Welcome, Deep Divers. Picture a man so famously
reserved, so quiet, that, well, the entire nation
knew him as Silent Cal. Right. Now imagine that
same man running the show, the United States,
during its most vibrant and tumultuous decade,
the roaring 20s. Quite a contrast. Absolutely.
And if that's not intriguing enough, get this.
He was the only U .S. president ever born on
Independence Day. A nice bit of trivia. It is.
And then his presidential oath. administered
by his own father, by the flickering light of
a kerosene lamp middle of the night in a remote
Vermont farmhouse. It's a compelling image, isn't
it? A figure really steeped in paradox right
from the very start of his public life. And that
paradox is really key to understanding him, isn't
it? This quiet man navigating such a boisterous
era. Definitely. Today we're diving deep into
the life and presidency of John Calvin Coolidge,
Jr., the 30th president of the United States.
He served from 1923 to 1929, a truly pivotal
time. when America was really coming into its
own. Now, while he's widely remembered for that
taciturn personality and his unwavering commitment
to small government conservatism. Which is true,
of course. Right. But we're going to show you
that he's a figure far more complex and influential
that he's often given credit for. His policies,
his principles, I mean, whether you agree with
them or not, they still spark debate and echo
powerfully in our political discussions today.
They really do. And our mission in this deep
dive is, well, it's to shortcut your way to being
truly well -informed about Coolidge. We've meticulously
sifted through a rich collection of articles,
biographies, historical analyses. A lot of material.
A lot. And we've pulled out the most important
nuggets of knowledge and insight. You'll get
those surprising facts, maybe just enough humor
to keep you engaged, ensuring you walk away with
a comprehensive understanding of his journey,
his policies, some quite groundbreaking and the
lasting arguments around - his legacy. And crucially,
you'll get all of this without feeling overwhelmed
by just tons of historical data. Exactly. Think
of us as your expert guides to this fascinating
stuff. We've compiled biographical details, in
-depth policy analyses, the broader historical
context, and some genuinely captivating anecdotes
to help us navigate Coolidge's world. We'll trace
his path from a Well, pretty humble Vermont upbringing,
all the way to the highest office in the land.
So to truly appreciate Coolidge's journey, we
really need to start at the beginning. Let's
dig into his earliest influences, his roots.
Okay, so to really get a handle on the man who
would become president, we need to ground ourselves
in his origins. Let's dive into Coolidge's roots.
He was born John Calvin Coolidge, Jr. on July
4th, 1872. Independence Day. Independence Day
in Plymouth Notch, Vermont. That makes him the
only US president with a birthday on the 4th
of July, which is, you know, pretty cool distinction.
It is. And from very early childhood, apparently,
he was always addressed by his middle name, Calvin.
It was a family tradition, honoring John Calvin,
the Protestant reformer. Yeah, and that detail
kind of hints at the deep -seated values within
his family, doesn't it? And a key insight here
is how far back his American lineage goes and
what that really signified. I mean, his family
tree isn't just a list of names. It's like a
living tapestry of early American history. We're
talking ancestors dating back to the 1630s, people
like John Coolidge from England settling in Massachusetts.
Wow. 1630s. Yeah, leaders in colonial conflicts
like King Philip's War. Samuel Appleton was an
ancestor. Revolutionary war officers like another
John Coolidge, his great, great grandfather,
and generations of state legislators, including
his own grandfather, Calvin Galusha Coolidge.
So this wasn't just a family. It was a lineage
steeped in civic duty public service. Exactly.
It almost feels like it was predestined Coolidge
for his own political path in a way. It sounds
like his family wasn't just his lineage. but
really the crucible of his character. How specifically
did his father's industriousness and those early
losses imprint on his famously reserved personality?
Well, his immediate family definitely shaped
him profoundly. His father, John Calvin Coolidge
Sr., was a truly industrious man, a prosperous
farmer, storekeeper, a dedicated public servant.
Hilled lots of local offices. Oh, yeah. Justice
of the Peace, tax collector, served in both houses
of the Vermont General Assembly, a pillar of
the community. But young Calvin experienced significant
loss early on, didn't he? He did. His mother,
Victoria Josephine Moore, died when she was just
39. Calvin was only 12. possibly from tuberculosis.
Oh, that's young. Very. And then, when he was
18, his younger sister, Abigail Grace Coolidge,
died at 15, likely from appendicitis. Wow. Two
major losses as a teenager. Yeah. His father
did later remarry and live to be 80, but those
early losses, they stick with you. That's a powerful
observation. So these early losses, coupled with
his father's, you know, unwavering industriousness
and strong work ethic, that must have played
a huge role in shaping the young Coolidge. Undeniably,
it likely contributed to his famously reserved
nature, that quiet determination that would define
his public and private life. This sort of stoicism
may be born of early hardship. It really became
a hallmark of his public image later on. So with
these foundational experiences marked by both
discipline and, well, profound loss, a young
Coolidge starts to forge his intellectual identity.
This sets the stage for the principals that would
guide his entire career. Right. He attended Black
River Academy and St. Johnsbury Academy before
enrolling at Amherst College. And he did well
there. He did. He really distinguished himself
particularly in debating, apparently. And he
graduated cum laude. But it wasn't just about
the grades or the debating trophies. It was about
the ideas he encountered there. Okay, like what?
Well, while at Amherst, he was deeply influenced
by his philosophy professor, Charles Edward Garman.
Garman was a congrega - mystic, apparently, with
a neo -Hegelian philosophy. Neo -Hegelian. What
does that mean in practice? It's a school of
thought emphasizing, sort of, a progressive ethical
development towards a higher societal purpose,
a belief in reason unfolding in history. And
it deeply shaped Coolidge's worldview. Interesting.
And it's quite revealing how these early philosophical
teachings informed the man who would later champion,
you know, pro -business, small government policies.
Forty years later, Coolidge actually articulated
Garmin's ethics, he said, and I'm quoting here.
There is a standard of righteousness that might
does not make right, that the end does not justify
the means, and that expediency as a working principle
is bound to fail. The only hope of perfecting
human relationships is in accordance with the
law of service, under which men are not so solicitous
about what they shall get as they are about what
they shall give. That's quite profound, service
over getting. Exactly. But he continues, yet
people are entitled to the rewards of their industry.
What they earn is theirs, no matter how small
or how great, but the possession of property
carries the obligation to use it in a larger
service. Ah, okay. That insight really reframes
things, doesn't it? Connecting his early philosophy
directly to his later policies. So it wasn't
just about making money. No. But the ethical
framework around it, the responsibility that
comes with property and wealth. Precisely. It's
about responsibility, not just accumulation.
