WEBVTT

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Welcome back to the Deep Dive. Our mission here

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is always to take a monumental topic, crack open

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the source material, and really pull out those

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surprising facts that just make you feel instantly

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well -informed. And today, we are definitely

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tackling a monumental one. We are. We're strapping

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in for a long, fascinating ride through the origins

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of Rome, and our guide is the man who literally

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wrote the book on it. Titus Livius, or as most

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of us know him, Livy. And that's really the perfect

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place to start because we're talking about the

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ultimate historical epic. This is the history

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that shaped how Rome saw its own glory from,

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you know, the famous myth of Romulus and Remus

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with the wolf. Right, the founding myth itself.

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All the way up to the age of the emperor, specifically

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the reign of Augustus. So we're not just, you

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know. Analyzing an old book today, this deep

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dive is about the man himself, the political

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pressures, the personal biases, and even the

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dramatic search for his lost work. Because Libby

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wasn't just some scribe sitting in the forum.

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He was a provincial, a philosophical writer,

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and he was living through absolute chaos. He

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designed his huge work, Ab Urba Candida, with

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a very specific moral purpose in mind. Precisely.

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Ab Urbi Candida from the founding of the city

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is just an astonishing piece of work. The scale

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is immense. It's one of the most complete narratives

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we have, even if it is, let's say, dramatically

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embellished at times. I think that's a fair description.

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But to really get it, you have to understand

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the man's contradictions. Yeah. Titus Livius,

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this fiercely proud man from Patavium who becomes

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the official storyteller for the very emperor

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who ended the republic he so admired. And that

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tension is the thread we're going to be pulling

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on today. Okay, let's unpack that provincial

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identity because it's so key. For the man who

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became the defining historian of Rome, he was

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fundamentally an outsider. He really was. He

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was born Titus Livius in Patavium, which is a

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modern Padua in northern Italy, probably around

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59 BC. And we need to spend a minute on Patavium

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because this wasn't just some sleepy little town

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on the frontier. Oh, not at all. You have to

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understand, at the time Livy was born, it was

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a major economic powerhouse. Our sources are

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clear on this. It was the second wealthiest city

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on the entire Italian peninsula. Second only

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to Rome itself. Second only to Rome. So it had

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influence, it had a huge amount of resources,

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and a very wealthy, established upper class.

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So Livy wasn't born into poverty, but he was

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born a long way from the center of power. And

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Patavium was the largest city in Cisalpine Gaul,

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right? Yes. And the status of that whole region

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was changing. dramatically right when he was

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growing up. During his lifetime, it was formally

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merged into Italy proper. And crucially, its

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inhabitants, its wealthy inhabitants, were given

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full Roman citizenship. A change brought in by

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Julius Caesar, mostly. Mostly by Caesar, yeah.

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And this created this sort of unique identity.

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You're a full Roman citizen, but you still have

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this fierce loyalty to your region and a very

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distinct set of values. And the sources are so

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clear that Livy never, ever let go of that. He

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was always proud of Patavian. So what were those

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values? What made Patavian so distinct? The city

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was famous for its conservative values, both

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in morality and in politics. Think of it as a

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contrast to the perceived corruption and complexity

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of Rome during the late Republic. Right. Patavian

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was known for this sort of sturdy, almost old

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-fashioned Republican virtue. Things like frugality,

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duty, political independence. And that morality,

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that focus on integrity, that becomes the foundation

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for the virtues he writes about in his history,

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doesn't it? It's the absolute foundation. He's

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basically projecting the ideals of his hometown

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onto Rome's heroic past. And those ideals were

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put to the test when he was young. His teenage

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years, the 40s BC, that was the height of the

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Roman civil wars. It must have been chaos. Total

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chaos. And it prevented him from getting that

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traditional Roman education. What do you mean?

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Well, there's this amazing story involving a

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man named Asinius Polio. He is the governor of

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Cisalpine Gaul, and he was aligned with Mark

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Antony. Okay. So Polio tries to lean on Batavium's

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immense wealth to fund Antony's war effort against

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the Senate. He's trying to get this rich conservative

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city to back a faction that many saw as, well,

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autocratic. Exactly. And Batavia resisted. But

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it's how they resisted that's so interesting.

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It wasn't an open revolt. No, it was this quiet,

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powerful defiance. The wealthy citizens just

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refused to contribute the money and weapons.

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They didn't fight. They just went into hiding.

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Making it impossible for Polio to collect. Right.

