Imagine stepping back into a late 19th century
America a nation still, you know healing from
the Civil War But right on the edge of becoming
this global superpower a real turning point and
then picture that whole journey defined by massive
economic turmoil really passionate political
debates and then Well, a devastating, just unthinkable
loss at the very top. Yeah. These are the currents,
the deep undercurrents that really shaped the
era of William McKinley. He's one of America's
most pivotal presidents. But, you know, it's
surprising how often he gets kind of underrated.
Welcome to The Deep Dive. Today, we are unpacking
the life and the legacy of William McKinley,
the 25th U .S. president. Like you said, he's
a name we all know from history books, right?
Right. But the full depth of his impact, how
he really shaped the America we know today, that
often gets a bit obscured. His presidency wasn't
just another chapter. It was a fundamental shift.
What's truly compelling here, I think, is how
McKinley's era acts as this profound transition
point. It's almost like a hinge between the 19th
and 20th centuries. That's a great way to put
it. His decisions, both at home and abroad, they
laid so much of the groundwork for the 20th century.
They influenced everything from global power
dynamics to national economic policy in ways
we're honestly still grappling with, still talking
about today. He really stood at a crossroads.
Exactly. So our mission with this deep dive is
to guide you through McKinley's really remarkable
journey. We'll start from his time as a determined
Civil War soldier. Right. through his distinguished
career in Congress, then his governor, and all
the way to the White House. We'll examine his
transformative policies, his personal challenges,
which were significant, and of course, the lasting,
often pretty complex legacy he left behind. Right.
And we're doing this by drawing from the rich
sources provided to us. And by immersing ourselves
in McKinley's story, you're getting a powerful
shortcut, really, to understanding this critical
turning point in American history. You'll get
those aha! Yeah. About how the US actually transformed
into a global power, how these crucial domestic
economic and social issues were shaped, and how
those foundational decisions, well, they continue
to echo in our modern debates. You'll walk away
with a much clearer picture, I think, of an America
right on the cusp of significant, really enduring
change. So let's set the scene then. Let's rewind
the clock and take us back to the very beginning.
to the formative years of William McKinley. Okay.
William McKinley Jr. He made his entrance into
the world on January 29th, 1843 in the small
town of Niles, Ohio. He was, believe it or not,
the seventh of nine children. Wow, big family.
Yeah, born to William McKinley Sr. and Nancy
Allison McKinley. The family had deep roots,
tracing their ancestry back to English and Scots
-Irish origins. They'd settled in Western Pennsylvania
way back in the 18th century. And it's interesting,
their immigrant ancestor, David McKinley, actually
came from Dervoch, which is in what's now Northern
Ireland. And this family history, particularly
their background as ironmakers, that wasn't just
some side detail, it profoundly shaped William.
The McKinleys, they moved their operations through
various towns in Ohio, always kind of following
the industry. Their household, pretty typical
for Ohio's Western Reserve region at the time,
was steeped in strong, Whiggish sentiments, favoring
Congress, modernization, protective tariffs,
and they were staunchly abolitionist. Driven
by faith, largely. Primarily driven by their
deep Methodist faith, exactly. For William, this
religious background wasn't just casual. He became
an active member of the local Methodist church
when he was 16, and he remained a lifelong, really
devout Methodist. Early moral grounding, as our
sources highlight, would indelibly connect to
his later moral stances. It influenced his public
life, his private life, particularly his strong
views on social justice issues, like his public
opposition to lynching when he was governor later
on. That's a crucial insight, isn't it? How those
early influences weren't just background noise,
but they really laid this deliberate groundwork
for his future character, his leadership style.
Absolutely. He got a decent education for the
time. He attended Poland Seminary, then Allegheny
College. He even had a brief stint at Mount Union
College. He was also an honorary member of Sigma
Alpha Epsilon fraternity. But his early life
wasn't all smooth sailing. After just a year
at Allegheny, he fell ill, had to return home
in 1860. And then, to make things tougher, his
family's finances declined. Oh dear. Yeah, so
he couldn't return to college. He had to take
on work first as a postal clerk, and then as
a schoolteacher near Poland, Ohio. So these early
experiences, this blend of intellectual pursuits,
the comfort of family, but then the stark reality
of financial hardship and needing to be self
-reliant coupled with that strong moral upbringing,
it really prepared him, didn't it? It must have.
For the profound challenges, the crucible, really,
of the American Civil War, which erupted just
a year later in 1861, that resilience maybe even
empathy honed in his youth, it would definitely
serve him well. And what an extraordinary crucible
it was. When the Civil War broke out, like thousands
of other eager young men across Ohio, McKinley,
along with his cousin William McKinley Osborne,
enlisted. They joined as privates in the Poland
Guards in June 1861. Right. This unit eventually
got consolidated into the 23rd Ohio Infantry.
And interestingly, the recruits, they were initially
unhappy about not being allowed to elect their
own officers. That was kind of a tradition in
earlier volunteer regiments. They wanted to choose
their leaders. Ah, OK. But then Major Rutherford
B. Hayes, who of course later became president
himself, he stepped in. He skillfully convinced
them to accept the government -issued supplies
and the appointed officers. It showed this kind
of nuanced leadership that really impressed the
young McKinley. That's fascinating. Yeah. And
this interaction, it marked the beginning of
the Lasting Association, a deep personal friendship
between McKinley and Hayes. It would profoundly
influence McKinley's life and career right up
until Hayes' death in 1893. That early leadership
connection forged right there in the raw beginnings
of the war. That's absolutely fascinating. So
the 23rd Ohio, they soon found themselves in
Western Virginia fighting Confederate forces
at Carnifex Ferry. And it wasn't long before
McKinley, who'd already shown this kind of knack
for organization and logistics, was assigned
to the brigade quartermaster office. His efficiency
was recognized pretty quickly, led to his promotion
to commissary sergeant in April 1862. Actually,
a sort of startling bravery began to emerge really
early on. He proved his medal under fire. Later
that September, the 23rd, Ohio was called to
reinforce the Army of Virginia, eventually joining
the Army of the Potomac. Right. They were among
the first Union units to engage the Confederates
at the Battle of South Mountain and then at the
brutal, bloody Battle of Antietam. I mean, one
of the deadliest single day battles in American
history. Unbelievable. And here, the story really
takes a compelling turn. McKinley came under
heavy enemy fire while personally bringing hot
rations to his men right on the front lines.
