Welcome to the deep dive. We often celebrate
the presidents whose stories are etched into
our national memory, right? The big names. The
iconic ones. But what about those quiet architects
of change? The figures whose impact, maybe less
heralded, laid crucial groundwork for the future.
Yeah, the ones who don't always make the highlight
real. Exactly. Today we're taking a deep dive
into the life of Benjamin Harrison, the 23rd
president of the United States. Ah, Harrison.
You might mentally slot him into that Gilded
Age president category, you know? Perhaps one
of those often labeled average leaders of the
late 19th century. Right, that's the common perception.
sort of stuck between the giants. But what if
we told you Harrison was far more than average?
A pivotal bridge between two eras, really. A
president who, in many ways, pointed directly
to the modern American presidency we recognize
today. That average label is, well, it's truly
conventional wisdom, isn't it? Often chalked
up to the supposed uneventful nature of his term.
Right. Nothing major happened, supposedly. But,
you know, when we actually strip away those assumptions
and dig into the sources, a very different picture
emerges. a really different picture. Okay, tell
us more. We uncover an administration rimming
with innovative legislation. I mean, groundbreaking
antitrust laws, significant shifts in monetary
policy, those high protective tariffs. Big economic
stuff. Huge. And a surprisingly proactive, even
you could say aggressive foreign policy. And
we can't forget his passionate fight for civil
rights, though ultimately unsuccessful. It's
a fascinating contradiction that really demands
a closer look, don't you think? Absolutely. So
our mission today is to unpack this paradox for
you. We want to go beyond the quick summaries,
the textbook lines. Get out of the meaty -goody.
Exactly. Reveal the specific moments and policies
that underscore Harrison's true significance.
We'll explore his surprising stances, his deep
personal commitments, and the echoes of his decisions
that still resonate in American governance today.
Yeah, how those ripples are still felt. to challenge
what you thought you knew about the 23rd president.
Where do we even begin to peel back the layers
on this fascinating figure? His roots, maybe?
I think that's the perfect place to start. His
background tells us a lot. Okay, so... To truly
understand Benjamin Harrison, we have to start
at his roots. And this wasn't just a Harrison,
right? He was steeped in American political aristocracy.
Absolutely. Comes from serious lineage. Born
August 20, 1833, North Bend, Ohio. Grandson of
the ninth U .S. president, William Henry Harrison.
And the great grandson of Benjamin Harrison,
the fifth of Virginia Planter, a founding father,
signed the Declaration of Independence. Serious
stuff. Definitely a name that carried weight.
Expectations, too, I imagine. For sure. Now,
while this lineage certainly carried a certain
expectation of public service, maybe distinction,
it didn't mean his parents were wealthy. Not
at all. Right. His father, John Scott Harrison,
was a congressman, but they were, well, farm
owners, not landed gentry in the same way. And
their family, entirely English ancestry, had
been in America since the early colonial period.
Deep roots. Very deep. Despite their modest resources,
his father, John Scott Harrison, the two -term
congressman, he made education a top priority,
really focused on it, often spent a significant
chunk of his farm income on the kids' schooling.
That says something, doesn't it? investing in
education like that back then. It does. Young
Benjamin's early education began in a log cabic
school near home, then private tutoring for college
prep. A classic 19th century path. At just 14
in 1847, Benjamin and his older brother Irwin
enrolled in farmers college near Cincinnati,
and that's where he met his future wife, Caroline
Carey, Lavinia Scott. Ah, Carrie. Her father
was a science professor there, a Presbyterian
minister too. Right. Benjamin later transferred
to Miami University in Oxford, Ohio. Graduated
in 1852. He joined Phi Delta Theta Fraternity,
a network he'd definitely leverage later on.
Those connections mattered. And he was profoundly
influenced by his history and political economy
professor, Robert Hamilton Bishop. You can see
how these experiences laid the groundwork, right?
For his intellect, his commitment to public discourse.
Yeah, those formative years were clearly crucial.
They shaped his moral compass, his sense of duty.
Like his mother, he became a lifelong Presbyterian
during college. A deep faith. A very deep faith.
It influenced his personal integrity, his whole
belief in public service, as a moral calling.
It wasn't just politics for him. After graduating,
he studied law. admitted to the Ohio Bar early
1854. Later that year, he used an inheritance
$800, which is a pretty decent sum then. Yeah,
like almost $28 ,000 today. Right. He used that
to move his family to Indianapolis, Indiana.