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And Polio gets so frustrated that he does something

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incredibly desperate. He tries to bribe their

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slaves to reveal where their masters are hiding.

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Wow. Turning slaves against masters. That's a

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massive social taboo, especially in a conservative

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place like that. A huge gamble. And it failed.

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Completely. The city's social structure held.

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Instead of betraying their masters, the citizens

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who were in hiding, they rallied and formally

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pledged their allegiance to the Senate. The anti

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-Antony faction. Yeah, anti -Antony faction.

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Okay. So right there in his formative years,

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Libby sees his hometown. actively choose the

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side of the old republic over this emerging imperial

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power. That has to leave a mark, watching your

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city stand its ground like that. And you mentioned

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the civil wars probably disrupted his education.

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For sure. He would have missed out on that standard

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higher education in Rome or the tour of Greece

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that was so common for a young man of his class.

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So he was educated, obviously, but not in that

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traditional mold. He's clearly educated in philosophy

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and rhetoric. You can see it in his writing.

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But that finishing school experience was likely

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derailed by the war. And this all leads to a

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very specific personal slight that followed him

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for years. The Padavenity comment. The Padavenity

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slight, yes. From the very same Asinius Polio,

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years later. The governor who was snubbed by

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the city? The very same. He derisively commented

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on Livy's Latin, calling it Padovinity, suggesting

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it was full of, you know, provincialisms that

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sophisticated Romans would look down on. But

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was it really about his grammar or was this just

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a political jab? I think the consensus is that

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it was almost entirely political. It was Polio's

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bad feelings about Batavium's refusal to help

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him all those years ago. It wasn't a critique

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of syntax. It was a way of saying, you may be

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a famous historian in Rome now, but you're still

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just a boy from that stubborn town up north.

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A constant reminder of his outsider status. Always.

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And yet he moves to Rome in the 30s BC, and he

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does become established. But here's another key

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detail. He never held public office. No, never

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a senator, never served in the army. And that's

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crucial. Why? Because it gave him a kind of freedom

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that was rare for Roman historians. He had his

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own money, likely inherited from his wealthy

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family. He didn't need a political appointment

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or a patron to survive. He was an independent

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scholar. Completely. Yeah. Which allowed him

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to spend decades of his life just writing this

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one massive work. But that independence maybe

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had a downside, at least in terms of historical

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detail, like his military knowledge. That's a

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great point. Scholars have pointed out that his

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accounts of battles sometimes contain, well,

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elementary mistakes, you know, errors in deployment

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or topography. He was a scholar, not a soldier.

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Exactly. This focus was on the moral courage,

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the heroism, not the gritty logistics of the

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battlefield. And just to round out his personal

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story, he was married, had a family, and eventually

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he went home. Yes, a very traditional Roman family

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life. He had at least one daughter who married

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a rhetorician and a son who wrote a book on geography.

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And then after all those years in Rome... Writing

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its history, he died back in his home city of

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Batavium in AD 17. The provincial patriot right

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to the end. Which brings us to the great work

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itself. Yes. Ab Urbi Candida from the founding

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of the city. Livy's only surviving work. And

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it's just hard to overstate the scope of this

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thing. It's a leviathan. I mean, we're talking

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about a history that starts with the earliest

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legends, before the traditional 753 B .C. founding

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date. And it goes all the way up to the death

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of Emperor Augustus in A .D. 14. It was originally

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142 books, right? 142. And tragically, only 35

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survive in their entirety today. It's a devastating

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loss. But what we do have gives us our main account

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of some critical periods, especially the Second

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Punic War. His version of Hannibal's campaigns

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is just foundational. It is. But what's really

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crucial to understand is that Livy had a very

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clear personal mission statement right there

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in his preface. He says he's not doing this for

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fame. What was his goal then? He says he doesn't

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care if his own name remains in darkness, as

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long as his work helps to preserve the memory

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of the deeds of the world's preeminent nation.

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That is the language of a moral historian. He's

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not just recording events. He's building a monument.

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He's building a moral foundation for the new

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age. So how did that mission affect his view

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of historical accuracy? That's the million -dollar

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question. It is. And the answer is complicated.

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He's writing hundreds, sometimes thousands of

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years after the events he's describing. He's

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relying on older, often contradictory sources.

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So he's not an archivist in the modern sense.

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Not at all. His commitment wasn't to dry, factual

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chronology. It was to moral instruction. He would

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choose the version of the story that was the

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most heroic, the most eloquent, or the one that

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taught the best lesson. And his narrative was

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just so compelling that for many Romans, it became

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the truth. He created the definitive popular

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version of their history. He absolutely did.

