.

00:17:30.519 --> 00:17:33.390
The two systems are completely interwoven. With

00:17:33.390 --> 00:17:35.269
that moral foundation established, let's turn

00:17:35.269 --> 00:17:37.269
our attention to the text that truly made his

00:17:37.269 --> 00:17:39.890
name famous around the world, The Wealth of Nations.

00:17:40.190 --> 00:17:42.109
Let's do it. So The Wealth of Nations, published

00:17:42.109 --> 00:17:45.269
in 1776, is often called the foundational text

00:17:45.269 --> 00:17:48.289
of modern capitalism. It's a landmark. But before

00:17:48.289 --> 00:17:50.269
Smith even wrote it, he spent this critical period

00:17:50.269 --> 00:17:52.670
touring Europe, which profoundly refined his

00:17:52.670 --> 00:17:55.369
economic thinking. Yes, the path to this book

00:17:55.369 --> 00:17:59.180
was paved with a massive career change. In 1764,

00:17:59.460 --> 00:18:02.579
Smith resigned his professorship, a job he loved,

00:18:02.720 --> 00:18:05.920
for a highly lucrative tutoring position. An

00:18:05.920 --> 00:18:08.440
offer he couldn't refuse. He was hired to tutor

00:18:08.440 --> 00:18:10.539
the stepson of the Chancellor of the Exchequer,

00:18:10.660 --> 00:18:14.019
a young man named Henry Scott, the Duke of Buccleuch.

00:18:14.039 --> 00:18:16.759
And the terms were stunning for the era. 300

00:18:16.759 --> 00:18:19.480
pounds a year plus all expenses and a guaranteed

00:18:19.480 --> 00:18:22.500
300 pounds a year pension for life. That was

00:18:22.500 --> 00:18:25.160
roughly double his professorial income. It's

00:18:25.160 --> 00:18:27.819
the ultimate market success story for the future

00:18:27.819 --> 00:18:29.619
champion of free markets. You could say that.

00:18:29.740 --> 00:18:32.200
And that tutoring job took him across the continent.

00:18:32.380 --> 00:18:34.900
He spent time in Toulouse, then moved on to Geneva,

00:18:35.119 --> 00:18:37.799
where he famously met the philosophical titan

00:18:37.799 --> 00:18:41.119
Voltaire. Later, in Paris, he met another radical

00:18:41.119 --> 00:18:43.329
intellectual, Benjamin Franklin. But his time

00:18:43.329 --> 00:18:45.069
in Paris was probably the most crucial for the

00:18:45.069 --> 00:18:47.630
book, right? I would say so. In Paris, he encountered

00:18:47.630 --> 00:18:50.289
the Physiocrats, a radical French school of thought

00:18:50.289 --> 00:18:53.150
founded by François Quesnay. This group was advocating

00:18:53.150 --> 00:18:55.069
for what they saw as the natural laws of economics.

00:18:55.490 --> 00:18:58.309
Their motto was the essence of early deregulation.

00:18:59.069 --> 00:19:01.529
Laissez faire et laissez passer. Le monde va

00:19:01.529 --> 00:19:04.130
de lui -même. Let do and let pass. The world

00:19:04.130 --> 00:19:07.230
goes on by itself. The ultimate expression of

00:19:07.230 --> 00:19:10.130
laissez -faire economics, born in France. Exactly.

00:19:10.309 --> 00:19:13.009
And Smith was hugely impressed by their work.

00:19:13.109 --> 00:19:16.250
He concluded that physiocracy was perhaps the

00:19:16.250 --> 00:19:18.789
nearest approximation to the truth in political

00:19:18.789 --> 00:19:21.609
economy published so far. They shared this core

00:19:21.609 --> 00:19:24.549
opposition to the dominant policy of the time,

00:19:24.569 --> 00:19:27.680
which was mercantilism. OK, we need to slow down

00:19:27.680 --> 00:19:29.599
and define this opposition because this is the

00:19:29.599 --> 00:19:31.460
intellectual battleground of the wealth of nations.

00:19:31.660 --> 00:19:34.619
What exactly was mercantilism? Mercantilism was

00:19:34.619 --> 00:19:36.960
the reigning economic strategy across Europe.

00:19:37.180 --> 00:19:40.599
The goal was simple. Maximize the nation's supply

00:19:40.599 --> 00:19:43.539
of hard currency, specifically gold and silver.