It was a crucial act, boosted morale, showed
incredible courage. Wow. And this act of bravery
and leadership, it earned him a commission as
second lieutenant directly from Governor David
Todd. That was a significant, really well -deserved
early recognition of his service. Just imagine
the sheer chaos, the immense bravery needed not
just to fight, but to lead and actually care
for your men in the thick of a battle like Antietam.
Yeah, absolutely. That's kind of decisive action,
you know, rallying troops, maintaining composure
under that kind of extreme duress. That was a
trait that would undeniably serve him later in
the political arena, wouldn't it? You'd think
so. His service continued with significant engagement.
The Battle of Buffington Island, then Floyd's
Mountain. which McKinley himself described as,
quote, as desperate as any witness during the
war. He was promoted to captain after the Second
Battle of Kernstown and got transferred to General
Crick's staff. And again, he displayed remarkable
leadership, personal courage, helped rally panicked
Union troops during the Battle of Cedar Creek
after this initial devastating Confederate advance.
His horse was even shot out from under him at
Berryville. I mean, that shows you how close
he was to the action. Incredible. And it wasn't
just physical bravery, right? We also see these
early signs of his developing political awareness,
his commitment to democratic ideals. That's right.
During the war, he cast his very first presidential
ballot for Abraham Lincoln. That's a powerful
demonstration of his commitment to the Union
cause and its vision for the nation. Just before
the war's end, he received his final promotion,
a brevet commission, as major a testament to
his distinguished service. And then he made this
principled decision, declined a place in the
peacetime army, chose instead to return to Ohio,
civilian life, eager to rebuild his future. But
his commitment to the war's history didn't just
end there. No, remarkably, he even co -authored
and published this formidable 12 -volume work,
the official roster of the soldiers of the state
of Ohio in the War of the Rebellion, 1861 -1866.
It's just a testament to his dedication to documenting
the immense sacrifice of that era. So after these
harrowing years of war, McKinley, now a major,
decides to pursue a career in law. He really
dedicated himself, studied in an attorney's office
in Poland, Ohio, then honed his skills further
at Albany Law School in New York. By March 1867,
he was admitted to the bar in Warren, Ohio. That's
a pretty swift transition, battlefield to courtroom.
Shortly after, he made the strategic move to
Canton, Ohio, a growing manufacturing hub. Good
timing. Yeah. And he quickly formed a successful
partnership with an experienced local lawyer,
George W. Belden. His legal practice flourished
and he made a really astute move, investing in
Main Street buildings, securing this steady rental
income that would serve him well for decades.
But what's truly striking here, I think, is how
his personal life, even while he's finding this
professional success and stability, was also
marked by just profound, devastating tragedy.
Yeah, it really was. In 1871, he married Ida
Saxton, the daughter of a prominent, respected
Canton family. She joined his Methodist church.
Their life together seemed, you know, promising.
They welcomed two daughters, Catherine, born
on Christmas Day 1871, and then Ida, born in
1873. But this joy was just... tragically short
lived. Their second daughter, Ida, died the very
same year she was born. Oh, heartbreaking. And
then just two years later, in 1875, Catherine
died of typhoid fever. The cumulative effect
of these losses was simply... unbearable. That's
just an unimaginable amount of loss for any couple
to endure, especially so close together. These
profound personal sacrifices and challenges McKinley
faced, they reveal a different deeply human side
of the public figure we usually focus on, don't
they? Absolutely. Ida never truly recovered from
the death of their daughters. She descended into
this deep depression, developed epilepsy, became
increasingly fragile, really reliant on McKinley's
constant presence and dedicated care. Our sources
repeatedly emphasize his devotion as a husband
and caregiver. He tended to her medical needs,
her emotional needs, with just unwavering patience
and tenderness for the rest of his life. This
wasn't just duty, it was clearly a profound love
and commitment that defined his private persona.
Indeed. And this intimate experience of personal
suffering, this profound empathy, it undoubtedly
shaped his character. It must have imbued him
with a remarkable resilience, a deep understanding
of human struggle, even as he's embarking on
this demanding political career. Yeah, it likely
added layers of compassion to his public life
that voters often recognized and appreciated.
And those early political forays, they began
surprisingly quickly, almost right after setting
up his law practice. In 1867, he gave speeches
for his army friend Rutherford B. Hayes' gubernatorial
campaign. his first real venture into the political
arena. Then in 1869, he made this unexpected
leap, successfully winning the election for prosecuting
attorney of Stark County, an office, as you mentioned,
traditionally held by Democrats. Quite the upset.
Yeah. Though he narrowly lost his re -election
bid in 1871, he was clearly making a name for
himself, not just as a lawyer, but as this budding
political force. And this period really showcases
his emerging political savvy, doesn't it? And
a burgeoning empathy for working people while
also forging this key alliance that would define
his future. How so? Well, a few years later in
1876, McKinley took on this really high profile
pro bono case. He successfully defended a group
of striking coal miners who'd been arrested for
writing after a clash with strikebreakers. OK.
He managed to secure the acquittal of all but
one of the miners, a stunning legal victory.
This case significantly raised his standing among
laborers, a crucial part of the Stark County
electorate, and showed his willingness to stand
up for the common worker. Well, that makes sense.