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He built the narrative framework of what it meant

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to be Roman duty, courage, devotion to the state.

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His work was less a history book and more a patriotic

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textbook. We should also remember he wrote other

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things, too. He wasn't just a historian. That's

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right. The great history overshadows everything.

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But we know he wrote philosophical dialogues,

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probably modeled on Cicero. He also wrote an

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essay as a letter to his son. So he was deeply

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engaged in the philosophical debates of his time.

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Yes. And Seneca the Younger gives us a great

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insight here. He said Libby's dialogues were

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so good they could be classified as history and

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philosophy. It just confirms that Livy saw his

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job as exploring these deep questions about human

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nature and society. History was just his main

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tool. Okay, so let's pivot to something really

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unexpected. One of the strangest long -term influences

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of his work was on a scientific debate about

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the origins of the Etruscans. This is one of

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my favorite examples of his influence. It shows

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how a single... almost throwaway line in his

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massive text could shape scholarship for centuries.

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His book became the basis for the northern theory

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of where the Etruscans came from. How? It's in

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a passage where he's talking about the Alpine

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tribes, a group called the Rady. And he just

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suggests, sort of as a side comment, that the

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Rady were undoubtedly of the same kind as the

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Etruscans. So he's drawing a direct ancestral

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line between this sophisticated ancient civilization,

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the Etruscans, and these rough mountain tribes

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to the north. He is. And he probably based it

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on some old local stories or maybe a linguistic

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similarity he'd heard about. But he adds this

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little caveat that makes the theory so powerful.

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What's the caveat? He notes that the Rady had

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become so primitive because of their remote location

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that they only retained a trace of their Etruscan

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origins in their language. And even that was

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corrupted. Ah, so that explains the cultural

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difference while keeping the link. Exactly. And

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when scholars in the Renaissance and later started

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digging into the mystery of Etruscan origins,

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which we still debate today, they seized on this

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single statement from Livy. Because if Livy said

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it, it must have some weight. Immense weight.

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Scholars like Carl Offred Miller used this line

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as the core evidence for a northern migration

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theory, that the Etruscans came down from the

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Alps. Livy's authority basically chopped up that

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entire school of thought for hundreds of years.

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So we have this philosopher historian, this provincial

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patriot, writing this epic moral narrative, and

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now he lands in the most politically dangerous

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place imaginable, the court of the emperor Augustus.

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And this is where his skill really shines. His

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relationship with Augustus and the whole Julio

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-Claudian family was, well, exceptional. He was

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a genuine friend of the emperor. And it was a

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friendship that worked both ways, presumably.

00:12:05.100 --> 00:12:07.320
Oh, for sure. Livy got protection. He got access.

00:12:07.580 --> 00:12:10.100
And Augustus, he got the ultimate historical

00:12:10.100 --> 00:12:12.639
validation for his new regime. You have to remember,

00:12:12.860 --> 00:12:15.940
Augustus had won the civil wars, but he needed

00:12:15.940 --> 00:12:19.620
legitimacy. He had to frame the empire not as

00:12:19.620 --> 00:12:22.460
a destruction of the republic, but as its righteous

00:12:22.460 --> 00:12:25.460
fulfillment. And Livy's history delivered exactly

00:12:25.460 --> 00:12:27.700
that. It wasn't just a history. It was promotion.

00:12:28.240 --> 00:12:31.980
The sources are explicit that he wrote with embellished

00:12:31.980 --> 00:12:35.600
accounts of Roman heroism specifically to promote

00:12:35.600 --> 00:12:37.899
the new Augustan government. He made the transition

00:12:37.899 --> 00:12:41.059
from republic to empire seem righteous and inevitable.

00:12:41.379 --> 00:12:44.620
It's historical legitimation at its finest. He

00:12:44.620 --> 00:12:47.740
basically takes the stern. moral virtues of the

00:12:47.740 --> 00:12:50.980
early republic, the values of his hometown, Patavium,

00:12:51.080 --> 00:12:53.480
and argues that those values led directly to

00:12:53.480 --> 00:12:55.460
the peace and greatness of the Augustan age.