00:19:43.720 --> 00:19:46.380
So policy was all about getting a massive trade

00:19:46.380 --> 00:19:49.210
surplus. Right. Minimize imports with high tariffs,

00:19:49.349 --> 00:19:52.109
maximize exports, often relying on government

00:19:52.109 --> 00:19:54.569
monopolies and colonial extraction. A state's

00:19:54.569 --> 00:19:56.849
power was literally measured by the gold in its

00:19:56.849 --> 00:20:00.009
vault. Smith saw this as a suffocating and ultimately

00:20:00.009 --> 00:20:03.089
self -defeating policy. And the physiocrats challenged

00:20:03.089 --> 00:20:05.470
this by arguing that wealth came not from hoarding

00:20:05.470 --> 00:20:07.809
gold, but from the productive capacity of the

00:20:07.809 --> 00:20:11.039
land. That's right. But Smith made the crucial

00:20:11.039 --> 00:20:13.839
intellectual leap that really established classical

00:20:13.839 --> 00:20:16.859
economics. He went beyond the physiocrat's land

00:20:16.859 --> 00:20:20.460
-centric view. Smith focused squarely on labor.

00:20:20.680 --> 00:20:23.500
Ah, that's the key distinction. That is it. The

00:20:23.500 --> 00:20:26.700
source of national wealth for Smith was the annual

00:20:26.700 --> 00:20:29.299
produce of its labor, not the amount of gold

00:20:29.299 --> 00:20:31.720
a nation possessed, nor just its agricultural

00:20:31.720 --> 00:20:36.299
output. This reframing laid the absolute bedrock

00:20:36.299 --> 00:20:39.200
for classical economic theory. the labor theory

00:20:39.200 --> 00:20:41.359
of value. And this insight must have been immediately

00:20:41.359 --> 00:20:44.019
compelling. The success of The Wealth of Nations

00:20:44.019 --> 00:20:47.539
when it came out in 1776 was huge. It sold out

00:20:47.539 --> 00:20:49.640
its first edition in just six months. It was

00:20:49.640 --> 00:20:51.539
a sensation. Now, if we look at the classical

00:20:51.539 --> 00:20:53.380
perspective of the book central program, it's

00:20:53.380 --> 00:20:56.059
not really about some abstract invisible hand.

00:20:56.279 --> 00:20:58.119
It's about something much more mechanistic and

00:20:58.119 --> 00:21:00.259
observable. That's right. Classical economists

00:21:00.259 --> 00:21:02.839
correctly argue that Smith laid out his entire

00:21:02.839 --> 00:21:05.640
tangible program in the first few sentences of

00:21:05.640 --> 00:21:08.380
book one. National wealth, he says, depends on

00:21:08.380 --> 00:21:11.920
two things. First, the skill, dexterity, and

00:21:11.920 --> 00:21:14.559
judgment of labor. That's productivity. And second,

00:21:14.660 --> 00:21:18.259
the proportion of useful labor. So minimizing

00:21:18.259 --> 00:21:21.119
workers in unproductive sectors, though he was

00:21:21.119 --> 00:21:23.099
careful to acknowledge that the work of the sovereign

00:21:23.099 --> 00:21:25.960
and the army was definitely useful. And his solution

00:21:25.960 --> 00:21:29.150
for maximizing that first factor? Productivity,

00:21:29.230 --> 00:21:31.809
the engine of economic growth, that is the famous

00:21:31.809 --> 00:21:34.450
division of labor. This is the core operating

00:21:34.450 --> 00:21:37.329
system of his economic model. It is the central

00:21:37.329 --> 00:21:40.349
dynamic. Smith argued powerfully that deepening

00:21:40.349 --> 00:21:42.970
the division of labor breaking production down

00:21:42.970 --> 00:21:46.789
into specialized repetitive tasks leads to immense

00:21:46.789 --> 00:21:50.180
gains. In three ways, right? In three ways. increased

00:21:50.180 --> 00:21:52.619
dexterity, saving time you'd lose switching between

00:21:52.619 --> 00:21:56.140
tasks, and critically, fueling innovation as

00:21:56.140 --> 00:21:58.180
workers and engineers focus on just one specific

00:21:58.180 --> 00:22:00.799
process. And this innovation translates into

00:22:00.799 --> 00:22:03.700
vast compounding productivity increases. Exactly,

00:22:03.859 --> 00:22:05.819
which leads to greater output, which means lower

00:22:05.819 --> 00:22:08.319
prices, and consequently, an increasing standard

00:22:08.319 --> 00:22:10.759
of living for everyone. Smith coined the term

00:22:10.759 --> 00:22:12.960
universal opulence for all ranks of society.

00:22:13.450 --> 00:22:15.950
He argued that the poorest worker in a free commercial

00:22:15.950 --> 00:22:18.829
society lives better than an African king commanding

00:22:18.829 --> 00:22:20.809
thousands of subjects in a noncommercial system.