A profound connection, as you say. So after graduating
from Amherst at his father's urging, Coolidge
moves to Northampton, Massachusetts. Yeah. pursues
law. Right. He didn't go to law school, though,
which was common then. He apprenticed with a
local firm, Hammond and Field. He read law, passed
the bar. Admitted in 97. Yep. Admitted to the
Massachusetts Bar in 1897. By 1898, he opened
his own law office. What kind of law did he practice?
Mostly commercial law. He built a reputation
as a, well, diligent attorney for local banks
and businesses. And interestingly, he had a belief
in staying out of court whenever possible. Huh.
Already showing that quiet, practical approach.
Very characteristic, yes. Much like his personal
demeanor. And his personal life also took a significant
turn during this period. Right, he met his wife,
Grace Goodhue. Yes, in 1903, she was a University
of Vermont graduate and a teacher at the Clark
School for the Deaf in Northampton. A very different
personality, apparently quite vivacious. Opposites
attract, maybe? Perhaps. They married on October
4th, 1905 in a small ceremony. Apparently Grace's
mother initially objected to the marriage. Why?
Her impression of Coolidge was, well, stern and
uncommunicative, but they overcame it. And the
honeymoon story is quite telling, isn't it? It
is. They went to Montreal, planned for two weeks,
but Coolidge requested they cut it short after
just one week. Back to work. Seems likely. Years
later, he wrote of her quite touchingly. For
almost a quarter of a century, she is born with
my infirmities, and I have rejoiced in her graces.
It suggests this deep appreciation for her balancing
spirit. They went on to have two sons, John,
born in 1906, and Calvin Jr. born in 1908. Yes.
But tragedy would strike their family quite devastatingly.
in June 1924 while Coolidge was president. Right.
This was during his presidency. Yes. Calvin Jr.
died. He was just 16 years old, died from sepsis.
How did that happen? It was something seemingly
small, wasn't it? Tragically small. He developed
a blister on his toe while playing tennis on
the White House courts without wearing socks.
The blister got infected and the infection spread
rapidly. Sepsis. Oh, that's just heartbreaking,
especially for a father and a president. It's
truly awful for any parent. But for a man as
reserved as Coolidge, already known as Silent
Cal, this personal tragedy seemed to cast an
even deeper shadow. Did it affect his presidency?
Well, a psychiatric biographer even suggested
that Coolidge, quote, ceased to function as president
in the same way after his son's death, displaying
symptoms consistent with major depressive disorder.
Wow. His elder son, John, confirmed it years
later, saying it hurt Coolidge terribly. It's
just a sobering reminder of the immense human
cost often hidden beneath the surface of public
office. How intensely personal grief can impact
even the most public figures. That profound personal
grief, especially while holding the highest office,
it must have been almost unimaginable. And it
makes you wonder how that internal struggle may
be further solidified that public image of quiet
stoicism. It's very possible. Throughout his
life, Coolidge was known for his frugality, too.
Preferred renting homes rather than owning, even
as president. Really? Even in the White House
years they rented elsewhere. or just before?
Well, before the presidency, certainly. They
rented in Northampton. The family were active
members of Northampton's Edwards Congregational
Church, grounding him in tradition, personal
discipline. So all these experiences, the family
lineage, the early losses, the philosophical
grounding, the tragedy, this was the bedrock
upon which his political career was built. Absolutely.
All key elements of the man. Hashtags, hashtag
two, the ascendancy in Massachusetts politics,
1898 and 1921. OK, so from these four... In the
formative years, Coolidge begins his climb in
Massachusetts politics, a journey that eventually
leads him to the national stage. The Republican
Party was dominant in New England then. Oh, very
much so. And Coolidge quickly became active.
He campaigned for Republican presidential candidate
William McKinley back in 1896. Joined the Republican
city committee the following year. So he started
at the local level. Very much a step -by -step
approach. Pragmatic. In 1898, he was elected
to the City Council of Northampton. It was a
non -salaried position, but gave him valuable
early political experience, you know, learning
the roots of local governance. Right. density
solicitor. Yes, from 1899 to 1901. Gained legal
experience, got a modest salary $600, which you
said is about $22 ,000 today. Roughly, yeah.
He even briefly served as quirk of courts, but
resigned because it restricted him from practicing
law. Still committed to his legal career at that
point. And here's that little anecdote that gives
us a glimpse of the Silent Cowell persona even
back then. His only defeat at the Baller Box.
Right, the school board election in 1904. Yeah,
1904. He ran it for the Northampton School Board
and lost. When someone told him his neighbors
voted against him because he didn't have any
children in the schools. He'd just gotten married.
Right. Recently married Coolidge reportedly replied,
with that signature dry wit, might give me time.
Classic Coolidge. That subtle humor, it hints
at the man we'd come to know. So from local politics,
he steadily moves up to the state level. Correct.
In 1906, elected to the Massachusetts House of
Representatives served two terms. And interestingly,
he was known as a progressive Republican during
this period. Progressive. How so? He supported
measures like women's suffrage and the direct
election of senators, even while generally voting
with his party. So it shows a kind of nuanced
approach to his conservative leanings early on,
a willingness to embrace certain reforms. He
also forged some important political alliances,
right, which seems crucial for his rise, showed
some strategic thinking. Absolutely critical.
One was with U .S. Senator Winthrop Murray Crane,
who controlled the powerful western faction of
the Massachusetts Republican Party. Coolidge
was from the west of the state. Okay, geographical
connection. And another key alliance was with
Guy Currier. Currier provided the social distinction,
the wealth, the connections that Coolidge himself
lacked initially. That proved very helpful throughout
his career. So after the State House? He goes
back home, returns to Northampton, gets elected
mayor, serves from 1910 to 1912. Was he effective
as mayor? Seems so. Achieved some impressive
results, increased teachers' salaries, retired
some city debt, even managed a slight tax decrease.
And he was reelected with an increased margin,
showing his local popularity and effectiveness
as a... you know, pragmatic leader. Then back
to Boston to the State Senate. Elected to the
State Senate in 1911. And a significant early
test of his leadership came pretty quickly. He
chaired a committee to arbitrate the Bretton
Roses strike. Ah, yes. Lawrence, Massachusetts,
1912. A big, contentious strike. Very tense situation.
American woolen company workers. But Coolidge
successfully navigated it, leading to a settlement
that largely met the workers' demands, an early
indicator of his ability to handle complex labor
disputes with that quiet, firm hand. It's also
important to note his party loyalty during this
time, especially with the big Republican split.
Oh, yes. 1912, the Taft versus Roosevelt split.
The Bull Moose Party. Right. The party was tearing
itself apart. Deeply split between the progressive
wing backing Teddy Roosevelt and the conservative
wing supporting Taft. Despite his own progressive
leanings on some issues, Coolidge remained loyal
to the official Republican Party. And that paid
off. While he was reelected to the Senate with
an increased margin, further solidifying his
position, showed his commitment to party unity,
which Republicans valued. Then, January 1914,
he gets a big promotion within the Senate. Yes.