And there he quickly established himself, not
just as a prominent attorney, but also as a respected
Presbyterian church leader. Building his reputation.
Exactly. Became a founding member and first president
of the University Club, the Phi Delta Theta Alumni
Club there. This early dedication to both his
profession and his community, it gives us a powerful
insight into the kind of character he was building.
Okay, so from the quiet focus of the courtroom,
Harrison was soon called to something completely
different. The chaos of the battlefield. The
Civil War. A huge turning point for him and the
nation. 1862, President Lincoln issues a call
for more Union Army recruits. Harrison, now a
successful lawyer, a father, he feels this strong
personal pull to enlist. Even though we worried
about his family financially. Absolutely. Governor
Oliver Morton, facing recruitment shortages in
Indiana, specifically asks Harrison to help.
And Harrison doesn't just accept some political
appointment, he actually recruits an entire regiment
himself. That's the one. And initially, he declined
command, said he lacked military experience.
Humility, maybe. Or just practicality. Could
be. But he was commissioned as a captain in July
62, then colonel by August. This wasn't just
a career move, you see. It felt like a deeply
personal commitment in a time of just profound
national crisis. He stepped up. He did. For much
of its first two years, the 70th Indiana did
crucial, if maybe less dramatic, work. Reconnaissance,
guarding railroads in Kentucky, Tennessee. Important
stuff. Holding the line. But then, May 1864,
the stakes just dramatically escalate. Harrison
and his regiment join General William T. Sherman's
Atlanta campaign. Army of the Cumberland. Straight
into the thick of it. Moving directly to the
front lines, where the fighting was fierce, relentless.
This is where it would really be tested. No more
guarding railroads. No kidding. By January 1864,
his leadership had already earned him a promotion.
Command of the First Brigade, First Division,
XX Corps. So he's moving up quickly. Based on
merit, it sounds like. Yeah, it seems so. This
put him squarely in the crucible of some of the
war's most brutal, most strategically important
fighting. He commanded the brigade at major engagements.
Resica, New Hope Church, Lost Mountain, Kennesaw
Mountain, Marietta, Peachtree Creek, Atlanta.
A real tour of the Western Theater's toughest
battles. He truly rose through the ranks, not
just because of his family name, but it seems
because of demonstrable bravery and tactical
skill under extreme pressure. He had to prove
himself on the ground. And he quickly earned
a reputation, not merely as a strong leader,
but as an officer who genuinely cared for his
men. There's this memorable anecdote, right?
from a really cold winter encampment near Nashville.
Oh yeah, the coffee story. That's it. Harrison
personally prepared coffee, brought it out to
his freezing soldiers at night, reportedly always
saying, come on boys, as he led them through
the cold. This really humanizes him, doesn't
it? It shows us he wasn't just a general giving
orders from way back. He was someone who was
in the trenches, literally with his troops, sharing
their hardships, looking out for their welfare.
This glimpse into his personal leadership style.
It's a powerful aha. Yeah, it reflects a deep
sense of responsibility for those under his command
Suggested for Harrison leadership was always
about duty and care not just about personal glory
or ambition. Let's focus on one particularly
Illustrative moment of that leadership the Battle
of Rasaka May 15th 1864 Okay, Harrison's Brigade
faced Confederate Captain Max Vanden Corpitt's
artillery battery heavily fortified. This wasn't
just some small position. It was an 80 -yard
deep redoubt, protected by infantry and rifle
pits, more in main trenches. A tough nut to crack.
Coormittable defense. Harrison, personally leading
the 70th Indiana, masses his troops in a ravine
opposite. Then he leads a direct assault right
over the artillery parapet, capturing the battery
in intense hand -to -hand combat. Wow. Leading
from the front. It was described as a furious
struggle. His unit was exposed to intense gunfire.
but they secured those cannons. What this tells
us is that Harrison was a hands -on commander,
willing to take direct action, significant tactical
risks to achieve an objective. Yeah, that direct,
meticulous approach to problem -solving, even
under fire. You can almost see how that translates
later, right? Building the Navy, tackling trusts.
It's like a direct lineage, isn't it, battlefield
to the Oval Office? It really seems so. Another
pivotal moment, the Battle of Peachtree Creek.
July 20, 1864. OK, another big win in the Atlanta
campaign. Harrison's brigade, Illinois, Ohio,
his own Indiana regiments deployed right in the
center of the Union line, tasked with stopping
a fierce assault from Confederate forces. High
pressure situation. And here's a critical detail,
something that really speaks to his ingenuity,
his resourcefulness under pressure. Ammunition
was running dangerously low. Oh, boy. nightmare
scenario. So Harrison orders his officers, Captain
Scott and others, to cut cartridge boxes from
the Rebel dead within our lines to resupply as
soldiers. Wow. Talk about thinking on your feet.