And critically, it also introduced him to Mark
Hannah, a Cleveland businessman who was actually
one of the mine owners involved. Despite their
initial positions, Hannah would, of course, become
his strongest backer, a tireless fundraiser,
a political powerhouse. He saw something in McKinley,
a man of principle, great potential. That case
truly was a pivotal moment then. launching him
onto a broader stage. With that strong standing
among laborers, a growing reputation, he successfully
campaigned for Ohio's 17th congressional district
in 1876. He focused his campaign heavily on his
unwavering support for a protective tariff that
was a cornerstone of his economic philosophy,
and he defeated his Democratic opponent by a
solid 3 ,300 votes. Interestingly, though, this
victory came at a personal cost. His congressional
income was only half of what he earned as a successful
lawyer. And that commitment, despite the significant
financial sacrifice, it profoundly underscores
his deep belief in the protective tariff as this
cornerstone of American prosperity. From his
very first term, McKinley was a staunch advocate.
He argued tariffs weren't just for revenue, they
were fundamental, allowing American manufacturing
to develop and flourish, giving domestic products
a crucial price advantage over foreign competitors.
You had that famous quote, right? Exactly. He
famously articulated this vision, stating, under
free trade, the trader is the master and the
producer the slave. Protection is but the law
of nature, the law of self -preservation, of
self -development, of securing the highest and
best destiny of the race of man. Powerful words.
And he added, perhaps more pragmatically for
the average voter, buy where you can pay the
easiest, and that spot of earth is where labor
wins its highest rewards. This philosophy was
deeply rooted in the tangible prosperity he saw
right there in Canton, a thriving manufacturing
hub that greatly benefited from these protectionist
policies. That quote really encapsulates his
economic vision, framing protectionism not just
as policy but almost as a moral imperative for
national strength and worker well -being. Absolutely.
His influence grew rapidly in the House and after
only two terms he got appointed to the powerful
House Ways and Means Committee. That's a testament
to his rising stature as legislative skill. He
also showed an early willingness to deviate from
strict party lines on big issues. In 1878, for
instance, he voted for the Bland Allison Act,
which mandated government purchases of silver
for coinage. That went against President Hayes'
veto, even his friend and House Republican leader
James Garfield. And that decision highlights
his early willingness to break with party leaders
on significant economic issues, a moment of independent
thought that often gets overlooked. It also kind
of foreshadows that intense later national debate
over gold versus silver currency, an issue that
would become absolutely central to his presidential
campaigns and American politics at large. It
showed a pragmatism, I think, that many found
appealing, even if it ruffled some feathers within
his own party. Absolutely. By 1889, with Republicans
back in the majority, McKinley's influence culminated
in him becoming chairman of the Ways and Means
Committee, a huge position. From this powerful
spot, he guided the controversial McKinley Tariff
of 1890 through Congress. This tariff imposed
significant protective tariffs, though it was
somewhat altered and refined by special interests
in the Senate before it finally passed. And the
McKinley Tariff immediately become a main theme
of democratic campaigns nationwide. It was used
as this powerful political weapon against him,
blamed for rising consumer prices. This period
also really shines a light on the, well, the
bare -knuckle politics. of the era. Democrats
in the Ohio legislature repeatedly tried to gerrymander
him out of office, basically redrawing district
lines to dilute his support and consolidate their
own power. You tried that in 78 and 84. Exactly.
1878 and again in 1884. Despite their efforts,
he won both times. Hayes famously exalted, oh,
the good luck of McKinley. He was gerrymandered
out and then beat the gerrymander. It speaks
volumes about his connection to the voters, doesn't
it? That's an amazing story of political resilience,
grassroots popularity. But in 1890, the Democrats
tried one last time with them. particularly aggressive
gerrymander. They put Stark County together with
the heavily Democratic Holmes County. Ouch. Yeah.
And to further twist the knife, Democratic peddlers
went door to door, supposedly selling tinware,
but actually blaming the McKinley tariff for
increased prices by offering their wares at inflated
costs. Wow. Direct disinformation. Totally. This
targeted disinformation, combined with a broader
national Democratic landslide that year, ultimately
led to his defeat by only three hundred votes.
It's a compelling anecdote, really shows the
fierce political battles of the time and McKinley's
tireless, though ultimately unsuccessful efforts
to connect with voters against this concerted
campaign. But despite this setback, his reputation
remained strong and his political future was
definitely far from over. Not at all. So even
before he officially finished his term in Congress
after that narrow deceit, William McKinley was
already being widely urged to run for governor
of Ohio. The next logical step. Right. He quietly
but deftly arranged for his rival, Joseph B.
Foraker, to nominate him at the 1891 State Republican
Convention, a smart political move, showed his
ability to unite different factions. He won by
acclamation and then went on to secure the general
election by about 20 ,000 votes, taking office
in January 1892. His governorship, even though
it had relatively limited power compared to some
other states, especially regarding legislative
vetoes, it was still a major platform in national
politics. Ohio was such a key swing state. Crucial.
What's particularly notable here is how he steered
this moderate course between capital and labor
interests. It shows that appeal to working class
voters he'd called earlier in his legal career,
remember? Yeah, the minor case. Exactly. He procured
legislation establishing an arbitration board
for work disputes, pretty progressive for the
time, and even pushed through a law finding employers
for firing union workers. This demonstrated his
continued balancing act, his broad appeal. He
wasn't just a simple pro -business politician.
That's a strong record, a clear continuation
of his established principles. But his second
gubernatorial term brought this immense unexpected
personal financial strain. The Panic of 1893
hit the nation hard, plunged the economy into
a deep depression. A really rough time. Yeah.
And right in the middle of this, McKinley found
himself called upon to repay over $100 ,000 in
astronomical sum, equivalent to about $3 .5 million
today. Wow. Turns out he'd guaranteed a friend's
borrowings and was tragically unaware his friend
had deceived him about new notes actually being
renewals, making him liable for the whole amount.