With help from Senator Crane and also his pro
-women suffrage stance, still quite progressive,
then Coolidge was unanimously elected president
of the state Senate. A powerful role. And it
was in this role that he delivered that famous
speech, have faith in Massachusetts. That's the
one. Now, this speech, It isn't just a catchy
title, is it? It seems like a really foundational
text for understanding Coolidge's whole approach.
Restrained, principled. Even as a progressive
Republican, yes, it really lays out his governing
philosophy. What did he say? He said, do the
day's work, if it be to protect the rights of
the weak, whoever objects, do it. But then also,
don't expect to build up the weak by pulling
down the strong. Don't hurry to legislate. Give
administration a chance to catch up with legislation.
Protect the weak, but don't tear down the strong.
and slow down on making laws. Exactly. It was
extremely well received, garnered him admirers
across the state, significantly boosted his profile,
really laid the groundwork for higher office.
So that speech was a crucial turning point, crystallizing
his image and philosophy. Absolutely. Bolstered
by the success and encouraged by supporters like
Frank Stearns, a Boston department store executive
who became another key ally and lifelong friend,
Coolidge ran for lieutenant governor. Paired
with Samuel McCall for governor. Coolidge's Western
Massachusetts base helped balance the ticket
geographically. They won the 1915 election and
Coolidge defeated his opponent by over 50 ,000
votes, a clear sign of his growing appeal statewide.
And as lieutenant governor, from 1916 to 19,
he wasn't just ceremonial. No, he took on a significant
administrative role. Deputy governor, administrative
inspector, chairman of finance and pardons committees.
He even stopped practicing law during this time,
showing full commitment to public service. Re
-elected twice alongside McCall. Then McCall
retires, and Coolidge makes his move for the
top job. Runs for governor in 1918, unopposed
for the Republican nomination, his platform.
Fiscal conservatism, vague opposition to prohibition,
support for women's suffrage, and support for
American involvement in World War I, which was
ongoing then. How did the election go? He won
the general election, but by a surprisingly narrow
margin of just under 17 ,000 votes. Close call.
But as governor, after WWI ended, he delivered.
pushed for a $100 bonus for Massachusetts veterans
about $1 ,800 today. Significant for veterans.
Yes. He also signed a bill reducing the work
week for women and children from 54 to 48 hours,
said something like, we must humanize the industry
or the system will break down. Interesting. Balancing
progressive labor reform with fiscal conservatism.
Exactly. He also passed a budget keeping tax
rates stable while trimming four million dollars
from expenditures, reducing state debt delivered
on those fiscal promises. And he wasn't afraid
to use the veto pen. Not at all. Famously vetoed
a 50 percent pay increase for legislators. That
must have been popular with voters, if not legislators.
Likely. And despite his personal opposition to
prohibition, he held that privately he vetoed
a bill in May 1920 that would have allowed selling
low alcohol beer and wine. Why? Constitutional
supremacy. He declared, opinions and instructions
do not outmatch the Constitution. Against it,
they are void. Deep respect for the rule of law
above personal preference or public sentiment.
But the event that really catapulted him onto
the national stage was the Boston police strike
of 1919. Oh, absolutely pivotal. Boston police
officers plan to unionize with the American Federation
of Labor, the AFL. Police Commissioner Edwin
U. Curtis strongly opposed this, suspended the
union leaders. And the police walked out. About
three quarters of the force went on strike. This
led to sporadic violence, rioting in the city,
a major public safety crisis unfolded. What did
Governor Coolidge do? Initially, he deferred
to local authorities, which was characteristic.
But when the situation escalated, he acted swiftly,
called up more units of the National Guard, restored
Commissioner Curtis to office, and took personal
control of the police force. And Curtis fired
the strikers. All of them. Coolidge then called
for a new permanent police force to be recruited.
Then came the famous telegram exchange. The defining
moment. AFL leader Samuel Gompers telegraphed
Coolidge, arguing the disorder was Curtis's fault
for denying policemen's rights. Coolidge's public
reply was electrifying. It just shot him into
the national consciousness. What did he say again?
It's such a famous line. There is no right to
strike against the public safety by anyone, anywhere,
anytime, he added. I am equally determined to
defend the sovereignty of Massachusetts and to
maintain the authority and jurisdiction over
her public officers where it has been placed
by the Constitution and laws of people. Wow.
So direct. So forceful. Especially given the
context. Exactly. This was right in the middle
of the first Red Scare. Intense anti -communist
fear. Paranoia about revolution sweeping the
country after Russia. So his stance resonated.
Powerfully. Coolidge's decisive action against
the strike transformed him into a national hero
for law and order. He lost some friends in organized
labor, sure, but he emerged as a clear rising
star among conservatives nationwide. And this
really raises an important question, doesn't
it? How much did this single highly publicized
event shape the public perception of Silent Cowell
as this firm, decisive leader? And how much did
it propel him onto the national stage almost
overnight? That's a fantastic point. It makes
you really consider the power of one defining
moment. How quickly did that image of the firm
leader solidify after Boston? Well, the electoral
consequences were immediate and dramatic. His
actions were widely publicized by supporters.
And in the 1919 gubernatorial election... His
re -election did. Right. He faced the same opponent
as in 1918, but this time he won by an astounding
125 ,101 votes. Whoa. Compared to less than 17
,000 the year before. More than seven times his
previous margin. A landslide. And this victory
immediately sparked suggestions that he should
run for president in 1920. The stage was set.
Okay, let's follow that improbable path right
to the White House. The 1920 Republican National
Convention sounds like it was quite something.
Oh, it was. Most delegates were chosen by state
party caucuses back then, which meant the field
of presidential candidates was really fragmented.
Lots of local favorites. And Coolidge was one
of those? He was one, placed as high as sixth
in early voting. But he wasn't really seen as
a serious contender by the powerful party bosses
who were mostly U .S. senators pulling the strings
behind the scenes. So who did the bosses want?
Well, after 10 ballots, with no clear front runner,
the bosses and delegates finally settled on Senator
Warren G. Harding of Ohio, a compromise candidate.
OK, so Harding for president. That seems settled.
It seems like it. And this is where things get
really interesting, almost chaotic. It's a fantastic
story. After picking Harding, the party bosses
also announced their choice for vice president,
Senator Irvine Lenroot of Wisconsin. Then they
just left. They left, assuming the delegates
would just rubber stamp their choice. Apparently
so. But a delegate from Oregon, Wallace McCament,
who had read Coolidge's Have Faith in Massachusetts
speech and was inspired. Ah, the speech again.
Right. He spontaneously proposed Coolidge for
vice president instead. And the suggestion, as
the sources say, caught on quickly. The rank
and file delegates were, quote, craving an act
of independence from the absent bosses. So the
delegates revolted against the bosses pick. Exactly.