00:12:55.620 --> 00:12:57.500
It's a brilliant move. He makes the new empire

00:12:57.500 --> 00:13:00.179
feel ancient and virtuous. Masterful rhetorical

00:13:00.179 --> 00:13:02.159
politics. But this brings us to that amazing

00:13:02.159 --> 00:13:04.399
contradiction, the thing that shows just how

00:13:04.399 --> 00:13:07.519
complex this friendship was, the Pompeianus paradox.

00:13:08.019 --> 00:13:09.860
Yes, this is where it gets really, really interesting.

00:13:10.059 --> 00:13:12.440
How can you praise the virtues of the dead republic

00:13:12.440 --> 00:13:14.740
while being best friends with the man who killed

00:13:14.740 --> 00:13:17.179
it? The answer comes from the historian Tacitus,

00:13:17.320 --> 00:13:20.899
writing a century later. It does. Tacitus tells

00:13:20.899 --> 00:13:24.200
us this incredible anecdote. That Augustus himself

00:13:24.200 --> 00:13:27.299
had a nickname for Livy. He called him Pompeianus.

00:13:27.480 --> 00:13:30.820
Let's just pause on that. Pompeianus. As in Pompey

00:13:30.820 --> 00:13:33.799
the Great. Neus Pompeius. Augustus' ultimate

00:13:33.799 --> 00:13:36.659
rival. The man he defeated in a brutal civil

00:13:36.659 --> 00:13:40.080
war to gain soul power. And the emperor is calling

00:13:40.080 --> 00:13:43.679
his favorite historian Pompey's man. That is

00:13:43.679 --> 00:13:46.299
an astonishing level of confidence. It's unbelievable.

00:13:46.559 --> 00:13:48.519
And the reason Augustus gave him that nickname

00:13:48.519 --> 00:13:51.700
was because Livy's history contained such a strong,

00:13:51.740 --> 00:13:56.100
powerful, panegyric, a formal praise for Pompey.

00:13:56.120 --> 00:13:57.960
Which is the last thing you'd expect. You'd think

00:13:57.960 --> 00:13:59.779
he'd have to downplay Augustus' old enemies.

00:14:00.000 --> 00:14:01.820
But he did the opposite. And if you think back

00:14:01.820 --> 00:14:04.000
to his identity, it makes perfect sense. His

00:14:04.000 --> 00:14:06.580
hometown, Batavium, was fiercely pro -Pompey.

00:14:06.990 --> 00:14:08.889
Livy was just staying true to his conservative

00:14:08.889 --> 00:14:11.450
Republican roots. He was honoring a great defender

00:14:11.450 --> 00:14:13.470
of the traditional republic. Even though he was

00:14:13.470 --> 00:14:15.809
on the losing side. And what's truly remarkable

00:14:15.809 --> 00:14:18.590
is what Tacitus says next. He confirms that this

00:14:18.590 --> 00:14:21.090
nickname was no obstacle to their friendship.

00:14:21.370 --> 00:14:24.750
That's the aha moment. It shows that either Augustus

00:14:24.750 --> 00:14:26.690
was so secure in his power that he could afford

00:14:26.690 --> 00:14:30.149
to joke about it. Or that Livy's skill. And his

00:14:30.149 --> 00:14:33.230
overall value to the regime's narrative was so

00:14:33.230 --> 00:14:36.309
immense that a little praise for Pompey was a

00:14:36.309 --> 00:14:39.350
price worth paying. It suggests this really nuanced,

00:14:39.450 --> 00:14:42.549
sophisticated relationship. Livy somehow manages

00:14:42.549 --> 00:14:45.870
to keep his reputation for eloquence and truthfulness,

00:14:46.009 --> 00:14:48.389
as Tacitus put it. While writing the official

00:14:48.389 --> 00:14:50.789
history of the new regime, it's an incredible

00:14:50.789 --> 00:14:53.129
balancing act. And his influence didn't stop

00:14:53.129 --> 00:14:56.090
there. He was actively mentoring the next generation

00:14:56.090 --> 00:14:58.549
of the imperial family. Yes, the source confirms

00:14:58.549 --> 00:15:01.529
that Livy personally encouraged Augustus' grandnephew,