Grim, but incredibly practical. Right. In the
face of death, just finding a solution. That
detail is absolutely remarkable. Demonstrates
incredible resourcefulness under the most extreme
pressure imaginable. And, you know, in his report
on the battle, Harrison attributed his brigade's
very slight losses, partly to the enemy firing
too high. Huh. Interesting detail. It offers
a fascinating insight into battlefield dynamics,
but also his sharp observation skills. It shows
a commander who is not only brave, but also highly
adaptable, analytical, even in the chaos of battle.
That kind of meticulous observation, that problem
solving, it's a thread we'll definitely see woven
throughout his later political career. And he
clearly recognized the lasting significance of
these places. He later supported creating an
Atlanta National Military Park, honoring the
history made on those battlefields where he fought.
connecting the past to the future. After Atlantis
falls September 2nd, 1864, General Sherman himself
offered high praise, said Harrison served with
foresight, discipline and a fighting spirit.
High praise indeed from Sherman. He briefly campaigned
for Lincoln's reelection, but soon returned to
command. led his brigade at the decisive Battle
of Nashville in December. Still in the fight.
And for his achievements at Resica and Peachtree
Creek, Lincoln nominated him for Brevet Brigadier
General. Which is like an honorary rank, right,
for distinguished service. Exactly. Recognizes
bravery, but doesn't grant permanent higher command.
The Senate confirmed it in February 1865. He
finally mustered out with the 70th Indiana in
June 65, participated in the Grand Review in
Washington D .C. at the war's end, a real hero's
sendoff. The significant military career, no
doubt. But what's truly intriguing here, despite
these memorable achievements, the praise. Harrison
apparently held a dim view of war. Really? After
all that? Yeah. Considered it a dirty business
that no decent man would find pleasurable. That
perspective is crucial. because it deeply informs
his later foreign policy decisions. How so? Well,
in 1888, the year he won the presidency, he declared,
We Americans have no commission from God to police
the world. Wow, that's a surprisingly cautious
stance for a decorated civil war general. It
is, isn't it? Especially one who showed such
tactical skill and bravery. It points to a preference
for diplomacy, for commercial reciprocity over
just jumping into military intervention. It highlights
a deeply thoughtful rather than, you know, hawkish
approach to global affairs. Very interesting
contradiction. OK, so the war ends. Harrison
comes home. What next? Back to law. Immediately.
He wasted no time reestablishing his civilian
life, resuming his law practice in Indianapolis,
quickly became known again as one of the state's
leading lawyers. His reputation preceded him,
it seems. And cemented it. In a testament to
his standing, he was even elected reporter of
the Indiana Supreme Court while still technically
serving in the army. How does that work? Well,
the position wasn't overtly political. It involved
preparing and publishing court opinions, which
he then sold to the legal profession, provided
a steady income, solidified his place in the
legal community. Smart move. Any big cases? A
few high profile ones. His successful prosecution,
though it was ultimately twice overturned on
appeal of Nancy Clem for the Cold Spring murders
of 1868. That got him significant public attention.
A sensational case, I bet. Oh, yeah. He also
represented the federal government in Milligan
v. Hovey. That was the civil suit following the
landmark Supreme Court case ex parte Milligan
about wartime civil liberties, federal power.
Complex stuff. So he's building his legal credentials.
Absolutely. Showcased his legal acumen, his ability
to navigate really complex issues. But politics
was clearly calling to. He quickly transitioned
fully into politics, right? Joined the Republican
Party pretty early on, 1856. Shortly after it
formed, he'd grown up in a Whig household, so
it was a natural shift. Right. The Whigs were
collapsing. He was elected Indianapolis city
attorney back in 1857. His first taste of public
office. Pissed in the waters. Made a run for
governor of Indiana in 1872, unsuccessfully.
Another run in 1876 where he actually replaced
a scandal -plagued nominee. Still didn't win,
but he was building his state profile, becoming
a known quantity. laying the groundwork, persistence.
And then the great railroad strike of 1877 hit
Indianapolis. He took decisive action. gathered
a citizen militia, mediated an agreement between
workers and management, helped prevent wider
unrest, showed some real pragmatic leadership
skills there. The bridging divides, keeping order,
important qualities. His path to the U .S. Senate
wasn't exactly smooth sailing, though. After
Senator Oliver Morton died in 77, Harrison was
nominated for the seat, but he couldn't get a
legislative majority. Remember, state legislatures
elected senators back then. Ah, the old system.