Oh, no. That's devastating, and this financial
crisis, this truly desperate moment, paradoxically,
it highlights the deep loyalty he commanded,
doesn't it? And ultimately, it solidified his
ties with powerful figures who would be crucial
for his future. How so? Well, McKinley, utterly
in despair, initially considered resigning from
office to go back to being an attorney and earn
the money to pay off his debts. But his wealthy
supporters, including the now very influential
Mark Hanna and Chicago publisher H .H. Kolset,
they swiftly stepped in. They anonymously raised
funds to pay off all his debts, returned all
his property to him, and the public sympathy
for his plight actually increased his popularity
immensely. He was easily re -elected in November
1893 with the largest percentage of the vote
for any Ohio governor since the Civil War. It
was an extraordinary act of political and financial
rescue. What a dramatic, utterly pivotal rescue.
So with his financial troubles behind him, McKinley,
now backed by Hannah's considerable money, vast
organizational skills, and just unwavering dedication,
began quietly but strategically building support
for a presidential bid through 1895 and early
1896. Hannah's agents were incredibly effective.
They worked tirelessly behind the scenes, got
ahead of other contenders, secured delegates
early, especially in the South and border states,
which were historically tough. to organize for
Republicans. Thomas Platt, a New York political
boss, a rival, even famously lamented, Hannah
had the South practically solid before some of
us awakened. It was just a master class in political
groundwork. This meticulous groundwork was absolutely
crucial. McKinley, however, was resolute. He
wanted the nomination without making any shady
deals about patronage or offices. It was a principled
stance that Hannah fully supported and respected.
That's important. Yeah. And this commitment to
integrity, combined with Hannah's organizational
prowess, it ensured he had an ample majority
of delegates by the time the Republican National
Convention began in St. Louis on June 16th, 1896.
And he didn't even have to be there in person
for the dramatic climax. McKinley followed events
by telephone from Cantona. Mention that back
then. Amazing technology. Right. He famously
even heard part of Four Acres nominating speech
over the line. When Ohio was called in the roll
call, its votes tipped the balance, gave McKinley
the nomination on the very first ballot. He celebrated
just by hugging his wife and mother. A quiet
moment of huge triumph. Nice. For his running
mate, Garrett Hobart of New Jersey, was chosen
a wealthy lawyer, businessman. Hanna biographer
Herbert Crawley shrewdly noted, if he did little
to strengthen the ticket, he did nothing to weaken
it. Kind of a safe, competent choice. It's a
solid pick. So what does this all mean for his
strategic genius? McKinley's evolution on the
currency question, which was deeply divisive,
right, was a master class in political navigation
during this period of immense economic anxiety.
The gold versus silver thing was huge. Exactly.
Before the convention, he'd been a bit of a straddle
bug on the issue, kind of favoring bimetallism
backing currency with both gold and silver to
inflate the money supply, but only through international
agreement. But in the final days, after lots
of consultations with influential politicians,
businessmen, he made a decisive move. He decided
the Republican platform should firmly endorse
the gold standard. A gold move. Yeah. While still
leaving the door open for international bimetalism.
This firm stance, while it led to a walkout by
some disgruntled Western delegates, it underscored
Republican unity on a critical issue. And that
was a stark contrast to the bitter public divisions
erupting within the Democratic Party at the same
time. This firm stance on the gold standard,
coupled with promises of high protective tariffs,
that would become central to his general election
campaign, signaling this clear, pro -stability
economic vision. Now onto the 1896 election.
This truly was a political earthquake, profound
turning point in American history. The economic
backdrop, well... It couldn't have been more
dire. This deep lingering depression just naturally
strengthened fervent calls for free silver. Right.
The policy advocated by many farmers debtors
who believed it would inflate the currency ease
their economic burdens. Exactly. And the Democratic
Party itself was bitterly divided over this very
issue. The charismatic William Jennings Bryan,
representing the Silverites, took fiery control
of their convention after his electrifying cross
of gold speech. Ah, the famous speech. Yeah,
where he famously declared Americans should not
be crucified on a cross of gold, passionately
arguing for the free coinage of silver to help
farmers and debtors. And that set the stage for
one of the most unique and strategically brilliant
campaigns in American history. McKinley decided
to break tradition, stay home in Canton for what
became known as the Front Porch Campaign. Why
did you do that? He believed Brian was just a
far better orator, a genuine political rock star
of his time. He famously said, I might just as
well set up a trapeze on my front lawn and compete
with some professional athlete as go out speaking
against Brian. I have to think when I speak.
Huh. That's quite self -aware. It was. And a
genius strategy for the time. It was a way to
connect directly with a mass electorate without
the risks of extemporaneous speaking and avoiding
the grueling physical toll of constant travel.
It truly was an innovative and highly effective
approach. Daily. Delegations from all over the
country, farmers, veterans, factory workers,
they'd arrive by special trains, often subsidized
with low excursion rates. They'd march right
to McKinley's front porch in Kent. There, he
would deliver these carefully scripted speeches,
meticulously tailored to the delegation's specific
interests, their concerns. Even the spokesman's
remarks for the delegations were pre -approved
by his campaign to avoid any embarrassing missteps
or offhand comments. It was controlled, yes,
but also profoundly personal in a way. In contrast
to McKinley's static yet powerful front porch,
Brian embarked on this unprecedented whirlwind
whistle -stop political tour by train. thousands
of miles, hundreds of speeches, relying on his
unparalleled eloquence and youthful energy, directly
addressing vast crowds. Meanwhile, Mark Hanna,
the genius behind the Kidley's campaign. Right.
Hanna was a fundraising marvel. He secured an
astonishing three point five million dollars
from anxious bankers and industrialists who deeply
feared Brian's inflationary free silver program.
This immense sum funded an army of speakers,
countless local Republican clubs and the production
of over 200 million pamphlets advocating the
Republican position. on sound money and protective
tariffs. 200 million pamphlets. Incredible, isn't
it? Brian's campaign, by comparison, had maybe
$500 ,000 at most, a truly staggering disparity.