00:15:01.649 --> 00:15:03.950
the young boy who would one day become the Emperor

00:15:03.950 --> 00:15:07.149
Claudius, to start writing history. So he wasn't

00:15:07.149 --> 00:15:09.190
just a chronicler of the past. He was shaping

00:15:09.190 --> 00:15:11.730
the intellectual future of the dynasty. He was

00:15:11.730 --> 00:15:14.750
deeply embedded, the defining intellectual voice

00:15:14.750 --> 00:15:17.700
of the age, right at the center of power. It's

00:15:17.700 --> 00:15:19.899
amazing to think that Livy wasn't just influential

00:15:19.899 --> 00:15:22.279
later on. He was a full -blown celebrity in his

00:15:22.279 --> 00:15:24.740
own lifetime. A massive celebrity. Yeah. Which

00:15:24.740 --> 00:15:26.639
makes the fact that we lost so much of his work

00:15:26.639 --> 00:15:29.440
even more tragic. Let's talk about his immediate

00:15:29.440 --> 00:15:32.460
reception. His history was in huge demand from

00:15:32.460 --> 00:15:34.740
the moment it came out. The anecdotes about his

00:15:34.740 --> 00:15:37.259
fame are just incredible. Pliny the Younger tells

00:15:37.259 --> 00:15:39.519
this one story that really gives you a sense

00:15:39.519 --> 00:15:41.840
of it. I think I know the one you mean. He says

00:15:41.840 --> 00:15:45.059
Livy was so famous that a man traveled all the

00:15:45.059 --> 00:15:48.190
way from Cadiz which is in modern Spain, the

00:15:48.190 --> 00:15:51.070
absolute edge of the known world. Right. All

00:15:51.070 --> 00:15:53.450
the way to Rome and back for the sole purpose

00:15:53.450 --> 00:15:55.649
of meeting him. He didn't come to see the Senate

00:15:55.649 --> 00:15:58.370
or to trade. He came for a celebrity meet and

00:15:58.370 --> 00:16:00.730
greet with an author. That's the ancient equivalent

00:16:00.730 --> 00:16:03.549
of a fan flying across the world just for a five

00:16:03.549 --> 00:16:05.450
minute chat with their favorite writer. It's

00:16:05.450 --> 00:16:07.529
incredible. And because he was so famous, so

00:16:07.529 --> 00:16:11.289
accepted, his work became the source for basically

00:16:11.289 --> 00:16:13.850
every historian who came after him. He set the

00:16:13.850 --> 00:16:15.950
canon. You see his influence everywhere, from

00:16:15.950 --> 00:16:18.830
writers who summarize Roman history like Florus

00:16:18.830 --> 00:16:22.110
and Eutropius, to Christian chroniclers like

00:16:22.110 --> 00:16:25.250
Orosius, who are trying to make sense of Rome's

00:16:25.250 --> 00:16:28.509
pagan past. Even in really specific niche works.

00:16:28.929 --> 00:16:32.570
For sure. A writer named Julius Obsequens compiled

00:16:32.570 --> 00:16:35.289
this book called De Prodigius, which was a list

00:16:35.289 --> 00:16:37.529
of all the supernatural events and omens in Roman

00:16:37.529 --> 00:16:39.169
history. And where did he get his information?

00:16:39.549 --> 00:16:42.769
He had to rely on Livy, or a source who had access

00:16:42.769 --> 00:16:45.309
to Livy. Livy's narrative was the recognized

00:16:45.309 --> 00:16:47.490
authority on everything that had ever happened.

00:16:47.820 --> 00:16:50.419
from battles to miracles. But the very things

00:16:50.419 --> 00:16:53.460
that made it so popular, its fame and its enormous

00:16:53.460 --> 00:16:55.980
length, are what led to its loss in the Middle

00:16:55.980 --> 00:16:58.820
Ages. How did we lose over 100 books? It was

00:16:58.820 --> 00:17:01.799
a problem of pure practicality. Ab Urb Candida

00:17:01.799 --> 00:17:05.799
was gigantic. Copying all 142 books by hand onto

00:17:05.799 --> 00:17:08.819
scrolls was incredibly expensive and time -consuming.