00:22:21.119 --> 00:22:23.259
That's the continuous growth machine he envisioned.

00:22:23.740 --> 00:22:26.220
Specialized labor leads to lower prices, which

00:22:26.220 --> 00:22:28.819
extends markets, which allows for more specialization,

00:22:29.059 --> 00:22:31.980
which drives more innovation. It's a continuous

00:22:31.980 --> 00:22:35.779
cycle of rising prosperity for all. And his famous

00:22:35.779 --> 00:22:38.579
pin factory example, where one worker doing 18

00:22:38.579 --> 00:22:41.299
separate operations is way less productive than

00:22:41.299 --> 00:22:43.940
10 workers specializing in one operation each.

00:22:44.140 --> 00:22:46.500
That's the classic anecdote that cemented the

00:22:46.500 --> 00:22:49.420
idea in history. It showed the sheer power of

00:22:49.420 --> 00:22:52.289
organization. a raw effort. Okay, this brings

00:22:52.289 --> 00:22:54.509
us to the famous phrase that is now synonymous

00:22:54.509 --> 00:22:58.130
with Smith, the invisible hand. It's often portrayed

00:22:58.130 --> 00:23:01.470
as his central thesis, but as we noted, it only

00:23:01.470 --> 00:23:03.890
appears once in The Wealth of Nations. It does.

00:23:04.069 --> 00:23:06.329
The neoclassical school of economics, which came

00:23:06.329 --> 00:23:08.230
much later and focused heavily on mathematical

00:23:08.230 --> 00:23:11.250
models of supply and demand, they seized on this

00:23:11.250 --> 00:23:13.549
single phrase and elevated it to define Smith's

00:23:13.549 --> 00:23:16.309
entire philosophy. They emphasize the idea that

00:23:16.309 --> 00:23:19.569
individuals pursuing their own gain are unintentionally

00:23:19.569 --> 00:23:22.269
led by an invisible hand to promote an end which

00:23:22.269 --> 00:23:24.849
was no part of his intention, meaning promoting

00:23:24.849 --> 00:23:27.250
the public interest. And this is perfectly captured

00:23:27.250 --> 00:23:29.890
in that famous line about self -interest. It

00:23:29.890 --> 00:23:31.490
is not from the benevolence of the butcher or

00:23:31.490 --> 00:23:33.470
the brewer or the baker that we expect our dinner,

00:23:33.609 --> 00:23:35.789
but from their regard to their own interest.

00:23:36.400 --> 00:23:39.140
We address ourselves not to their humanity, but

00:23:39.140 --> 00:23:42.099
to their self -love. Right. And it's not a moral

00:23:42.099 --> 00:23:44.579
endorsement. It's a pragmatic observation about

00:23:44.579 --> 00:23:47.819
motivation. The system works because we are reliably

00:23:47.819 --> 00:23:50.480
self -interested. And it's so easy for modern

00:23:50.480 --> 00:23:52.619
readers to stop right there and assume Smith

00:23:52.619 --> 00:23:55.380
was just a dogmatic champion of self -interest

00:23:55.380 --> 00:23:58.160
above all else. But that ignores his first book,

00:23:58.259 --> 00:24:00.519
and it ignores what is maybe the most surprising

00:24:00.519 --> 00:24:04.180
detail for modern advocates of pure, unregulated

00:24:04.180 --> 00:24:11.539
free markets. What's that? This point is absolutely

00:24:11.539 --> 00:24:13.759
crucial for understanding the complete Smith.

00:24:14.039 --> 00:24:16.819
He was deeply wary of the self -interested nature

00:24:16.819 --> 00:24:19.180
of merchants when that interest led them to coordinate

00:24:19.180 --> 00:24:21.900
or collude. His suspicion wasn't just a passing

00:24:21.900 --> 00:24:24.630
comment. It was structural. He warned about it

00:24:24.630 --> 00:24:27.569
again and again. He explicitly and repeatedly

00:24:27.569 --> 00:24:30.509
warned of businessmen's inherent tendency to

00:24:30.509 --> 00:24:33.250
form a conspiracy against the public or in some

00:24:33.250 --> 00:24:36.210
other contrivance to raise prices. He saw their

00:24:36.210 --> 00:24:38.970
natural tendency to form cabals or monopolies,

00:24:38.990 --> 00:24:41.869
to fix the highest price which can be squeezed

00:24:41.869 --> 00:24:44.630
out of the buyers. That's a stark recognition

00:24:44.630 --> 00:24:47.390
that the pursuit of gain, when it's unchecked,

00:24:47.599 --> 00:24:50.299
quickly turns predatory. And this deep skepticism

00:24:50.299 --> 00:24:52.380
translates into a powerful, almost suspicious

00:24:52.380 --> 00:24:55.579
warning directed at the government. Smith states

00:24:55.579 --> 00:24:58.660
clearly that any proposed law or regulation that

00:24:58.660 --> 00:25:00.700
comes from manufacturers and merchants. Yes.