The propaganda from both sides was fierce, but
Hannah's machine was relentless. Homer Davenport's
vicious cartoons, published prominently in William
Randolph Hearst's New York Journal, they were
particularly memorable. They portrayed Hannah
as this ruthless plutocrat trampling on labor,
and McKinley as his easily controlled creature
or puppet. Yeah. And it's fascinating how those
powerful, unflattering depictions, though often
just caricatures, they still kind of color perceptions
of Hannah and McKinley today, right? Even though
our sources indicate a much more complex, mutually
respectful relationship. Absolutely. What's also
remarkable and maybe often overlooked in today's
soundbite culture is the sheer level of voter
engagement during this period. This wasn't just
about catchy slogans or brief speeches. It was
a deeply intellectual campaign for the average
voter. People obviously read the pamphlets. They
did. People widely studied and debated the millions
of pamphlets distributed seeking economic and
political truth. These meticulously prepared
pamphlets were devoured by the public becoming
essential guides to economic thought and political
action. It reflects a highly informed and engaged
electorate which is quite something. Initially,
McKinley's campaign expected monetary issues
to fade as the primary concern, but silver and
gold dominated the campaign's early stages. However,
as public support for free silver eventually
receded, partly due to returning prosperity,
Republicans shrewdly pivoted back to their other
core issue, emphasizing the protective tariff
as the key to economic recovery and stability.
Smart move. and the results decisive mckinley
won the entire northeast and midwest secured
51 of the popular vote and a large electoral
college majority brian having focused almost
exclusively on silver critically failed to appeal
to urban workers denver colorado was the only
city outside the south with more than 100 000
people that he carried This election truly marked
a seismic shift in American politics. It reshaped
the electoral map for generations. Historians
universally regard 1896 as a realigning election,
meaning a fundamental lasting shift in voter
allegiances and party platforms, leading to a
long period of dominance for one party. The fourth
party system. Exactly. It established Republican
dominance in what became known as the fourth
party system, which lasted right up until 1932.
McKinley's pro -business and goal -standard protective
tariff vision triumphed definitively. It effectively
ended the post -Civil War political stalemate
and laid the economic and political foundation
for America's rise as a global power. So, with
this decisive victory, this mandate for his policies,
William McKinley was sworn in as president on
March 4, 1897. His inaugural address carefully
emphasized terror reform and, with a nod to the
recent campaign, stated that the currency issue
would follow. Importantly, he also cautiously
warned against foreign interventions. He said,
we want no wars of conquest. We must avoid the
temptation of territorial aggression. A statement
that In retrospect, takes on a fascinating irony
given what was just around the corner, doesn't
it? It really does. And that irony is profound.
Some of his early cabinet appointments were quite
controversial, reflecting the sort of political
maneuvering and debt repayment of the era. His
choice for Secretary of State John Sherman was
an experienced statesman, but at 73, his abilities
were rapidly declining due to old age. McKinley
moved Sherman into that role primarily to create
a Senate vacancy. allowing Mark Hanna to be appointed
to the Senate. It was a classic political calculation
to secure his keybacker a powerful seat, though
it certainly raised some eyebrows. Yeah, that
caused some talk. Another perhaps ill -advised
appointment was Russell A. Alger as Secretary
of War. While competent in peacetime, he unfortunately
proved inadequate once the Spanish -American
War dramatically erupted. And then there's the
story of Theodore Roosevelt, who had become such
a central figure himself. McKinley was initially
quite reluctant to appoint him as Assistant Secretary
of the Navy. He famously told one booster, I
want peace, and I am told that your friend Theodore
is always getting into rows with everybody. Huh.
Talk about a moment of presidential foresight,
considering Roosevelt's later big stick diplomacy.
But he made the appointment anyway. Right. Vice
President Garrett Hobart, though he didn't attend
cabinet meetings, proved to be a valuable, informal
advisor and a close friend. His family frequently
visited the McKinley's, offered much -needed
personal support, and McKinley's personal secretary,
George B. Corteau, became this indispensable
combination of press secretary and chief of staff
renowned for his efficiency. Economically, McKinley
moved quickly to deliver on his campaign promises,
solidifying that protectionist and sound money
framework he championed. Less than five months
into his presidency, he signed the Dingley Tariff
of 1897. It significantly raised tariff rates
on wool, sugar, luxury goods, continuing his
vision for American industry. And the currency
issue. Internationally, efforts for bimetallism,
like talks with Britain to reopen mints in India
to silver coinage, they ultimately failed. There
was strong opposition from the Indian administration,
British officials. With that, McKinley firmly
embraced the gold standard as the path forward.
So, as prosperity gradually returned to the U
.S., and critically, these new gold discoveries
in the Yukon and Australia increased the global
monetary supply. Right. That eased the pressure.
The intense political agitation for free silver
began to ease. McKinley then urged Congress to
pass the Gold Standard Act of 1900. He famously
signed it into law on March 14, 1900, using a
symbolic gold pen. There you have it. McKinley
really delivering on his core campaign promises,
definitively solidifying the economic framework
of the gold standard that would underpin the
American economy for the progressive era and
beyond. However, when we examine McKinley's record
on civil rights, it presents a far more complex
and for many a deeply disappointing picture,
doesn't it? It really does. Black Americans initially
held high hopes for progress under his administration,
you know, given his past public stance against
lynching as governor and their crucial support
for him in 1896. Right. Yet McKinley's overarching
priority was largely ending sectionalism, healing
that North -South divide, which tragically often
came at the expense of addressing racial injustice.