Led to Coolidge's totally unexpected nomination
for vice president, completely reshaped the ticket
set him on this unforeseen path. It's a great
example of, you know, grassroots momentum defying
the establishment, a truly pivotal moment. Absolutely
remarkable. So with the ticket unexpectedly set,
Harding and Coolidge, they faced the Democrats
in 1920. Right. James M. Cox and a young Franklin
D. Roosevelt. Major issues were things like joining
the League of Nations, the legacy of progressivism.
How did the campaign play out? Harding ran his
famous front porch campaign from home in Ohio.
Very traditional. Let the voters come to him.
And Coolidge. Coolidge hit the trail, traveled
through the Upper South, New York, New England.
But his audiences were carefully limited. Either
people already familiar with him or those who
appreciated his concise, short speeches. Already
leaning into the silent cow thing, even on the
campaign trail. Brevity is a virtue. Seems that
way. It worked. On November 2, 1920, Harding
and Coolidge won in a landslide. How big? Over
60 % of the popular vote won every single state
outside the South. And notably, they even won
Tennessee the first time a Republican ticket
had won a southern state since Reconstruction.
A decisive mandate for a return to normalcy,
as Harding called it. So Coolidge becomes vice
president. What was his role like? VP wasn't
a very powerful office back then. No, not many
official duties. But Harding did invite him to
attend cabinet meetings, which was actually a
first. Made him the first VP to do so, a precedent
that continues today. He also gave a number of,
well... Unremarkable speeches around the country,
mostly sticking to standard Republican positions.
But it was really during this period that the
legend of Silent Cow blossomed and became fixed
in the public mind, often overshadowing what
he was actually doing. Right. The dinner party
stories. Exactly. He and his wife, Grace, who
is much more outgoing, were invited to lots of
Washington parties and his quiet nature quickly
became famous. Stories and jokes abounded, like
him being silent in five languages. And that
famous bet. The one where a dinner guest supposedly
bet she could get more than two words out of
him. Yeah. And he supposedly replied, you lose.
It's likely Apocryphal Coolidge himself denied
it later, but it certainly stuck. Stripped the
image perfectly. Perfectly. When asked why he
went to so many parties if he was uncomfortable,
he reportedly said, got to eat somewhere. practical.
And Alice Roosevelt Longworth, Teddy's daughter,
a famous wit, said that when Coolidge wished
he were elsewhere, he looked then precisely as
though he'd been weaned on a pickle. Ouch. Yeah.
A vivid description. And even as president, he
sort of leaned into this image. He did. He once
said, the words of a president have an enormous
weight and ought not to be used indiscriminately.
He even told actress Ethel Barrymore, with that
dry wit, I think the American people want a solemn
ass as a president and I think I will go along
with them. He had a sense of humor about it then.
It would seem so. But this does raise that important
question. Was Silent Cal a carefully constructed
persona, a natural disposition, maybe even a
coping mechanism after his son's death? That's
the core question, isn't it? Historians still
debate it. Was it a shrewd political tactic in
a noisy era, or just who he was, maybe deepening
after that terrible loss in 1924? Right. Dorothy
Parker's cynical remark when he died, how can
they tell, really highlights how pervasive that
quiet reputation was. Yeah. His ability to both
embody and maybe cultivate this image is quite
unique. Makes you wonder about the real man beneath
the silence. It's truly a captivating part of
his story. And then that sudden presidential
ascension. August C, 1923. President Harding
dies unexpectedly. Heart attack in San Francisco
during a speaking tour. And where was Vice President
Coolidge? Visiting his family home in Plymouth
Notch, Vermont. A place so rural it lacked electricity
and a telephone. Truly off the grid. So how did
he find out? News arrived via messenger. Middle
of the night, hand delivered. Coolidge got the
word, dressed, said a prayer, then came downstairs
to greet reporters who had somehow already gathered
outside the farmhouse. Amazing how fast news
traveled even then. And then came that truly
unique, almost theatrical moment in American
history. His father, John Calvin Coolidge, Sr.,
who happened to be a notary public and a justice
of the peace. Right, his father swore him in.
Administered the oath of office right there in
the family parlor by the flickering light of
a kerosene lamp, 2 .47 a .m., August 3, 1923.
Incredible scene. And then what? After being
sworn in as the 30th president, Coolidge simply
returned to bed. The epitome of quiet dignity,
even in that extraordinary moment. Imagine the
quiet drama. The profound dignity of that scene.
It's such a powerful image. Part of American
lore now. Absolutely. And there's a little footnote
to that. The next day, back in Washington, Coolidge
was secretly sworn in again. Why? By Justice
Adolph A. Holing Jr. of the D .C. Supreme Court.
It was purely precautionary to prevent any potential
legal questions about a state official administering
a federal oath. This second oath taking actually
remained a secret for years, only revealed in
1932. Wow. A remarkable, almost clandestine start
to a presidency that would really shape the decade.
So stepping into the Oval Office after Harding's
sudden death, the nation wasn't quite sure what
to make of Coolidge. He'd kept a pretty low profile
as VP. Many even expected him to be replaced
on the 1924 ballot. Right. And he immediately
faced this huge challenge, restoring public confidence
after all the Harding administration scandals,
Teapot Dome being the most notorious trust in
government was really shaken. How did he handle
that? Did he clean house immediately? He took
a very methodical, principled approach. Not impulsive.
He believed those under suspicion were entitled
to the presumption of innocence. He felt thorough
Senate investigations would suffice rather than,
you know, hasty condemnation. So let the process
play out. Let the process play out. However,
he did personally demand the resignation of Attorney
General Harry Doherty when Doherty refused to
cooperate with those investigations. OK, so he
acted when necessary. Yes. And then he meticulously
arranged for a full briefing on all the wrongdoing
from various experts to ensure no loose ends
remained. This quiet, deliberate approach slowly
began to rebuild trust, which was critical for
the presidency at that time. December 6, 1923,
he addresses Congress. What was significant about
that speech? Well, content wise, he notably supported
many of Harding's policies, formal budgeting,
immigration restrictions, arbitration of coal
strikes. But the truly significant thing was
the delivery. How so? It was the very first presidential
speech ever broadcast over the radio. The first
ever? Wow. A truly pioneering moment in presidential
communication. It allowed him to connect directly
with the American public in an entirely new way.
bypass the newspapers to some extent. That's
huge. So his first year in office, 1924. see
some important legislative action. Yes, several
key acts reflecting his priorities. The Washington
Naval Treaty limiting naval arms was proclaimed
just a month into his term, generally well received.
Then the Veterans Bonus Bill. Right. In May 1924,
Congress passed the World War One Veterans Bonus
Bill over Coolidge's veto, a rare but significant
clash with Congress over spending, showing his
fiscal conservatism early on. And immigration.