00:25:01.059 --> 00:25:03.240
Not always to be listened to with great precaution

00:25:03.240 --> 00:25:05.819
and not never be adopted till after having been

00:25:05.819 --> 00:25:08.279
long and carefully examined, not only with the

00:25:08.279 --> 00:25:10.599
most scrupulous, but with the most suspicious

00:25:10.599 --> 00:25:13.700
attention. That is incredible. He is telling

00:25:13.700 --> 00:25:16.619
the government, in no uncertain terms, to distrust

00:25:16.619 --> 00:25:18.460
any political advice coming from the business

00:25:18.460 --> 00:25:20.480
community because their interests are almost

00:25:20.480 --> 00:25:22.779
certainly contrary to the public interest. He

00:25:22.779 --> 00:25:25.599
wasn't afraid of markets, but he was profoundly

00:25:25.599 --> 00:25:28.500
suspicious of the people running them, especially

00:25:28.500 --> 00:25:30.519
when they were seeking government privilege or

00:25:30.519 --> 00:25:34.319
political favors to distort competition. So the

00:25:34.319 --> 00:25:36.759
pursuit of wealth is only socially beneficial

00:25:36.759 --> 00:25:40.200
in his system when it's strictly checked. Strictly

00:25:40.200 --> 00:25:42.180
checked by the external force of competition

00:25:42.180 --> 00:25:45.059
in the market and by the internal force of the

00:25:45.059 --> 00:25:47.819
impartial spectator in the social sphere. You

00:25:47.819 --> 00:25:50.420
remove those checks and the very self -interest

00:25:50.420 --> 00:25:53.619
he described becomes a public threat. It becomes

00:25:53.619 --> 00:25:56.480
a conspiracy. This makes the question of government

00:25:56.480 --> 00:25:59.839
intervention the next logical step. If he had

00:25:59.839 --> 00:26:02.319
such deep suspicions, how limited did he actually

00:26:02.319 --> 00:26:04.660
think the government should be? Let's move to

00:26:04.660 --> 00:26:07.460
part four to explore Smith's very complex views

00:26:07.460 --> 00:26:10.759
on government, justice, and empire. Okay. For

00:26:10.759 --> 00:26:13.319
a man who is so frequently portrayed as the ultimate

00:26:13.319 --> 00:26:15.640
champion of laissez -faire and minimal government,

00:26:16.099 --> 00:26:18.299
Adam Smith actually spent a ton of time detailing

00:26:18.299 --> 00:26:20.619
the necessary and substantial duties of the state.

00:26:20.799 --> 00:26:23.019
The political caricature of Smith is just as

00:26:23.019 --> 00:26:25.079
simplistic as the economic one. It seems so.

00:26:25.440 --> 00:26:29.099
Absolutely. The modern, often dogmatic idea of

00:26:29.099 --> 00:26:32.279
Smith advocating for this tiny, passive night

00:26:32.279 --> 00:26:35.500
watchman state that just stands by. It's a serious

00:26:35.500 --> 00:26:37.380
misreading of book fee of the wealth of nations.

00:26:38.099 --> 00:26:40.799
That whole book is about the revenue of the sovereign

00:26:40.799 --> 00:26:43.640
and the necessary expenses of the Commonwealth.

00:26:43.880 --> 00:26:46.640
And he outlines four specific duties the government

00:26:46.640 --> 00:26:48.759
must fulfill. These aren't suggestions. They're

00:26:48.759 --> 00:26:51.319
mandates. They are mandates. And the first duty

00:26:51.319 --> 00:26:54.099
is the simplest. The state has to protect the

00:26:54.099 --> 00:26:56.180
society from external violence and invasion.

00:26:56.460 --> 00:26:59.740
National defense. That's the prerequisite for

00:26:59.740 --> 00:27:02.299
everything else. Right. Without security, you

00:27:02.299 --> 00:27:05.140
have no commerce. The second duty is arguably

00:27:05.140 --> 00:27:07.599
the most crucial for making a commercial society

00:27:07.599 --> 00:27:10.099
work. That is the exact administration of justice.