Political maneuvering. But he kept at it. Led
Indiana's delegation at the 1880 Republican National
Convention, gained national prominence giving
speeches for Garfield, and finally, in 1881,
he was elected to the U .S. Senate. Despite rivalry
with his old nemesis, Judge Walter Q. Gresham.
Exactly. And here's something interesting. He
even declined a cabinet position from the newly
elected President Garfield to stay in the Senate.
Shows his commitment to the legislative branch,
maybe? or perhaps seeing the Senate as a better
platform for his own ambitions. During his six
-year term, 1881 to 87, he chaired important
committees, transportation routes, territories.
Getting involved in national issues. Definitely.
He tackled the persistent budget surplus of the
era, something we can hardly imagine today by
advocating for generous Civil War veterans' pensions.
Which aligns with his personal history, too.
And his party's stance on spending for internal
improvements. It reveals a consistent thread
in Harrison's thinking. A deep commitment to
fulfilling what he saw as moral obligations of
holding constitutional principles, even when
it put him at odds with some within his own party.
And here's where we really start to see those
early cracks in the simple conservative label,
right? Hints of the modernizer to come. He controversially
opposed the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. Which
his own party overwhelmingly supported. Because
he believed it fundamentally violated existing
treaties with China. That was a truly progressive
stance for his time, wasn't it? A commitment
to international law, human rights, over popular
xenophobia. Remarkable, really. He also unsuccessfully
championed federal aid for education, particularly
for African -Americans in the South, believed
it was crucial for their political and economic
equality. These were bold, forward -thinking
positions that didn't always win him friends.
No, and unfortunately partly due to democratic
gerrymandering, that lovely practice of drawing
electoral districts to favor one party. Still
relevant today, sadly. Harrison was narrowly
defeated for reelection in 1887, a temporary
setback in his political career. He went back
to his law practice, but he stayed highly active
in state and national politics, clearly not ready
to step away from public service entirely. This
setback, you could argue, only fueled his ambition
for higher office. Setting the stage for 1888.
OK, so the stage was set for the 1888 Republican
nomination, and the initial favorite, the big
name, was James G. Blaine. Right, the Plumed
Knight. He'd narrowly lost to Grover Cleveland
in 84. Huge figure in the party. But Blaine repeatedly
and pretty emphatically withdrew his name from
contention. He even, get this, left the country
to avoid being drafted, went to Scotland. Did
want a repeat of 84, perhaps? Or maybe playing
hard to get? Could be. But his withdrawal fractured
his supporters. They scattered among other candidates,
like Senator John Sherman of Ohio and Harrison's
old rival, Walter Q. Gresham. Creating an opening.
Chaos is a ladder, as they say. Exactly. And
Harrison, in true strategic fashion, marshaled
his troops. He worked to prevent Gresham from
controlling the Indiana delegation while simultaneously
presenting himself as, you know... An attractive
alternative. A safe pair of hands, perhaps. He
navigated that fractured party landscape very
carefully. It was a chaotic convention. Seventeen
candidates vying for the nomination. Harrison
placed fifth on the first ballot. Not exactly
a front -runner initially. No, but what's fascinating
is how he gradually gained support. He became
essentially everyone's second choice. Ah, the
compromise candidate. That demonstrates a unique
ability to unite disparate factions, doesn't
it? Shows his capacity for compromise, his broad
appeal, even if it wasn't fiery enthusiasm. And
it turns out Blaine had privately endorsed Harrison
way back in March, wrote that the one man remaining
who, in my judgment, can make the best one...
is Benjamin Harrison. Interesting. Behind the
scenes maneuvering. Blaine's eventual public
support after he came back from Scotland where
he'd been staying with Andrew Carnegie, by the
way, that helped seal the deal for Harrison,
cleared his path. So Blaine ultimately passed
the torch. I just like it. And Harrison had the
perfect slogan ready. Lacking a strong, established
power base, he declared his candidacy, dubbing
himself a living and rejuvenated Republican.
Rejuvenated Republicanism. Catchy. That phrase
became his campaign slogan. Reflected a fresh,
dynamic take on traditional party ideals. Signaled
a new chapter, maybe. Vigor. Forward momentum.