Later that year, he signed the Immigration Act
of 1920. It aimed to restrict Southern and Eastern
European immigration, reflecting the era's, frankly,
nativist sentiments. Though Coolidge did append
a signing statement expressing unhappiness with
the specific exclusion of Japanese immigrants.
A small pushback. Hmm, taxes. The Revenue Act
of 1924. Significantly reduced the top marginal
tax rate from 58 % down to 46%. Cut personal
income taxes across the board. But it also increased
the estate tax and added a new gift tax. Kind
of a mixed bag fiscally. And perhaps most significantly
for one group. The Indian Citizenship Act. A
landmark piece of legislation signed June 2,
1924. It granted U .S. citizenship to all Native
Americans born in the United States. Now, about
two -thirds already had citizenship through various
means, marriage, military service, land allotments.
Right. But this act completed the process for
all remaining Native Americans living on reservations,
extending full rights to a long marginalized
group. A very important step. So looking ahead
to the 1924 election, Coolidge seeks the nomination
in his own right. Yes. And he gets it easily.
Nominated on the first ballot at the Republican
convention in Cleveland, solidified his grip
on the party. Former Brigadier General Charles
G. Dawes was nominated as his VP after Frank
Loudon declined. And the opposition? Quite fractured.
The Democrats nominated John W. Davis after a
deadlocked convention, 103 ballots. Charles W.
Bryan was his VP. 103 ballots. Wow. Yeah. And
critically. Robert M. La Follette, a progressive
Republican senator, split from the GOP to form
a new progressive party. This led many to believe
a Democrat would win, just like in 1912 when
Taft and Roosevelt split the Republican vote.
But then personal tragedy strikes Coolidge again
right in the middle of this campaign. Yes. Just
as things were ramping up, his younger son, Calvin
Jr., dies in June 1924. That devastating infection
from the blister. How did that affect the campaign
and Coolidge himself? He became deeply withdrawn,
outwardly even more subdued than usual. He later
said quite profoundly that when he the son died,
the power and glory of the presidency went with
him. Oh, heartbreaking. His campaign became notably
subdued, reflecting his grief and his naturally
non -confrontational style. He delivered speeches
on his theory of government and several were
broadcast over the radio again, pioneering that
medium, allowing his quiet, measured voice to
reach millions directly. So despite the Republicans
despite his subdued campaign. How did the election
turn out? A resounding victory for Coolidge.
He won every state outside the South except Wisconsin,
which was La Follette's home state, secured 382
electoral votes, won the popular vote by 2 .5
million. a powerful affirmation of his leadership,
and maybe a testament to the nation's desire
for stability and prosperity under his quiet
guidance. Moving beyond the election, then, his
presidency famously coincides with the roaring
20s, this period of, well, really rapid and expansive
economic growth. The Coolidge Prosperity, as
it was often called. Right. And he became known
for his hands -off governing approach, his staunch
pro -business stance. Many credited these policies
for the era's boom. His philosophy on this was
really summed up in that 1925 speech to newspaper
editors, where he famously said, after all, the
chief business of the American people is business.
That's a quote everyone remembers. They are profoundly
concerned with buying, selling, investing and
prospering in the world. It perfectly captures
his belief in the central role of commerce, private
enterprise, prosperity as the natural outcome
of unburdened economic activity. Interestingly,
though, He largely entrusted a lot of the administration's
industrial policy to his Secretary of Commerce,
Herbert Hoover. Who was very activist, wasn't
he? Very. Hoover energetically used government
auspices to promote business efficiency, help
develop new industries like airlines and radio.
So while Coolidge kept his personal hands -off
style, he allowed cabinet members like Hoover
to be quite proactive, especially in fostering
business growth. That's a key distinction. However,
Coolidge himself generally disdained direct federal
regulation of business. He appointed men to the
Federal Trade Commission, the Interstate Commerce
Commission, who did little to restrict business
activities. So the regulatory state was pretty
minimal. One biographer described it as thin
to the point of invisibility. But it's important
to understand this in the context of the era's
federalism. Historian Robert Sobel points out
that Coolidge's seemingly contradictory stances
supporting worker protections as governor, but
not pushing for them as president, were likely
due to the prevailing understanding of federal
versus state responsibility. Things like wages,
hours, child labor. Those were seen as state
and local issues then, not federal ones. So it
wasn't necessarily a change in principle. but
a difference in perceived federal jurisdiction.
Exactly. That was the common view in the 1920s.
One notable exception, though, to this non -regulation
was the Radio Act of 1927. Right. He signed that
act, established the Federal Radio Commission,
imposed the Equal Time Rule for broadcasters,
restricted licenses to stations serving the public
interest, convenience, or necessity. Why regulate
radio, but not other industries? Well, radio
was burgeoning, chaotic. Someone needed to assign
frequencies, bring order. It was seen as a necessary
step for the public good, managing a new, limited
resource to the airwaves. Demonstrated a pragmatic
acceptance of federal intervention where a clear
need arose. Let's talk taxation and government
spending. That was really a cornerstone of his
economic policy, wasn't it? Working with Andrew
Mellon. Absolutely. Coolidge adopted the policies
of his Treasury Secretary, Andrew Mellon. Mellon
advocated scientific taxation. Scientific taxation,
meaning? The idea that lowering tax rates could
actually increase government receipts by stimulating
economic activity rather than just reducing revenue.
Get the economy humming and the government gets
more, even at lower rates. And Congress bought
into this? Largely, yes. Led to significant tax
reductions during Coolidge's term. Along with
cutting spending. Yes. In addition to the tax
cuts, Coolidge proposed substantial reductions
in federal expenditures and a strong commitment
to retiring the federal debt. Republicans in
Congress were very much on board. So what were
the key pieces of legislation? We saw the Revenue
Act of 1924, which cut rates and remarkably eliminated
all income tax for about two million people.
Wow. wiped off the rolls entirely. Then further
reductions in the Revenue Acts of 1926 and 1928,
all while keeping spending down to reduce the
overall federal debt. By 1927, it's quite striking
only the wealthiest 2 % of taxpayers were still
paying federal income tax. A huge shift in the
burden. What were the results of these policies?
Did spending stay flat? Did the debt go down?