00:27:10.380 --> 00:27:12.859
This means establishing and funding an independent

00:27:12.859 --> 00:27:15.039
court system that can enforce property rights

00:27:15.039 --> 00:27:17.720
and uphold contracts. Without guaranteed justice,

00:27:18.059 --> 00:27:20.869
economic activity just grinds to a halt. The

00:27:20.869 --> 00:27:23.029
third duty is maybe the one that's most often

00:27:23.029 --> 00:27:25.250
overlooked by his modern fans, yet it's a huge

00:27:25.250 --> 00:27:27.369
portion of public spending in any modern state.

00:27:27.549 --> 00:27:30.150
Public works and institutions. This is where

00:27:30.150 --> 00:27:33.390
Smith's pragmatism really shines. He mandated

00:27:33.390 --> 00:27:35.730
that the government must provide public works

00:27:35.730 --> 00:27:38.950
and institutions of such a nature that the profit

00:27:38.950 --> 00:27:41.049
could never repay the expense to any individual.

00:27:41.549 --> 00:27:43.730
So the government has to step in where the private

00:27:43.730 --> 00:27:46.769
profit motive fails to meet a widespread public

00:27:46.769 --> 00:27:50.009
need. Exactly. The obvious examples are the critical

00:27:50.009 --> 00:27:53.130
infrastructure for trade roads, bridges, canals,

00:27:53.130 --> 00:27:55.970
harbors. Smith reasoned that private companies

00:27:55.970 --> 00:27:58.250
might build a profitable road near a big city,

00:27:58.329 --> 00:28:01.230
but they would never build and maintain the massive

00:28:01.230 --> 00:28:03.150
network needed to knit a whole nation together.

00:28:03.529 --> 00:28:06.690
The public benefit is just too great, so it requires

00:28:06.690 --> 00:28:09.650
public funding. And he also included public funding

00:28:09.650 --> 00:28:12.230
for things that build up human capital, right?

00:28:12.269 --> 00:28:14.930
Absolutely. He argued for partial public subsidies

00:28:14.930 --> 00:28:17.450
for elementary education. He recognized that

00:28:17.450 --> 00:28:19.369
the intense specialization from the division

00:28:19.369 --> 00:28:21.930
of labor, while great for productivity, could

00:28:21.930 --> 00:28:24.190
make workers as stupid and ignorant as it is

00:28:24.190 --> 00:28:26.569
possible for a human creature to become. Wow.

00:28:26.710 --> 00:28:29.309
So the state has a duty to counteract that intellectual

00:28:29.309 --> 00:28:32.170
atrophy through public education, promoting basic

00:28:32.170 --> 00:28:35.150
literacy and understanding. And he had a preference

00:28:35.150 --> 00:28:37.069
for how these things were managed. He did. He

00:28:37.069 --> 00:28:39.309
argued they're always better maintained by a

00:28:39.309 --> 00:28:41.829
local or provincial revenue under local administration.

00:28:42.269 --> 00:28:45.329
He favored decentralized control where local

00:28:45.329 --> 00:28:48.069
citizens have a direct stake in oversight. Okay.

00:28:48.109 --> 00:28:51.130
And finally, the fourth duty. Upholding the dignity

00:28:51.130 --> 00:28:53.769
of the chief magistrate, the monarch, or chief

00:28:53.769 --> 00:28:56.700
executive. Basically, making sure the head of

00:28:56.700 --> 00:28:58.960
state is provided for in a style that commands

00:28:58.960 --> 00:29:01.839
respect and maintains political stability. So

00:29:01.839 --> 00:29:04.759
given these four vast, expensive duties, defense,

00:29:04.920 --> 00:29:08.559
justice, infrastructure, the state itself, Smith

00:29:08.559 --> 00:29:11.480
needed a robust, fair way to collect revenue.

00:29:11.680 --> 00:29:14.619
This is where his four famous maxims of taxation

00:29:14.619 --> 00:29:17.579
come in. Still cited today. Equality, certainty,

00:29:17.759 --> 00:29:20.000
convenience, and economy. And the maximum of

00:29:20.000 --> 00:29:22.220
equality is probably the most debated. Smith

00:29:22.220 --> 00:29:24.220
argued that people must contribute in proportion

00:29:24.220 --> 00:29:26.359
to their respective abilities. And our sources

00:29:26.359 --> 00:29:28.859
show he went even beyond simple proportionality.

00:29:28.859 --> 00:29:31.319
He actually suggested a progressive tax structure.

00:29:31.619 --> 00:29:34.960
He did. He stated it very clearly. It is not

00:29:34.960 --> 00:29:37.900
very unreasonable that the rich should contribute

00:29:37.900 --> 00:29:40.920
to the public expense, not only in proportion

00:29:40.920 --> 00:29:43.559
to their revenue, but something more in that

00:29:43.559 --> 00:29:46.759
proportion. Why? What was his justification for

00:29:46.759 --> 00:29:49.730
the rich contributing more? His reasoning was

00:29:49.730 --> 00:29:51.529
rooted in the very nature of civil government.