He made very few high level appointments for
black individuals, signaling a retreat from Reconstruction
era efforts. And more disturbingly. More disturbingly,
he issued no public condemnation when black postmasters,
who were federal officials, were violently assaulted
in Hogan'sville, Georgia in 1897 or in Lake City,
South Carolina in 1898. These weren't isolated
incidents. They were part of a broader pattern
of racial intimidation. And during the horrific
Wilmington insurrection of 1898 in North Carolina,
where white supremacists violently overthrew
the legitimately elected biracial fusion government.
McKinley's administration again refused to intervene.
They just stood by. Pretty much. Black leaders
explicitly requested federal marshals or troops
to protect black citizens from the mobs and restore
order, but McKinley denied these appeals. He
ignored desperate pleas for help to recover from
the widespread destruction of the predominantly
black neighborhood of Brooklyn. This inaction
sent a chilling message, effectively validating
Jim Crow violence and white supremacist power
in the South. This raises a profoundly important
and challenging question for historians, doesn't
it? While admired for his economic policies,
wartime leadership, McKinley's record on civil
rights shows this missed opportunity to transcend
the deeply entrenched racial biases of his day.
It caused immense lasting disappointment among
black leaders and citizens. His subsequent tour
of the South intended to promote national reconciliation.
further alienated many Black Americans. While
he visited the Tuskegee Institute, a symbol of
Black progress, he also visited numerous Confederate
memorials, a gesture seen by many as prioritizing
White Southern sentiment over Black civil rights.
As historian Clarence A. Bacote noted, despite
some initial hope, Black people ultimately felt
largely disappointed by his inaction. It's a
significant stain on his legacy. Moving now to
foreign policy, this is where McKinley's presidency
truly marked an undeniable, pivotal shift for
the United States, irrevocably launching it onto
the global stage as this burgeoning power. The
Cuban crisis, with decades of brutal Cuban rebellion
against Spanish colonial rule and growing American
public outrage over horrific Spanish reprisals,
was a brewing storm he just couldn't ignore.
McKinley initially favored peaceful negotiation
for Cuban independence, or at the very least,
substantial autonomy. He genuinely pursued a
path of arbitrationism, seeking peaceful resolution
through third party intervention and humanitarianism,
driven by concern for the Cuban people. Spain
did make some significant concessions in January
1898, but renewed riots in Havana prompted McKinley
to deploy the USS Maine to protect American interests
and citizens. And then the explosion. Then on
February 15th, 1898, the main tragically exploded
and sank in Havana Harbor, killing 266 American
sailors. While an official inquiry ruled it was
blown up by an underwater mine, though historians
still debate the precise cause public opinion
in the U .S. was inflamed, demanding retribution,
seeing Spain as having lost all control. Huge
pressure for war. Immense public and congressional
pressure. Yet McKinley continued to negotiate
even offering to buy Cuba. But when Spain refused
his final proposals for Cuban independence, he
reluctantly turned the matter over to Congress.
Congress declared war on April 20, 1898, famously
including the Teller Amendment, which disavowed
any American intention to annex Cuba. Some historians
meticulously argue McKinley's actions were driven
more by a genuine commitment to arbitration and
humanitarianism, rather than simply succumbing
to jingoistic external pressure. It showcases
his complex, often reluctant decision -making
process. The Spanish -American War, famously
described by John Hay as a splendid little war,
proved to be a swift and remarkably decisive
victory for the U .S. It significantly dramatically
expanded its global reach. McKinley exercised
an unprecedented level of control over military
and naval movements. Thanks to new technologies
like the telegraph and telephone, he could direct
strategy right from the White House. Amazing.
Commodore George Dewey's swift overwhelming victory
at the Battle of Manila Bay in the Philippines,
just days after the war began, immediately expanded
the war's scope far beyond the Caribbean. McKinley
quickly grasped the strategic implications and
decisively decided that Spain would be required
to surrender the entire archipelago. Wow, a big
decision. On the Caribbean front, Major General
William Rufus Schafter's forces invaded Cuba,
leading to key engagements like the famous Battle
of San Juan Hill and the subsequent destruction
of Spain's Caribbean squadron. Santiago quickly
surrendered, effectively placing Cuba under American
control. Simultaneously, the invasion of Puerto
Rico met with little resistance. And this rapid
deployment highlighted a problem, didn't it?
It did. This rapid deployment and success highlighted
a critical logistical challenge for the growing
American Navy. the difficulty of maintaining
a two -ocean presence. This, in turn, made a
canal across Central America more essential than
ever, directly setting the stage for the construction
of the Panama Canal under Theodore Roosevelt,
a project born directly from the strategic lessons
of McKinley's War. So the Treaty of Paris, signed
in December 1898, formally solidified the peace
and redrew the global map. Spain relinquished
all claims to Cuba and critically ceded Puerto
Rico, Grom, and the Philippines to the U .S.
for a payment of $20 million. Right. McKinley
and Vice President Hobart lobbied tirelessly,
ultimately successfully, for Senate approval,
which passed by a narrow margin. This monumental
acquisition marked a profound and controversial
expansion of American territory and influence,
often seen by historians as the definitive beginning
of an American empire. This expansion indeed
raises an incredibly important, enduring question
for American identity and foreign policy, doesn't
it? What were the long -term implications of
these annexations? Immediately, a fierce pro
-independence rebellion erupted in the Philippines,
leading to a brutal, costly war that the U .S.
eventually suppressed. This sparked a heated
anti -imperialist movement right here at home,
questioning the moral, the democratic implications
of ruling distant peoples without their consent.
Beyond Philippines, these annexations irrevocably
cemented America's position as a global power.
It forced the U .S. to develop new administrative
structures for governing overseas territories
and directly influenced its subsequent engagement
in Asia and Latin America. And alongside these
dramatic gains, McKinley also pursued the annexation
of the Independent Republic of Hawaii in 1898.
He lobbied Congress intensely, warning of potential
royalist counterrevolution or even a Japanese
takeover. Right. And this was achieved via a
joint resolution at the Newlands Resolution rather
than a treaty, shrewdly bypassing the two -thirds
Senate vote required for a treaty. McKinley reportedly
told his secretary, Corteau, we need Hawaii just
as much and a good deal more than we did California.