Federal spending remained remarkably flat during
his administration, yes. Allowed one fourth of
the entire federal debt to be retired. A quarter
of the debt. That's significant. Very. And here's
an interesting data point that fuels a lot of
the historical debate. By 1929, after his tax
cuts, had brought the top rate down to 24 % for
those making over $100 ,000. Which is quite low
compared to before. Very low. The federal government
collected over $1 billion in income taxes. And
of that, 65 % came from those top earners making
over $100 ,000. Wait, so lower rates on the rich
brought in more money from the rich? That's what
the data suggests for that period. Contrast that
with 1921. A 73 % top tax rate yielded just over
$700 million, with only 30 % coming from those
wealthiest earners. That's a huge shift. Suggests
Mellon's scientific taxation actually worked.
at least in the short term. It certainly had
a measurable impact. And while federal spending
was tightly controlled, state and local governments
actually saw considerable growth in spending
during this period, surpassed the federal budget
by 1927, again, highlighting that federalist
division of responsibilities. So connecting this
to the Bayer picture, Coolidge's economic policy
was essentially an early experiment in supply
-side economics. Decades before the term existed,
yes, a bold experiment. The data clearly shows
it boosted revenue from the wealthy in the short
term, but its long -term impact and its potential
contribution to the Great Depression that followed.
That remains a central point of historical debate,
a critical case study even today on tax policy
and economic stability. OK, shifting to some
of the more contentious issues he faced. Maybe
none more debated than federal relief for farmers.
They were really struggling then. They were.
Agriculture hadn't shared equally in the Roaring
Twenties' prosperity. Some in Congress proposed
the McNary -Halgen bill. What would that have
done? It would have allowed the federal government
to buy surplus crops, wheat, corn, and sell them
abroad at lower prices. Effectively, a government
price support, a subsidy. And Coolidge's position?
Strongly opposed. argued that agriculture must
stand on an independent business basis, said,
govern control cannot be divorced from political
control. He favored Secretary Hoover's ideas
for modernizing agriculture efficiency, cooperatives
over direct price manipulation, believed in market
solutions. Did the bill pass Congress? Twice.
In 1927 and 1928, the farm block was powerful.
Coolidge. Vetoed it both times, famously. In
his veto messages, he argued... The bill wouldn't
really help farmers, would mainly benefit exporters,
and would expand the federal bureaucracy all
things he opposed on principle. And he had that
rather stark quote about farmers. Yes, the rather
blunt remark, farmers never have made much money.
I do not believe we can do much about it. Highlights
his staunch commitment to limited government,
even facing hardship in a key sector. A belief
in individual responsibility, perhaps to a fault
in this case. Another contentious issue, the
great Mississippi flood of 1927. A massive disaster.
The worst natural disaster on the Gulf Coast
until Hurricane Katrina in 2005. And Coolidge
faced considerable criticism for his response
or perceived lack thereof. What did he do? or
not do. Well, he eventually named Herbert Hoover,
who is sort of his go -to guy for big problems,
to a commission for flood relief. But overall,
scholars argue Coolidge showed a lack of interest
in extensive federal flood control measures.
Why the reluctance? It really underscores that
fundamental tension of the era. Limited federal
intervention versus growing public expectation
for federal action in crises. Coolidge believed
a presidential visit to the flood zone would
be mere political grandstanding. Optics weren't
his priority. No. And he felt incurring significant
federal spending for flood control was undesirable,
believed property owners should bear much of
the cost, as had been the tradition. So when
Congress did pass a compromise flood control
measure in 1928, Coolidge, true to form, declined
to take credit, sign a bill in private, a clear
illustration of his consistent adherence to his
principles, even at the cost of public relations
or perceived compassion. OK, let's turn to civil
rights and tolerance. How did Coolidge handle
these issues? One biographer called him devoid
of racial prejudice. Yes, but he rarely took
a leading role on civil rights, often prioritizing
states' rights and local control, which often
meant inaction on racial injustice. For example,
Coolidge personally disliked the Ku Klux Klan.
Which was powerful in the 1920s. Very powerful.
And no Klansman is known to have received an
appointment from him. But during the 1924 election,
while his opponents attacked the Klan, Coolidge
largely avoided the subject, perhaps not wanting
to give them more attention or maybe political
calculation. How did that play out with African
-American voters? It was complex. Some black
leaders did endorse his opponent, John Davis,
due to Coolidge's silence. Yet estimates suggest
over 90 percent of non -Indiana black voters
actually voted for Coolidge. The situation in
Indiana was unique, with Klan control of the
state GOP pushing many black voters there toward
the Democrats. A really tangled picture. Were
there any positive developments during his term
on this front? It's important to note some things
did improve, whether directly due to him or broader
shifts. Lynchings of African -Americans decreased
during his administration, and millions of people
actually left the Ku Klux Klan during his tenure.
Its peak influence waned. Did he use this platform
at all? Speak out. He did at times. In his first
state of the union, he declared that African
-Americans rights were just as sacred as those
of any other citizen and that protecting those
rights was a public and a private duty. Strong
words. Did he push for legislation? He repeatedly
called for federal laws to make lynching a federal
crime. But Congress, particularly sudden Democrats,
consistently blocked such legislation. Legislative
gridlock was fierce on this issue. But he did
sign the Indian Citizenship Act. Yes. As we mentioned,
Junetech 1924, granting citizenship to all Native
Americans living on reservations, a very significant
positive step. Any other notable public statements?
Yes. On June 6, 1924, he gave a commencement
address at historically black Howard University.
He publicly thanked and commended African Americans
for their rapid advances in education, contributions
to society, and eagerness to serve in WWI, all
while facing discrimination. That must have been
meaningful. And later in October 1924, during
the election campaign, he gave a speech stressing
tolerance of differences as an American value,
thanked immigrants for their contributions, noted
diversity caused conflict in Europe, but was
harmonious for the U .S., perhaps optimistically,
urged immigrants to reject race, hatreds and
prejudices. These public statements, even without
sweeping legislation, offered an important moral
stance from the presidency. Okay, turning to
foreign policy. You mentioned he wasn't particularly
interested in world affairs. Not his primary
focus, no. Largely centered on U .S. business,
trade, and maintaining the status quo at home.
He held a strong non -interventionist foreign
policy viewpoint, supported American exceptionalism.
He saw the 1920 election as a clear rejection
of Wilson's idea of joining the League of Nations.
Believe the League just didn't serve U .S. interests.
But his administration did engage. internationally,
right? Yeah. Just maybe cautiously. Cautiously
and with a focus on American interests, yes.
He spoke in favor of joining the World Court,
the permanent court of international justice.
But with conditions. Yes, provided the U .S.
wouldn't be bound by advisory decisions, showing
that characteristic caution. The Senate approved
joining with reservations in 1926, but the U
.S. ultimately didn't join after the League suggested
modifications the Senate failed to act on. So
close, but no cigar. What about the Dawes plan?
That seems like a significant intervention. It
was, but primarily an economic one. 1924. The
Coolidge administration nominated Charles Dawes
to head a multinational committee. They produced
this plan setting fixed annual amounts for Germany's
WWI reparations payments and authorized a large
loan mostly from U .S. banks to help stabilize
the German economy. Good for Germany, good for
U .S. banks getting repaid by allies. And he
tried to continue naval arms control. Yes. Building
on Harding's successful Washington Naval Conference,
Coolidge sponsored the Geneva Naval Conference
in 1927 to further curb naval strength. But this
effort failed. Why? French and Italian boycotts?