00:29:51.950 --> 00:29:54.690
The wealthy benefit disproportionately from the

00:29:54.690 --> 00:29:57.970
state's protection. The entire apparatus of justice,

00:29:58.210 --> 00:30:01.849
police, defense, it's largely there to protect

00:30:01.849 --> 00:30:04.609
accumulated property. A poor person has little

00:30:04.609 --> 00:30:07.569
to lose, but a rich person needs the state to

00:30:07.569 --> 00:30:10.109
secure their largest fates and financial holdings.

00:30:10.150 --> 00:30:12.430
Exactly. Since they receive the greatest protective

00:30:12.430 --> 00:30:14.410
benefit from the government, they should pay

00:30:14.410 --> 00:30:17.250
a higher rate for that protection. It's a pragmatic

00:30:17.250 --> 00:30:20.009
argument. And this brings us to a really critical,

00:30:20.150 --> 00:30:23.029
almost radical insight of Smith's that underpins

00:30:23.029 --> 00:30:25.470
his whole justification for government. The link

00:30:25.470 --> 00:30:27.809
between property, inequality and the necessity

00:30:27.809 --> 00:30:30.569
of the state. He saw the societal costs of commercial

00:30:30.569 --> 00:30:33.690
society with unflinching clarity. He knew that

00:30:33.690 --> 00:30:36.670
the very system that creates that universal opulence

00:30:36.670 --> 00:30:39.849
also generates massive inequality. It's the tradeoff.

00:30:40.049 --> 00:30:42.769
And he links the need for a strong government

00:30:42.769 --> 00:30:45.430
directly to that inequality. He does. He wrote,

00:30:45.589 --> 00:30:48.390
wherever there is great property. there is great

00:30:48.390 --> 00:30:51.430
inequality. For one very rich man, there must

00:30:51.430 --> 00:30:55.130
be at least 500 poor. 500 poor for every one

00:30:55.130 --> 00:30:58.029
rich man. That is a staggering ratio. And he

00:30:58.029 --> 00:31:00.269
wasn't afraid to state the conclusion. He concluded

00:31:00.269 --> 00:31:02.710
with a quote that is often minimized or ignored

00:31:02.710 --> 00:31:05.670
by those who champion him as a purely libertarian

00:31:05.670 --> 00:31:09.710
thinker. He said that civil government, so far

00:31:09.710 --> 00:31:11.869
as it is instituted for the security of property,

00:31:12.069 --> 00:31:14.690
is in reality instituted for the defense of the

00:31:14.690 --> 00:31:16.930
rich against the poor. or of those who have some

00:31:16.930 --> 00:31:18.970
property against those who have none at all.

00:31:19.069 --> 00:31:21.609
That is a profoundly critical perspective. It

00:31:21.609 --> 00:31:24.529
sounds almost Marxist. He's viewing the state

00:31:24.529 --> 00:31:26.650
not just as a neutral protector of liberty, but

00:31:26.650 --> 00:31:28.730
as an institution required to manage the social

00:31:28.730 --> 00:31:30.869
conflict that comes from property inequality.

00:31:31.450 --> 00:31:34.690
It shows his vision wasn't utopian. He recognized

00:31:34.690 --> 00:31:37.630
the inherent tensions, and he justified a strong,

00:31:37.769 --> 00:31:40.309
well -funded government as a pragmatic response

00:31:40.309 --> 00:31:43.089
to these perpetual realities. And beyond divested

00:31:43.089 --> 00:31:45.750
policies, Smith also held these surprisingly

00:31:45.750 --> 00:31:50.089
egalitarian views on empire, colonialism, and

00:31:50.089 --> 00:31:53.170
social hierarchy. He was explicitly anti -empire

00:31:53.170 --> 00:31:56.250
and against hierarchy. He fundamentally challenged

00:31:56.250 --> 00:31:58.910
the belief that colonies were necessary for British

00:31:58.910 --> 00:32:01.710
prosperity, calling the whole imperial project

00:32:01.710 --> 00:32:05.039
financially ruinous. So what did he propose for

00:32:05.039 --> 00:32:07.920
the American colonies crisis? He proposed two

00:32:07.920 --> 00:32:10.759
pragmatic solutions. First, grant them immediate

00:32:10.759 --> 00:32:12.920
independence, but maintain a friendly relationship

00:32:12.920 --> 00:32:16.319
based on free trade and maybe a military alliance.