00:17:08.920 --> 00:17:10.900
And then you had to store them all. It required

00:17:10.900 --> 00:17:13.079
a huge amount of library space, which was a rare

00:17:13.079 --> 00:17:15.180
commodity. And a very rare commodity, especially

00:17:15.180 --> 00:17:16.920
during the more chaotic centuries of the Middle

00:17:16.920 --> 00:17:19.500
Ages. So what happened was people started relying

00:17:19.500 --> 00:17:22.460
on summaries instead. Epitomies. Exactly. They

00:17:22.460 --> 00:17:24.359
were shorter, cheaper, and easier to copy and

00:17:24.359 --> 00:17:27.240
store. And once the Summers became popular enough,

00:17:27.380 --> 00:17:29.839
the incentive to copy the massive original work

00:17:29.839 --> 00:17:32.220
just disappeared. The full manuscript stopped

00:17:32.220 --> 00:17:34.859
being copied and the ones that existed were lost

00:17:34.859 --> 00:17:37.160
to time, to fires, to neglect. And it became

00:17:37.160 --> 00:17:39.259
one of the greatest cultural losses of the ancient

00:17:39.259 --> 00:17:41.240
world. So then you fast forward to the Renaissance

00:17:41.240 --> 00:17:44.339
and scholars suddenly realize how much of Rome's

00:17:44.339 --> 00:17:48.119
story is just gone. And it sparks this intense

00:17:48.119 --> 00:17:51.160
revival, a kind of historical treasure hunt.

00:17:51.559 --> 00:17:54.779
The recovery of lost classical texts was a central

00:17:54.779 --> 00:17:57.160
project of the Renaissance, and Livy was the

00:17:57.160 --> 00:17:59.099
top prize. They were trying to find manuscripts

00:17:59.099 --> 00:18:02.259
hidden away in monastery libraries all over Europe.

00:18:02.359 --> 00:18:05.940
A frantic, high -stakes search. And it commanded

00:18:05.940 --> 00:18:08.799
serious money. You told me about that incredible

00:18:08.799 --> 00:18:11.160
anecdote with the poet Beccadelli. Oh, it's just

00:18:11.160 --> 00:18:13.599
amazing. The poet Antonio Beccadelli sold his

00:18:13.599 --> 00:18:16.819
country home, a massive asset, just to buy one

00:18:16.819 --> 00:18:19.599
copied manuscript of Livy. He traded his house

00:18:19.599 --> 00:18:22.380
for a book. It just shows the insane cultural

00:18:22.380 --> 00:18:24.500
value they placed on his words. And it wasn't

00:18:24.500 --> 00:18:27.059
just eccentric poets. Major figures were involved.

00:18:27.359 --> 00:18:29.619
The great humanist Petrarch launched his own

00:18:29.619 --> 00:18:32.940
searches. Pope Nicholas V made it a papal mission

00:18:32.940 --> 00:18:35.640
to find the missing books. It was seen as a quest

00:18:35.640 --> 00:18:38.519
to recover the very soul of Rome. And this recovery

00:18:38.519 --> 00:18:41.500
didn't just affect literature. It shaped political

00:18:41.500 --> 00:18:45.099
thought. Hugely. Dante had praised Livy centuries

00:18:45.099 --> 00:18:48.769
before. Later, King Francis I of France commissioned

00:18:48.769 --> 00:18:51.829
all this art based on Livian themes of heroism

00:18:51.829 --> 00:18:54.210
and Roman virtue. But the biggest influence on

00:18:54.210 --> 00:18:56.630
Western political thought has to be Niccolo Machiavelli.

00:18:56.710 --> 00:18:59.150
Without a doubt. Machiavelli's most important

00:18:59.150 --> 00:19:02.190
work on governance, The Discourses on Livy, is

00:19:02.190 --> 00:19:05.240
literally a commentary on Livy's history. He's

00:19:05.240 --> 00:19:06.920
using Livy's stories about the Roman Republic

00:19:06.920 --> 00:19:08.940
to build his own theories on how states work.

00:19:09.079 --> 00:19:11.579
He's extracting these practical, sometimes ruthless

00:19:11.579 --> 00:19:15.019
lessons on modern statecraft directly from Livy's

00:19:15.019 --> 00:19:18.000
moralizing tales. It's a foundational text of

00:19:18.000 --> 00:19:20.140
political science. And to wrap this up, there's

00:19:20.140 --> 00:19:22.259
that one last heartbreaking anecdote from Walter

00:19:22.259 --> 00:19:25.000
Scott. It's just a stunning detail. Scott reports

00:19:25.000 --> 00:19:28.420
it as a true story from the 1715 Jacobite uprising

00:19:28.420 --> 00:19:31.430
in Scotland. A Scotsman involved in the rebellion

00:19:31.430 --> 00:19:33.509
gets captured, but then he managed to escape.