Disagreements between Britain and the U .S. over
cruiser tonnages? It actually led, regrettably,
to increased American naval spending afterwards.
But one lasting peace effort, maybe more symbolic,
was the Kellogg -Brien Pact. Yes, 1928. named
for his Secretary of State, Frank B. Kellogg.
This treaty committed signatories U .S., U .K.,
France, Italy, Germany, Japan, many others to
renounce war as an instrument of national policy.
Did it work? Obviously not entirely. Well, it
didn't ultimately outlaw war or prevent WWII,
but it did provide a foundational principle for
international law and diplomacy after WWII shifted
the moral landscape around aggressive war, making
it illegitimate in principle. What about regional
policies? Soviet Union? Mexico. Continued Harding's
policy of when holding recognition of the Soviet
Union standard anti -communist stance then. He
normalized ties with post -revolution Mexico,
recognizing new governments, supporting the elected
government against the Cristero rebellion, lifting
the arms embargo. Appointed Dwight Morrow as
ambassador, who did a good job avoiding further
conflict. In Central America. The Caribbean.
Still intervention is there. Mixed bag. Ended
the US occupation of the Dominican Republic in
1924. ordered withdrawal of Marines from Nicaragua
in 1925, but then had to redeploy them in 1927
after political instability flared up again,
sent Henry Stimson to mediate a peace deal, but
that actually extended the U .S. military presence
beyond his presidency, showed the complexities
of that region. And he went to Cuba. Yes, January
1928, led the U .S. delegation to the sixth international
conference of American states in Havana, his
only international trip as president, made him
the last sitting U .S. president to visit Cuba
until Barack Obama in 2016. Wow, quite a gap.
and Canada. Authorized the St. Lawrence Seaway
Project, a massive system of locks and canals
allowing large vessels passage between the Atlantic
and the Great Lakes. Huge for infrastructure
and trade. So while often quiet, his foreign
policy showed pragmatic engagement where U .S.
economic or security interests were clearly involved.
OK, let's talk about his team, his cabinet, his
judicial appointments. Did he keep Harding's
people? Initially, yes, all of them. He believed
that as successor to a president who died in
office, he was obligated to keep Harding's counselors
until the next election cycle, a move for continuity
stability after the scandals. Andrew Mellon,
Treasury Secretary, was arguably the most powerful,
controlled financial policy. Some considered
him more influential than Coolidge himself. Really?
Well on economic matters, certainly very influential,
Herbert Hoover at commerce was also prominent.
Coolidge valued Hoover's ability to generate
positive publicity for pro -business proposals
and his energetic activist style in that specific
area. Charles Evans Hughes until 1925, a heavyweight.
Then Frank B. Kellogg of Kellogg -Brian Pact
fame. Attorney General, after Harry Doherty resigned
in disgrace in 24, was Harlan F. Stone, then
John G. Sargent. And Vice President, he didn't
have it for his first term, right? Correct. 1923
to 1925, no VP because Harding died. Meant no
direct successor in line initially. Charles G.
Dawes served as VP during his second term, 1925
to 1929. And Dawes, notably clashed with Coolidge
sometime, especially over farm policy, shows
some internal tensions. What about the courts?
Supreme Court appointments? Just one Supreme
Court appointment. In 1925, he appointed Harlan
F. Stone. The same Stone who was attorney general?
Yes. Fellow Amherst alumnus, Wall Street lawyer,
conservative Republican, Coolidge brought him
in as AG specifically to restore the Justice
Department's reputation after Daugherty. Stone
became a firm believer in judicial restraint
on the court and was later appointed Chief Justice
by FDR, interestingly. In lower courts. Any milestones
there? He appointed 17 judges to the courts of
appeals, 61 to district courts, and he made history
by appointing Genevieve R. Klein to the United
States Customs Court in 1928. She was the first
woman ever named to the federal judiciary. That's
a significant first. A progressive step for the
time. He also signed the Judiciary Act of 1925,
which gave the Supreme Court more discretion
over its caseload, helping its efficiency. So
after all these eventful years, the scandals,
the economy, The personal tragedy. He decides
not to run again in 1928, even though he was
popular. Highly popular, yes. But in the summer
of 1927, while vacationing in the Black Hills
of South Dakota, he made that choice. Issued
that famously terse statement to reporters. The
classic Coolidge statement. Just 10 words. I
do not choose to run for president in 1928. Just
like that. Did he explain further? After letting
reporters absorb it, he elaborated a bit. If
I take another term, I will be in the White House
till 1933. Ten years in Washington is longer
than any other man has had it. Too long. Ten
years is a long time in that office. This decision,
coming during prosperity and high popularity,
really reveals a deeply personal understanding
of the burdens of office. What did he say in
his memoirs about it? He explained further, noting,
While we should not refuse to spend and be spent
in the service of our country, it is hazardous
to attempt what we feel is beyond our strength
to accomplish. Wow. Speaks to his quiet character,
that self -awareness. Maybe the shadow of his
son's death still lingering too? A sense of limits?
Very possibly. A clear understanding of the personal
cost. post presidency and death, 1929, 1933.
So after leaving office in 1929, Calvin and Grace
Coolidge head back to Northampton, Massachusetts,
to their home, the beaches. But retirement for
Coolidge, the man who believed in diligent work,
wasn't exactly a feet up on the porch. No, far
from it. He kept active. had a hacker runabout
boat on the Connecticut River, apparently enjoyed
boating. Nice image. He chaired the Nonpartisan
Railroad Commission, surveying the country's
transportation needs, served as honorary president
of the American Foundation for the Blind. He
was a director of New York Life Insurance Company,
president of the American Antiquarian Society,
a trustee of Amherst College. Kept busy applying
those administrative skills. Definitely. Applying
them to various civic and corporate roles. And
he even took up writing. He did. Published his
autobiography in 1929, gave his own perspective
on his life and presidency, and from 1930 to
1931, he wrote a syndicated newspaper column,
Calvin Coolidge says. Sharing his thoughts with
the nation again. A quiet commentary on the unfolding
events of the time, yes. But the piece of his
retirement was pretty quickly overshadowed by
the Great Depression, wasn't it? Started just
months after he left office. Exactly. And with
Herbert Hoover facing almost certain defeat in
the 1932 election, some Republicans actually
considered rejecting Hoover and trying to draft
Coolidge to run again. Draft Coolidge? Did they
think his popularity could save them? That was
the hope, I suppose, that his image of prosperity
and stability could somehow stem the economic
tide. Was Coolidge interested? Not in the slightest.
The former president made it crystal clear he
was not interested. Said he would publicly repudiate
any draft efforts. Even though he apparently
wasn't Hoover's biggest fan privately? Right,
despite privately remarking about Hoover. For
six years that man has given me unsolicited advice.