00:32:16.599 --> 00:32:18.519
He thought the cost of defending the colonies

00:32:18.519 --> 00:32:20.480
far outweighed the benefit. He has a second option.

00:32:20.680 --> 00:32:22.720
An imperial federation that would grant full

00:32:22.720 --> 00:32:25.099
political rights, including significant parliamentary

00:32:25.099 --> 00:32:28.079
representation, to the colonists. Either way,

00:32:28.119 --> 00:32:30.720
Smith demanded full equality or full separation.

00:32:31.019 --> 00:32:33.130
He just fundamentally opposed the... unequal

00:32:33.130 --> 00:32:35.369
structure of empire. And this opposition extended

00:32:35.369 --> 00:32:37.910
to human equality in general. Absolutely. He

00:32:37.910 --> 00:32:39.990
was a vocal opponent of slavery. He refused to

00:32:39.990 --> 00:32:42.269
accept that other cultures, like in China or

00:32:42.269 --> 00:32:45.609
India, were inferior to Europe. And his egalitarian

00:32:45.609 --> 00:32:47.829
streak was reflected in his views on common labor

00:32:47.829 --> 00:32:50.410
and knowledge. What did he say about that? He

00:32:50.410 --> 00:32:52.569
famously believed that a common street porter

00:32:52.569 --> 00:32:55.369
was not intellectually inferior to a philosopher.

00:32:55.890 --> 00:32:58.410
The only difference was the degree of habit and

00:32:58.410 --> 00:33:01.710
education afforded to each person. He cautioned

00:33:01.710 --> 00:33:04.049
against the idea that sophisticated science is

00:33:04.049 --> 00:33:07.230
inherently superior to common sense, a deep respect

00:33:07.230 --> 00:33:09.789
for practical expertise. So finally, let's look

00:33:09.789 --> 00:33:12.109
at his posthumous legacy and how the interpretation

00:33:12.109 --> 00:33:14.750
of him has shifted, which brings us back to why

00:33:14.750 --> 00:33:17.529
he's so controversial today. Well, the Bicentennial

00:33:17.529 --> 00:33:20.289
of the Wealth of Nations in 1976 was a massive

00:33:20.289 --> 00:33:23.569
catalyst. Academic interest surged, and critically,

00:33:23.849 --> 00:33:25.930
scholars started seriously reading the theory

00:33:25.930 --> 00:33:28.799
of moral sentiments again. It was only then that

00:33:28.799 --> 00:33:31.279
he was really reappraised, not just as an economist,

00:33:31.319 --> 00:33:33.680
but as the founder of both moral philosophy and

00:33:33.680 --> 00:33:36.460
economics, recognizing the unified nature of

00:33:36.460 --> 00:33:38.940
his system. But his legacy is still highly ambiguous,

00:33:39.140 --> 00:33:41.400
isn't it? It's often used politically to support

00:33:41.400 --> 00:33:44.140
viewpoints he explicitly cautioned against. He's

00:33:44.140 --> 00:33:46.579
been celebrated by free market titans like Alan

00:33:46.579 --> 00:33:49.319
Greenspan and Milton Friedman. Yet, when you

00:33:49.319 --> 00:33:51.519
actually engage with the nuance of his work,

00:33:51.599 --> 00:33:55.339
especially Book V, the picture changes significantly.

00:33:56.240 --> 00:33:58.720
The economist Herbert Stein once argued that

00:33:58.720 --> 00:34:01.119
the qualifications Smith included could actually

00:34:01.119 --> 00:34:03.640
justify a wide range of modern institutions.

00:34:04.079 --> 00:34:06.240
Like what? Institutions like the Food and Drug

00:34:06.240 --> 00:34:08.440
Administration, public utilities commissions,

00:34:08.659 --> 00:34:11.860
or even mandatory employer health benefits, things

00:34:11.860 --> 00:34:14.000
that ensure the basic security of the labor force.

00:34:14.500 --> 00:34:17.219
So those who cite Smith to champion dogmatic

00:34:17.219 --> 00:34:19.500
laissez -faire are often misrepresenting his

00:34:19.500 --> 00:34:22.960
full qualified vision. They are. Smith was skeptical

00:34:22.960 --> 00:34:25.039
of unnecessary government intervention, yes.

00:34:25.500 --> 00:34:27.840
because it often came at the behest of self -interested

00:34:27.840 --> 00:34:31.099
merchants seeking special privilege. But he was

00:34:31.099 --> 00:34:33.820
pragmatically prepared to accept or propose interventions

00:34:33.820 --> 00:34:36.380
when he judged their net effect would be beneficial.