And the Republican platform for 88 was remarkably
clear. Very forward looking. Laid out a specific,
ambitious agenda. Or the key points. Well, they
extolled Lincoln, naturally, condemned the suppression
of the ballot by a criminal nullification of
the Constitution, a direct shot at Southern voting
rights issues. A major theme for Harrison later.
Absolutely. And most importantly, they advocated
fiercely for the American system of protection
through high tariffs, explicitly protesting Cleveland's
proposals for lowering them. That was the central
economic fight. What tariff battle. And they
pushed for admitting new Western states. anticipated
a significant expansion of the union, the platform
actually foreshadowed the admission of six new
states, all of which joined during Harrison's
term. These highlights show a party and a candidate
with a very specific, ambitious agenda that Harrison
would then pursue with that characteristic determination.
All that strategic maneuvering paid off. Harrison
secured the nomination on the eighth ballot,
544 votes. Took some work, but he got there.
For his running mate, the party chose Levi P.
Morton of New York, a banker, former U .S. minister
to France, formed what many considered a formidable
ticket against the Democratic incumbents, Grover
Cleveland and Senator Alan G. Thurman. The rematch
was officially set. High stakes. Cleveland versus
Harrison, round two, sort of. In the campaign
against Cleveland, Harrison did something interesting.
He took a page from presidential history, revived
the traditional front porch campaign. Ah, staying
home in Indianapolis. Mostly, yeah. A style largely
abandoned by his immediate predecessors. He received
visiting delegations at his home, made over 90
pronouncements right there from his hometown,
effectively bringing the campaign to the people
rather than barnstorming the country himself.
Controlled environment, controlled message. Smart,
maybe. Could be. Allowed him to control his message.
engaged directly with voters who came to him,
carefully cultivate his image. And the Republicans
campaigned heavily and pretty successfully on
that protective tariff issue, mobilized protectionist
voters in crucial industrial states up north.
Where the votes were. Exactly. The election focused
intensely on swing states, New York, New Jersey,
Connecticut and Harrison's home state of Indiana.
Voter turnout was astonishing 79 .3%. Wow, people
were engaged. Nearly 11 million votes cast. Reflects
intense public interest in the campaign. The
significant policy differences. It was truly
a high stakes election driven largely by those
economic concerns. And here's where we see the
unique, sometimes controversial nature of the
American electoral system really come into play
again. Harrison won the Electoral College. 233
votes to Cleveland's 168. What? Despite receiving
90 ,000 fewer popular votes than Cleveland. Ah,
another Electoral College inversion. 1876 and
much later, 2000, 2016, highlights how the system
can diverge from the popular vote. Always controversial.
Definitely. And this election wasn't without
its own controversies. Allegations of irregular
ballot practices emerged, notably the blocks
of five incident. Oh, yeah. Tell us about that.
An Indiana newspaper published a letter supposedly
from Harrison's friend and supporter, William
Wade Dudley. It seemed to offer bribes to voters
in groups of five to ensure Harrison's election
in Indiana. Yikes. blatant vote -buying allegations.
How did Harrison handle it? He neither defended
nor repudiated Dudley. Just stayed silent on
it publicly. Though it's telling, perhaps, that
he reportedly never spoke to Dudley again after
the election. Showcased his careful navigation
of potential political scandal without directly
addressing it. Swipped it under the rug, maybe?
A pragmatic politician's move? Could be. Anyway,
Harrison earned the nickname Centennial President
because his inauguration celebrated the 100th
anniversary of George Washington's first inauguration.
A rather fitting title, would you say? For a
man poised to lead America into a new century,
bridging the past and future. It was certainly
grand timing. But his victory, like any hard
fought election, came with political posts and
frankly, some deep resentments within his own
party. Ah, the patronage battles began. Boss
Matthew Quay of Pennsylvania, a powerful Republican
operative, was famously rebuffed for a cabinet
position despite his support during the convention.
Ouch. Expected a reward. And he quipped rather
bitterly that Harrison would never know how close
a number of men were compelled to approach the
penitentiary to make him president. Wow. That
highlights. The pervasive patronage system, doesn't
it? The quid pro quo expectations. A system Harrison
often battled, but couldn't entirely escape.
You have to wonder how much that internal party
friction undermined his potential impact later
on. Good question. So March 4th, 1889, Benjamin
Harrison is sworn in by Chief Justice Melville
Fuller. His inaugural speech was notably brief.
Less than half a length of his grandfather's
which still holds the record for the longest
ever. Getting straight to the point perhaps?