00:19:33.769 --> 00:19:36.470
He's free. He got away clean. But he doesn't

00:19:36.470 --> 00:19:39.829
run. He doesn't. He lingered near the place of

00:19:39.829 --> 00:19:42.809
his captivity. Why? Because he was hoping to

00:19:42.809 --> 00:19:45.549
get back his most prized possession, his favorite

00:19:45.549 --> 00:19:48.490
copy of Titus Livius. And that hesitation got

00:19:48.490 --> 00:19:52.029
him recaptured. And executed. He literally died

00:19:52.029 --> 00:19:54.329
for his love of a book written nearly 2 ,000

00:19:54.329 --> 00:19:57.789
years earlier. It's an almost unbelievable testament

00:19:57.789 --> 00:20:01.329
to the power of Levy's writing. So we've established

00:20:01.329 --> 00:20:03.950
his huge influence, his celebrity, but now we

00:20:03.950 --> 00:20:06.170
have to deal with a fundamental problem that

00:20:06.170 --> 00:20:08.750
all classical scholars face. Which is that for

00:20:08.750 --> 00:20:11.670
all his fame, we aren't even 100 % certain about

00:20:11.670 --> 00:20:14.049
the basic dates of his life. Exactly. The data

00:20:14.049 --> 00:20:17.750
is, let's say, a little bit shaky. So where does

00:20:17.750 --> 00:20:19.769
our information for his birth and death even

00:20:19.769 --> 00:20:23.359
come from? Primarily from one source. a summary

00:20:23.359 --> 00:20:25.960
of world history written by a bishop named Eusebius

00:20:25.960 --> 00:20:29.440
of Caesarea in the early 4th century AD. The

00:20:29.440 --> 00:20:31.720
work is called the Chronicon. And the problem,

00:20:31.900 --> 00:20:34.059
as is so often the case, is that we don't have

00:20:34.059 --> 00:20:36.740
the original. We don't. The original Greek is

00:20:36.740 --> 00:20:39.920
mostly lost. We rely almost entirely on translations

00:20:39.920 --> 00:20:42.619
and fragments, mainly St. Jerome's Latin translation.

00:20:42.900 --> 00:20:44.779
So we're already dealing with copy, a translation.

00:20:44.900 --> 00:20:47.579
A translation that was also supplemented with

00:20:47.579 --> 00:20:50.700
new material by Jerome. And this is where the

00:20:50.700 --> 00:20:52.720
problem of variation comes in. What do you mean

00:20:52.720 --> 00:20:54.779
by that? Well, when you look at the different

00:20:54.779 --> 00:20:56.839
surviving manuscripts of Jerome's Chronicon,

00:20:56.920 --> 00:20:59.539
which are copies of copies of copies, they often

00:20:59.539 --> 00:21:02.119
have different dates for the same events. The

00:21:02.119 --> 00:21:04.259
material isn't exactly the same. And they were

00:21:04.259 --> 00:21:06.480
juggling different dating systems too, right?

00:21:06.619 --> 00:21:10.339
Yes, which made errors almost inevitable. A scribe

00:21:10.339 --> 00:21:12.720
might be converting a date from the Roman ab

00:21:12.720 --> 00:21:16.339
herb candida system to the Greek Olympiad system,

00:21:16.460 --> 00:21:19.920
or just noting a person's age, any little miscalculation.

00:21:19.960 --> 00:21:21.859
Gets copied into the next version and becomes

00:21:21.859 --> 00:21:25.420
locked in as a fact in that manuscript tradition.

00:21:25.740 --> 00:21:28.960
Precisely. Which means, as the sources say, there

00:21:28.960 --> 00:21:32.240
is no such date as a single universally accepted

00:21:32.240 --> 00:21:35.130
standard date for Libby's life. That's a really

00:21:35.130 --> 00:21:37.109
important thing for us to remember. So much of

00:21:37.109 --> 00:21:39.829
ancient history is about probability, not absolute

00:21:39.829 --> 00:21:42.029
certainty. It is. So if there's no certainty,

00:21:42.170 --> 00:21:44.670
what is the accepted scholarly consensus that

00:21:44.670 --> 00:21:47.430
we use today? The working consensus is based

00:21:47.430 --> 00:21:49.910
on analyzing the Olympiad codes in the manuscripts.

00:21:50.190 --> 00:21:53.970
The codes 180 .2 for his birth and 199 .1 for

00:21:53.970 --> 00:21:56.329
his death are the ones most scholars rely on.

00:21:56.589 --> 00:21:58.430
And when you calculate those out, they correspond

00:21:58.430 --> 00:22:02.210
to a birth in 59 BC and a death in 8017. Which

00:22:02.210 --> 00:22:04.269
is the timeline we've been using. It is. But

00:22:04.269 --> 00:22:06.410
we have to be honest and acknowledge that other

00:22:06.410 --> 00:22:08.750
manuscripts exist. For example, one gives a different

00:22:08.750 --> 00:22:12.069
code that would place his birth in 57 BC. So

00:22:12.069 --> 00:22:14.470
there's always that little question mark. Always.