All of it bad. Ouch. Huh. But he still supported
Hoover publicly. He did. Made several radio addresses
supporting Hoover's reelection bid. Showed his
party loyalty, commitment to the ticket, even
with his reservations. Hoover, of course, lost
to Franklin D. Roosevelt in a landslide. And
sadly, Coolidge didn't live much longer after
that. No, he died quite suddenly. Coronary thrombosis,
a heart attack at the beaches. January 5th, 1933.
He was only 60 years old. Just a few short years
after leaving office. And shortly before his
death, in a really poignant reflection of his
personality, he told an old friend, I feel I
no longer fit in with these times. Wow. The sense
of being out of step with the new era of the
Depression and the New Deal dawning. It seems
that way. He's buried in Plymouth Notch Cemetery,
back in Plymouth Notch, Vermont, where his family
home is maintained today as a historic site.
A quiet resting place for Silent Tal. So what
does history truly make of this silent president
of the Roaring Twenties? It's complex, right?
Despite being incredibly popular while in office.
Hugely popular. His historical reputation is
generally rated below average by modern historians.
That's quite a shift. It is. Scholar David Greenberg
notes that the Great Depression, starting so
soon after Coolidge left office, seriously eroded
his reputation. Fairly or unfairly, the crash
cast a long shadow back on the preceding prosperity.
What are the main criticisms historians level
against him? Often criticized for a perceived
lack of assertiveness, sometimes called a do
-nothing president. The argument being he only
enjoyed high approval because times were good
and he didn't tackle underlying problems. Some
also scrutinize him for signing laws that broaden
federal regulatory authority like the Radio Act,
arguing it inadvertently paved the way for more
federal expansion later, ironically contrary
to his own philosophy. And the surveys, the rankings
reflect this critical view. Often, yes. A 1982
Chicago Tribune survey of 49 historians ranked
him eighth worst U .S. president. Eighth worst.
That's harsh. Yeah. In 2006, British journalist
William Shawcross called him the worst president
of the 20th century, though a more recent 2021
C -SPAN survey was a bit more nuanced. How so?
It gave him higher marks for moral authority
and administrative skills, acknowledging his
integrity and competence. But it still ranked
him only 24th out of 44 presidents overall. with
poor ratings for setting an agenda and pursuing
equal justice, reflecting those criticisms about
his passive approach to some big issues. Yet
despite these often critical historical rankings,
Coolidge's hands -off government approach, his
fiscal conservatism, it continues to resonate
strongly with modern conservatives, doesn't it?
Oh, absolutely. His principles are frequently
invoked in discussions about limited government,
fiscal responsibility, the idea that too much
government stifles prosperity. He's become something
of an icon. for that wing of political thought.
It's really interesting how historical figures
like Coolidge get reinterpreted, championed by
different ideologies across generations. Ronald
Reagan was a big admirer, wasn't he? Huge admirer.
In 1981, President Reagan publicly praised Coolidge's
laissez -faire policy as a model. And in a very
powerful symbolic gesture, Reagan actually replaced
a portrait of Thomas Jefferson in the White House
cabinet room with one of Coolidge. Swapped Jefferson
for Coolidge. That's a statement. A very clear
nod to his admiration and a statement about his
own conservative philosophy. So Coolidge's principles
clearly, they continue to spark debate and inspire
certain groups. Now, one of the most surprising
aspects of his legacy, something that really
pushes back against the Silent Cal stereotype,
is his role as a communication innovator. Yes.
This is often overlooked. Despite that reputation
for being quiet, even reclusive, Coolidge was
actually a pioneer in using new media. Made radio
history several times as president, showed a
really pragmatic understanding of the evolving
public sphere. How so? beyond the radio speeches.
Well first, he made himself incredibly available
to reporters, gave an astounding 520 press conferences
during his presidency. 520, that's a lot. More
regularly than any president before or since,
a real commitment to press access, which contrasts
sharply with the silent image. And the media
firsts. His second inauguration in 1925 was the
first presidential inauguration ever broadcast
on radio. His December 1923 speech to Congress
was the first presidential radio address, as
we noted, bringing his voice directly into American
homes. And film. Yes. August 1924, he became
the first president to appear in a sound film.
President Coolidge taken on the White House grounds
using the cutting edge phono film sound on film
process. Groundbreaking stuff. You could actually
hear the president speak on film for the first
time. Exactly. He also famously welcomed Charles
Lindbergh back after his 1927 transatlantic flight
presented him with the Medal of Honor. That event
was film and widely seen, reinforcing his image
as a modern leader connected to moments of national
pride. And he even took legislative action to
regulate radio with the Radio Act of 1927. Right,
establishing the federal radio commissions. So
this whole aspect of his legacy truly challenges
that simple silent cow stereotype. It reveals
a pragmatic leader who understood and leveraged
the power of emerging communication technologies
to connect with the public just in his own quiet
but effective way. A testament to his adaptability,
his foresight, proves he was anything but just
a relic of the past, even if he felt out of step
by the very end. Hashtag tag tag outro. So we've
journeyed through the pretty remarkable life
of Calvin Coolidge. From those humble Vermont
beginnings, those profound intellectual influences,
his unexpected rise through Massachusetts politics
capped by that decisive handling of the Boston
police strike. We've seen him navigate profound
personal tragedy, restore confidence to the White
House after scandal. preside over the roaring
20s with that distinctive hands -off economic
philosophy. And surprisingly make pioneering
use of new media like radio and sound film. Exactly.
His story is really one of principled conservatism,
quiet determination, and maybe surprisingly an
ability to capture the public imagination in
his own unique way. You now have hopefully a
much deeper understanding of the man behind Silent
Cow, the context of that Coolidge prosperity,
and the debates, the very lively debates that
continue to surround his legacy today. You've
heard his own words on ethics, on governance,
even on the chief business of America. He was
definitely a man of paradoxes, a reserved leader
in a truly vibrant, almost chaotic era, who left
an indelible, if intensely debated mark on American
history. Definitely debated. And as we reflect
on his tenure, that economic boom he oversaw,
only to be followed so quickly by the Great Depression.
We're left with a powerful question, aren't we?
Was Coolidge's commitment to limited government
and fiscal restraint a wise stewardship of prosperity
that built reserves for a rainy day? Or did his
do -nothing approach, as critics call it, miss
critical opportunities to address underlying
economic vulnerabilities before the crash? It's
the central question about his economic legacy.
And maybe more broadly, what might that tell
us today about the delicate balance between government
action and individual liberty, especially in
times of rapid change, and that enduring debate
over the proper role of government in a free
society? A question that certainly hasn't gone
away. It resonates just as strongly now. Something
for all of you to think about. Thanks for diving
deep with us.