In his speech he credited the nation's growth
to education and religion, urged continued industrial
development, promised to maintain that protective
tariff, and he made a pointed remark about corporations
that really still resonates today. What did he
say? If our great corporations would more scrupulously
observe their legal obligations and duties, they
would have less call to complain of the limitations
of their rights or of interference with their
operations. Hmm, an early warning shot about
corporate responsibility. Foreshadowing the Sherman
Act, maybe? Definitely seems like it, a theme
that would define his economic policies. Indeed.
And his inaugural address laid out a clear vision,
both domestic and foreign, advocated for early
statehood for the territories, reaffirmed his
commitment to generous pensions for Civil War
veterans, got enthusiastic applause for that.
Connecting with that base. In foreign affairs,
he staunchly reaffirmed the Monroe Doctrine.
called for rapid modernization of the Navy, promoted
international peace through non -interference.
These themes directly foreshadowed many of his
administration's key initiatives, showed a president
hitting the ground running with a well -defined
agenda, despite all the political maneuvering
that got him there. And as for White House life
itself, Harrison made a rather prophetic observation,
didn't he, about the lack of separation between
the president's office and private apartments?
Yeah, he noted there was only a door one that
is never locked between the president's office
and what are not very accurately called his private
apartments. He even suggested there should be
a separate executive office building, a vision
that eventually came true, just not under him.
Ahead of his time on office design, too. And
here's a fun fact for you. Speaking of modernization,
Harrison had electricity installed in the White
House for the first time. Edison General Electric
Company did the work. Wow. Bringing the White
House into the electric age. But, and this is
great, he and his wife were reportedly so afraid
of getting electrocuted that they refused to
touch the light switches, often went to sleep
with the lights on. No way. That's hilarious.
It's almost charming, isn't it? Imagine that.
The leader of a nation on the cusp of the 20th
century still hesitant about flicking a light
switch. It certainly symbolizes a nation grappling
with truly transformative technologies, doesn't
it? Where even the most powerful people are still
figuring it all out. Shows a certain groundedness,
perhaps, or a cautious nature that permeated
even their embrace of progress. And it highlights
how incredibly quickly technology was advancing
and how everyone, even presidents, were adapting
to a rapidly changing world. Okay, so beyond
the quirks of White House modernization, Harrison
faced the huge task of forming his cabinet, and
he notably acted quite independently in picking
his team. Which really rubbed the party bosses
the wrong way, right? They expected the usual
patronage appointments. Payback time. Exactly.
He even strategically delayed James G. Blaine's
presumed nomination as Secretary of State, didn't
want Blaine dominating the administration's formation
from the get -go. A lesson learned from Garfield's
presidency, maybe? Smart move, asserting his
authority. Yeah. But yeah, it definitely came
at a cost. Oh, so? Well, this independence streak,
while showing Harrison's resolve, also prematurely
compromised his political power within his own
party. He alienated pivotal Republican operatives,
New York, Pennsylvania, Iowa guys, who felt their
loyalty wasn't being rewarded. Made enemies early.
Pretty much. Senator Shelby Cullum's comment
sums it up perfectly. Whenever he did anything
for me, it was done so ungraciously that the
concession tended to anger rather than please.
Ouch. Not exactly winning friends and influencing
people. It tells us a lot about the political
climate, the expectations of party loyalty then,
and Harrison struggled to balance his, maybe,
reformist ideals with the entrenched realities
of political patronage. A tough spot. And civil
service reform was a big issue, wasn't it? Harrison
had campaigned as supporter of the merit system,
moving away from the old spoils system. Yeah,
getting rid of to the victor belong the spoils.
But facing a deeply divided Congress and party,
he actually did very little to significantly
further civil service reform during his term,
often delayed decisions on political appointments.
The issue became, as one famous cartoon depicted
it, a political football. kicked around by both
sides. The caption was something like, what can
I do when both parties insist on kicking? That
really highlights the immense pressure presidents
face, right? Balancing reform ideals with political
realities, the insatiable demands of party loyalty.
A constant tightrope walk. And the controversies
didn't stop there while he did appoint reformers
like Theodore Roosevelt to the Civil Service
Commission. PR. Getting to start. Other appointments
raised eyebrows. Postmaster General John Wanamaker,
for instance. He and several friends purchased
a large new cottage at Cape May Point for Harrison's
wife, Caroline. Hmm. It looks a bit fishy, doesn't
it? Like a bribe for a cabinet post. Then he
thought so. Appeared improper, Harrison eventually
paid $10 ,000 for it himself. Maybe a little
late to avoid suspicion. Damage control. Then
there was James S. Clarkson, an assistant postmaster
famous for decapitating a fourth -class postmaster
every three minutes. A real spoils system guy.