00:22:14.609 --> 00:22:17.410
It's kind of a perfect metaphor, isn't it? The

00:22:17.410 --> 00:22:20.049
man who solidified Rome's legendary past has

00:22:20.049 --> 00:22:22.700
a personal timeline. That is itself a fragile

00:22:22.700 --> 00:22:25.400
narrative, pieced together from fragments centuries

00:22:25.400 --> 00:22:28.039
after he died. It's a reminder of how history

00:22:28.039 --> 00:22:30.500
itself works. At the end of the day, the story

00:22:30.500 --> 00:22:33.359
of Titus Livius is just this incredible masterclass

00:22:33.359 --> 00:22:36.099
in influence and, frankly, political survival.

00:22:36.440 --> 00:22:38.640
He lived this fascinating, contradictory life.

00:22:39.210 --> 00:22:41.390
the fiercely patriotic provincial who brings

00:22:41.390 --> 00:22:44.089
the moral virtues of his hometown right into

00:22:44.089 --> 00:22:46.170
the heart of the new imperial court. He becomes

00:22:46.170 --> 00:22:48.730
the emperor's favorite historian, yet he's still

00:22:48.730 --> 00:22:50.930
championing the ethos of the republic that the

00:22:50.930 --> 00:22:53.549
emperor defeated. And his history was so much

00:22:53.549 --> 00:22:56.190
more than a simple chronicle. It was a moral

00:22:56.190 --> 00:22:59.759
argument. carefully built to showcase Roman heroism

00:22:59.759 --> 00:23:03.700
and justify Augustus's new order by making it

00:23:03.700 --> 00:23:06.400
seem like the natural, virtuous endpoint of the

00:23:06.400 --> 00:23:08.420
Republic. And that central tension, the one we

00:23:08.420 --> 00:23:10.279
see in the Pompeianus Paradox, that's his real

00:23:10.279 --> 00:23:12.740
legacy, isn't it? I think so. His ability to

00:23:12.740 --> 00:23:15.220
praise the vanquish, to praise Pompeii and still

00:23:15.220 --> 00:23:17.640
be close friends with the Victor Augustus, says

00:23:17.640 --> 00:23:20.359
everything about his rhetorical skill and his

00:23:20.359 --> 00:23:23.180
political genius. His work ensured that the memory

00:23:23.180 --> 00:23:26.259
of the Republic's virtues, the very ideals Augustus

00:23:26.279 --> 00:23:28.599
had to crush to gain power actually survived.

00:23:29.000 --> 00:23:31.460
They were preserved right there in the official

00:23:31.460 --> 00:23:33.339
history commissioned by the emperor himself.

00:23:33.700 --> 00:23:35.819
Which leaves us with that critical question that

00:23:35.819 --> 00:23:38.720
Tacitus hinted at. What does it really take for

00:23:38.720 --> 00:23:41.240
a historian to maintain both eloquence and truthfulness

00:23:41.240 --> 00:23:43.839
while writing for the very power structure that

00:23:43.839 --> 00:23:46.519
destroyed the era he most admired? That is the

00:23:46.519 --> 00:23:48.799
core tension. And it's a question that feels

00:23:48.799 --> 00:23:51.630
deeply relevant for us today. When we look at

00:23:51.630 --> 00:23:54.190
our own times of great political change, you

00:23:54.190 --> 00:23:56.329
have to wonder how the historical accounts being

00:23:56.329 --> 00:23:59.109
written right now, the journalism, the biographies,

00:23:59.190 --> 00:24:02.549
how will they be judged in 500 years? Will future

00:24:02.549 --> 00:24:05.289
historians see our chroniclers as truth tellers

00:24:05.289 --> 00:24:08.210
or as clever Pompeiani praising the old order

00:24:08.210 --> 00:24:10.309
while serving the new? Will the narrative they

00:24:10.309 --> 00:24:12.250
create about our present moment be seen as fact

00:24:12.250 --> 00:24:14.710
or as a masterful justification for the powers

00:24:14.710 --> 00:24:16.930
that be? Something to ponder as we think about

00:24:16.930 --> 00:24:19.029
the enduring power of history and the people

00:24:19.029 --> 00:24:19.630
who write it.