It is manifest destiny, invoking that powerful
expansionist American ideology. Wow. His administration
also acquired American Samoa through the Tripartite
Convention, partitioning the Samoan islands with
the UK and German empire during a period known
as the Great Rapprochement with Britain. And
his global influence didn't stop with just grabbing
territory, did it? Not at all. McKinley also
championed an open -door policy of free trade
and territorial integrity for China. He sought
to prevent its partition by European powers and
secure American commercial interests there. And
the Boxer Rebellion. During the brutal Boxer
Rebellion in 1900, when foreign legations in
Peking were besieged, their occupants threatened,
he took decisive action. McKinley ordered 5 ,000
U .S. troops the China Relief Expedition to join
an international force and relieve the siege.
This intervention set a crucial precedent for
future presidential military action without explicit
legislative consultation, significantly expanding
executive power in foreign affairs. It's undeniably
clear that under William McKinley, the US was
truly stepping onto the world stage, not just
as a player, but as an assertive, increasingly
dominant force. McKinley's immense popularity.
coupled with the nation's return prosperity and
the triumphant conclusion of the Spanish -American
War, virtually assured his renomination for the
1900 election. The main question swirling around
the Republican convention wasn't if McKinley
would run, but rather who would be his running
mate. Vice President Hobart had tragically died
in late 1899. Right. So they needed a new VP.
McKinley considered several prominent figures,
including his capable secretary of war, Elihu
Root. But the undeniable most popular choice
was. Theodore Roosevelt, of course. As the reformist
governor of New York, a celebrated war hero from
Cuba with his rough writers, Roosevelt was this
rising political star with immense public appeal.
But not everyone was thrilled. No. Despite Mark
Hanna's strong opposition, he considered Roosevelt
overly impulsive, a potential threat to the party's
conservative wing, and New York political boss
Thomas C. Platt's efforts to sideline Roosevelt
by pushing him into the seemingly ceremonial
VP role, the convention delegates coalesced overwhelmingly
around Roosevelt. So the people chose TR. Pretty
much. McKinley was unanimously renominated, a
testament to his strength, and Roosevelt was
nominated for vice president on the first ballot,
even with Hannah's very reluctant acquiescence.
It was a fascinating display of grassroots power
overriding the party bosses. The 1900 election
saw a familiar contest, a rematch against William
Jennings Bryan. But the campaign issues had shifted
significantly, hadn't they? They had. Republicans
focused relentlessly on the recent wartime victory,
which had secured America's global standing and
the undeniable domestic prosperity that McKinley's
gold standard and tariff policies had brought.
Their slogan, four more years of a full dinner
pail, really resonated. Democrats, on the other
hand, attacked the growing power of trusts, these
large corporations and monopolies and corporate
power, portraying McKinley as a servant of big
business interests and the campaign styles. As
in 96, Brian embarked on another exhausting nationwide
whistle stop tour, crisscrossing the country,
delivering his impassioned speeches. McKinley,
by contrast, largely stayed home. maintaining
his front porch style, making only one speech
to formally accept his nomination. Theodore Roosevelt,
however, became the primary Republican speaker,
campaigning tirelessly across the country with
his characteristic vigor and charisma. Could
Brian's approach work this time? Brian's campaigning
this time around, though energetic, it just failed
to ignite the same fervor. the same widespread
public enthusiasm it had garnered in 1896. The
nation was feeling prosperous, victorious, and
the appeal of his free silver platform had really
waned. So McKimley was confident. Well -founded
confidence. On November 6, 1900, he won a truly
landslide victory, the largest for any Republican
since 1872. He even made inroads into Bryan's
traditional strongholds, carried Bryan's home
state of Nebraska. This resounding victory solidified
the Republican Party's dominance, affirmed McKinley's
own political strength, and firmly established
that fourth party system that would define American
politics for the next three decades. Tragically,
this strong second term, which promised so much,
was cut short by an act of just senseless violence.
Soon after his inauguration in March 1901, William
and Ida McKinley embarked on a planned six -week
national tour. It was a celebratory journey,
included plans to visit the Pan -American Exposition
in Boston. Buffalo, New York. Right, but Ida's
recurring health issues, her fragile condition,
forced a postponement of the Buffalo visit until
September. And security was a concern. It was.
Personal Secretary George B. Cortevue, keenly
aware of the rising tide of anarchism and recent
assassinations of leaders in Europe, was deeply
concerned about McKinley's security. He tried
twice to remove a large public reception from
the itinerary at the exposition, sensing the
danger of a crowded, open event. But McKinley
refused. He did. McKinley genuinely enjoyed meeting
the public, felt it was his duty. He refused
to back down, believing that direct connection
with the people was paramount. So on September
6, 1901, at the Temple of Music on the Exposition
Grounds, as McKinley greeted the public, Leon
Chalgos, an anarchist who believed the president
was an oppressor, approached him in the receiving
line and shot McKinley twice in the abdomen at
close range. Just awful. And in the immediate,
chaotic aftermath, even as he lay wounded, McKinley
displayed this extraordinary compassion. He urged
his aides to break the devastating news gently
to Ida, who is known for her frail health. And
remarkably, he told them to call off the mob
that had already attacked Solgos, potentially
saving his assassin's life from immediate vengeance.
Incredible presence of mind, but the medical
situation. Yeah, here's where the medical practices
of the time and the tragic absence of modern
infection control played such a critical role
in his fate. Doctors were unable to locate the
second bullet, which had penetrated deep into
his abdomen. And they had an x -ray machine nearby.