00:34:36.760 --> 00:34:39.460
It's clear, then, that Adam Smith's true genius

00:34:39.460 --> 00:34:42.260
isn't in providing simple rules like less government.

00:34:42.480 --> 00:34:45.059
It's in articulating this complex system where

00:34:45.059 --> 00:34:48.039
human psychology, morality, economic incentives,

00:34:48.119 --> 00:34:50.679
and government structures are all necessary and

00:34:50.679 --> 00:34:53.219
often competing parts of a successful society.

00:34:53.789 --> 00:34:55.889
He refused to explain wealth by divine will.

00:34:56.269 --> 00:34:59.409
He insisted his two books form a single, unified

00:34:59.409 --> 00:35:02.349
philosophy where morality guides economic action.

00:35:02.610 --> 00:35:05.349
And his advocacy for free markets was constantly

00:35:05.349 --> 00:35:07.809
balanced by that deep suspicion of business interests

00:35:07.809 --> 00:35:10.969
and a clear, pragmatic mandate for government

00:35:10.969 --> 00:35:13.210
to provide public works, education, and defense.

00:35:14.210 --> 00:35:17.800
That is the complete Adam Smith. So to wrap up

00:35:17.800 --> 00:35:19.500
this deep dive, we want to leave you with one

00:35:19.500 --> 00:35:21.619
final thought, something for you to mull over

00:35:21.619 --> 00:35:23.880
that really touches on the tension Smith saw

00:35:23.880 --> 00:35:26.380
between the employer and the worker, a tension

00:35:26.380 --> 00:35:28.800
that is still central to economic policy today.

00:35:29.179 --> 00:35:32.000
Smith recognized a fundamental structural inequality

00:35:32.000 --> 00:35:35.260
between employers and laborers, one that dictates

00:35:35.260 --> 00:35:37.320
the balance of power in the market. You put it

00:35:37.320 --> 00:35:40.039
very starkly. A landlord, a farmer, a master

00:35:40.039 --> 00:35:42.059
manufacturer, a merchant, though they did not

00:35:42.059 --> 00:35:44.579
employ a single workman. could generally live

00:35:44.579 --> 00:35:46.460
a year or two upon the stocks which they've already

00:35:46.460 --> 00:35:48.960
acquired. But the workers, many workmen could

00:35:48.960 --> 00:35:51.260
not subsist a week. Few could subsist a month

00:35:51.260 --> 00:35:53.840
and scarce any a year without employment. That

00:35:53.840 --> 00:35:56.280
is the essence of labor precarity. The worker

00:35:56.280 --> 00:35:58.719
has to accept work immediately, but the employer

00:35:58.719 --> 00:36:01.719
can wait months for a better deal. So if the

00:36:01.719 --> 00:36:04.219
essence of Smith's philosophy is that constant

00:36:04.219 --> 00:36:07.480
search for mutual sympathy while pursuing self

00:36:07.480 --> 00:36:09.559
-interest, how much government intervention,

00:36:09.920 --> 00:36:12.780
how much structure like minimum wages or safety

00:36:12.780 --> 00:36:16.880
nets is truly necessary to ensure that the impartial

00:36:16.880 --> 00:36:20.119
spectator, that internal moral guide, can actually

00:36:20.119 --> 00:36:22.500
protect the most vulnerable workers from the

00:36:22.500 --> 00:36:25.360
immediate existential necessity created by the

00:36:25.360 --> 00:36:28.300
self -interested master? The market system delivers

00:36:28.300 --> 00:36:31.380
unparalleled growth. but his structure inherently

00:36:31.380 --> 00:36:34.159
disadvantages those with the least economic leverage.

00:36:34.420 --> 00:36:36.840
Smith acknowledged that. Understanding where

00:36:36.840 --> 00:36:39.300
the purely moral duty of the impartial spectator

00:36:39.300 --> 00:36:41.699
ends and where the protective arm of the justice

00:36:41.699 --> 00:36:44.360
system must begin to restore some degree of bargaining

00:36:44.360 --> 00:36:46.619
equality. That remains the central challenge

00:36:46.619 --> 00:36:49.420
for modern economies that are guided by his principles.

00:36:49.699 --> 00:36:51.920
That is a powerful note to end on. Thank you

00:36:51.920 --> 00:36:54.039
for joining us for this deep dive into the true

00:36:54.039 --> 00:36:56.750
unified legacy of Adam Smith. We hope you feel

00:36:56.750 --> 00:36:58.429
better informed and maybe a little more suspicious

00:36:58.429 --> 00:37:00.650
of anyone who tells you Smith was simple until

00:37:00.650 --> 00:37:01.389
next time.