Not exactly a reformer. Clarkson expected a full
cabinet position, didn't get it, and basically
sabotaged his own appointment. Openly stated,
he was simply on detail from the Republican committee
and most anxious to get through this task and
leave. He eventually resigned. Just underscores
the constant patronage battles within the administration.
Constant infighting. Must have been exhausting.
Okay. Beyond the political maneuvering, let's
talk economics. This was huge in Harrison's presidency.
Tariffs. For decades, America had been locked
in this fierce debate over tariffs. Oh yeah.
The dominant political issue since before the
Civil War, really, became the absolute defining
issue of the 1888 election. And Republicans,
under Harrison, were firmly in the high protective
tariff camp. They enacted significant legislation.
Under Representative William McKinley, yes, that
McKinley and Senator Nelson W. Aldrich, they
framed the McKinley tariff. Which the highest
average rate in American history up to that point.
Some rates were intentionally prohibitive, designed
to keep foreign goods out entirely. A massive
shift, doubling down on the idea that the federal
government could and should actively engineer
national prosperity, basically putting up a keep
out sign for many foreign goods to help American
industries. Exactly. Fundamentally protect American
industries by limiting competition. But it also
played a huge role in creating that large federal
budget surplus and contributed to the image of
the billion dollar Congress. The first time federal
spending hit that level in peacetime. That's
right. So this wasn't just about taxing imports.
It fundamentally changed how people saw a government's
power moving from a passive referee to an aggressive
economic shaper, a real precursor to the interventionist
policies we recognize today. Did they try to
soften it at all? Well, Harrison, Secretary of
State Blaine's urging, tried to add reciprocity
provisions. The idea was the president could
reduce rates if other countries did the same
for American exports. A bit of carrot and stick?
Sort of. And they removed tariffs on raw sugar,
but gave U .S. sugar growers a two cent per pound
subsidy to compensate. Showcased a nuanced attempt
to balance various economic interests, even within
that protectionist framework. But it wasn't just
tariffs dominating the economic landscape. His
era was also seeing the unprecedented rise of
these powerful industrial trusts, monopolies.
The Rockefellers, the Carnegie's. the Gilded
Age Titans. And this is where Harrison really
steps into the modern presidency, arguably, with
an act that would define federal regulation for
a century, the Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890.
Truly groundbreaking. Members of both parties
were deeply concerned about the growing power
of these trusts. They were dominating industries,
stifling competition. This was one of the 51st
Congress's first big acts. Sponsored by Senator
John Sherman, passed with wide margins in both
houses, and Harrison swiftly signed it into law.
This was revolutionary, seriously, the first
federal act of its kind, marked a new, albeit
initially cautious, use of federal government
power to regulate big business, prevent anti
-competitive practices. Did Harrison believe
in it? Oh, yeah. He approved wholeheartedly of
its intent. And his administration did successfully
conclude a case against a Tennessee coal company,
United States Vigilico Mountain Coal, initiated
several others against trusts during his term.
So actual enforcement, not just symbolic. Some,
yes. This act, though later modified, remains
a cornerstone of American economic law today,
represents a critical step toward federal regulation.
It shows Harrison's willingness to use federal
power to address societal problems that individual
states just couldn't handle. Very modern approach,
really. OK, tariffs, trusts. What about the money
itself? The currency question was huge then,
too, right? Oh, one of those volatile economic
debates of the 1880s, cut sharply across party
lines. Should the nation's money be backed by
both gold and silver by metalism, or just gold,
the gold standard? Why was it so contentious?
Well, it wasn't just abstract economics. Because
silver was actually worth less than its legal
equivalent in gold, backing currency with both
led to a depletion of the nation's gold supply.
People hoarded the gold, spent the silver, created
significant economic instability. Gresham's law,
basically. Bad money drives out good. Exactly.
and it deeply affected incomes and debts across
the country. Debtors, farmers, the poor. They
generally called for increased silver coinage,
an inflationary measure, hoping it would ease
their burdens amidst global deflation. Make it
easier to pay off fixed debts. Right. While creditors,
folks in the Northeast, generally favored the
stability of the gold standard, it was deeply
polarizing, reflected fundamental class and regional
divides. Harrison had to walk a very, very tight
rope. Where did he stand? He reportedly favored
a bimetallist position, personally. And his appointment
of a silverite treasury secretary, William Wyndham,
certainly encouraged the free silver supporters.