Agonizingly, yes. Despite a primitive x -ray
machine being present right there on the exposition
grounds, it was not used. probably due to a lack
of understanding of its practical application
or maybe the perceived danger of using it. Oh,
what could have been? Exactly. Initial optimistic
bulletins, perhaps born of wishful thinking,
led cabinet members and Vice President Roosevelt
to disperse, believing he would recover. But
on September 13, McKinley's condition rapidly
deteriorated. Unbeknownst to the doctors, Gangrene,
this deadly bacterial infection, was growing
on the walls of his stomach, slowly, irreversibly
poisoning his blood. So by the evening, by the
evening, McKinley, with a somber clarity, knew
he was dying. He famously said, it is useless,
gentlemen. I think we ought to have prayer. He
comforted his grieving wife. We are all going,
we're all going. God's will be done, not ours.
And found solace in singing part of his favorite
hymn, Nearer, my God, to thee. William McKinley
died at 2 .15 a .m. on September 14th, 1901.
Theodore Roosevelt, having rushed back to Buffalo
from the Adirondacks, took the oath of office
later that day, ushering in a new, much more
dynamic era. And Cholgos. Cholgos was swiftly
tried, found guilty, and executed by electric
chair on October 29th, 1901, just over a month
after the assassination. The nation was plunged
into this profound wave of genuine grief and
mourning. His casket lay in state in the capital,
a symbol of national sorrow, then was transported
by train to Canton and Ohio, with countless Americans
lining the tracks. Approximately 100 ,000 people
viewed his open casket in Washington and an equal
number in Canton, a testament to his immense
popularity. He was ultimately interred in the
Grand McKinley National Memorial in Canton. And
Ida McKinley, despite expectations she would
quickly follow him, she showed remarkable resilience.
She survived her husband, living until 1907,
maintaining a shrine in her house, frequently
visiting his vault, remaining devoted until her
own passing. Memorials to McKinley are numerous,
reflecting his historical importance. There are
prominent monuments in Columbus and his birthplace
of Niles, many schools named in his honor. However,
his legacy isn't without its controversies. It's
shifting interpretations, right? Definitely.
The naming of Denali in Alaska is Mount McKinley
in 1896, its subsequent renaming back to Denali
by the Obama administration in 2015, followed
by President Trump's executive order to restore
the McKinley name in 2025, as of our current
date. Yeah, that whole debate. It highlights
the fluid cultural and historical lenses through
which we view figures like McKinley. This ongoing
debate about a mountain's name underscores deeper
questions about historical recognition, indigenous
rights, and national identity. Historically,
McKinley died the most beloved president in history,
a genuinely popular figure. But Theodore Roosevelt
quickly captured public attention with his vibrant
personality, his progressive agenda. And by 1920,
McKinley's administration was often deemed maybe
unfairly, a mediocre prelude to Roosevelt's figure.
But that view changed. Yeah. More favorable evaluations
began to emerge in the 1950s, though he generally
ranks kind of in the middle of presidents in
historical surveys. Some historians argue he
followed public opinion more than he let it,
which in some evaluations can affect his ranking
as a truly transformative leader. Interesting
point. Indeed. But there's broad agreement among
historians that his election was a truly pivotal
transition between political eras from the turbulent
third to the state. stable fourth party systems.
It fundamentally reshaped American politics.
Karl Rove, a prominent political strategist,
even exalted McKinley as a model for successful
political realignment. And his administration
fostered future leaders. Absolutely. His administration
cultivated and fostered individuals who would
go on to dominate the Republican Party for a
quarter century after his death. People like
Cordell U., Charles Dawes, who later became vice
president, William R. Day, who served on the
Supreme Court, and William Howard Kaft, who later
became president. Right. And as a direct, tragic
consequence of his assassination, the U .S. Secret
Service's presidential protection duties were
initiated, irrevocably changing how American
presidents are safeguarded. His territorial expansion,
undeniably the defining feature of his presidency,
remains a controversial aspect of his legacy,
often seen as the beginning of an American empire.
The U .S. still retains most of the territories
taken under McKinley, with the notable exception
of the Philippines, which finally gained independence
in 1946 after a complex, often difficult period
under American rule. Right. And historians continue
to debate his motivations for this expansion.
Was it driven by humanitarian concerns, economic
interests, a belief in manifest destiny? And
critically, what were the profound implications
of this expansion for America's identity, its
role in the world, and for the peoples in those
annexed territories? Yeah. If we connect this
to the bigger picture, McKinley's presidency
isn't just some chapter in history. It's really
a foundational text for understanding America's
modern economic, political, and global identity.
He presided over an administration characterized
by conservative policies and foreign policy,
a complex and often inaction -driven approach
to civil rights, and a decidedly laissez -faire
approach to government intervention in the economy.
He wasn't passive, though. No, not at all. He
wasn't a passive figure. He was an active, informed
participant. whose decisions shaped future policies,
public attitudes, the very trajectory of the
nation. His choices resonate even today in debates
about national power, interventionism versus
isolationism, and the balance between economic
growth and social justice. So what does this
deep dive into William McKinley mean for us today?
We've explored a president caught between an
old, post -Civil War America and a rapidly burgeoning
global power. He navigated immense economic shifts
and profound personal tragedies with this kind
of quiet dignity Mm -hmm He was a man who despite
a humble start and immense personal loss led
the nation through a period of dramatic expansion
and economic transformation Leaving an indelible
mark and this raises an important question. I
think that echoes through time In an age of rapid
global change shifting moral landscapes, how
much do we truly understand the long -term, the
ripple effect, consequences of our leaders' decisions?
Especially when those decisions don't just shape
a single nation, but influence an entire century.
That's a powerful thought. Think about how his
decisions on tariffs continue to shape global
trade discussions, or how the acquisition of
overseas territories still impacts geopolitical
alliances and debates about national sovereignty
even now. What might America look like today
if he had lived to serve his full second term,
maybe guiding the nation through the initial
stages of the progressive era, or if he had chosen
a different, less expansionist path? back in
1898. His story compels us, I think, to consider
the powerful, often unseen echoes of the past
right here in our present reality.