Sending mixed signals. Maybe trying to find a
middle ground. He advocated for free coinage
of silver. But crucially, at its market value,
not at a fixed ratio to gold. That was a critical
distinction. Trying to compromise. Ultimately,
Senator Sherman, same guy as the Antitrust Act,
achieved passage of the Sherman Silver Purchase
Act in July 1890, another attempted compromise.
The Treasury had to buy a certain amount of silver
each month. Did it work? Did it calm things down?
Harrison signed it into law, hoping it would
finally end the contentious currency controversy.
But the effect of the bill was actually an increased
depletion of the nation's gold supply. It exacerbated
the very problem it was meant to solve. Oh, wow.
Unintended consequences. Big time. So despite
Harrison's intentions, this act actually made
the gold supply problem worse. It's a powerful
lesson, isn't it? Sometimes political compromise,
especially on complex economic issues, can inadvertently
worsen the very problems it aims to solve. A
challenge leaders face even today when trying
to balance competing interests. Highlights how
complex, how unpredictable economic policy could
be. It really makes you think. When we look at
today's debates about government regulation,
economic stimulus, the role of the Federal Reserve,
you can clearly see the deep historical roots
right here in Harrison's era. Absolutely. These
were the fundamental questions shaping America's
economic future. And his administration was right
at the center of grappling with them, often setting
precedents we still deal with. OK, let's shift
gears slightly, but still related to spending
veterans pensions. This was clearly an issue
close to Harrison's heart. Definitely tied to
his own Civil War service and a huge political
constituency for the Republicans, the Grand Army
of the Republic of the GAR. He'd championed generous
pensions in Congress, and as president, he saw
it enacted. The Dependent and Disability Pension
Act of 1890. What did it do? Provided pensions
to disabled union veterans, regardless of the
cause of their disability. Didn't have to be
war related anymore. And importantly, it also
helped deplete some of that troublesome federal
budget surplus. Addressed two issues at once,
veteran welfare and managing federal funds. Killing
two birds with one stone, politically speaking.
But the spending was massive, wasn't it? Unprecedented.
Pension expenditures reached $135 million under
Harrison, equivalent to nearly $4 .7 billion
today. That's not just a number. It represents
the first major instance of the federal government
essentially creating a massive social welfare
program. This billion -dollar Congress wasn't
just about tariffs. It was also about this burgeoning
sense of federal responsibility to its citizens.
But it wasn't without problems. No. It was prone
to the challenges of scale, potential for corruption.
The problem got worse under Pension Bureau Commissioner
James R. Kanner. His expansive interpretation
of the laws led to accusations of lavish and
illegal handouts, prompted an investigation by
the Secretary of the Interior. So mismanagement
and potential fraud. Exactly. It demonstrates
that classic tension. fulfilling a moral obligation
to veterans versus managing the fiscal implications
and the potential for corruption that such large
-scale programs inevitably present. How did Harrison
handle Tanner? Well, Harrison privately thought
appointing Tanner was a mistake due to his loose
management style. He asked Tanner to resign,
replaced him with Green B. Round. Round solved.
Not quite. Round also faced accusations. accepting
loan payments in return for expediting pension
cases. Oh boy, more scandal. Harrison accepted
a dissenting congressional Republican investigation
report that exonerated Ram and allowed him to
stay in office. It's a complex situation, isn't
it? Reveals that constant balancing act between
political loyalty, public perception, and the
desire for honest governance. A challenge for
any president then and now. Hashtag, tag, tag,
tag, V visionary or out of touch social and environmental
policies. OK, let's turn to social policy, particularly
civil rights. After Republicans regained control
of Congress, Harrison, along with some others
in the party, made a real effort to pass legislation
protecting African -Americans' civil rights.
This was something he'd long supported, right?
Absolutely. A consistent theme for him. His attorney
general, William H .H. Miller, used the Justice
Department to order prosecutions for voting rights
violations in the South. That was a direct, significant
effort by the federal government to enforce the
15th Amendment. trying to make the vote real
for black men. But unfortunately, the reality
on the ground was harsh. White juries in the
South often failed to convict or even indict
violators, severely limiting the impact of these
federal efforts. So federal will versus local
resistance. A familiar story, sadly. But that
direct action by the Justice Department, even
with limited success, was a significant attempt
to confront systemic injustice. It makes the
resistance and failure to convict even more stark.
Harrison's commitment here was truly groundbreaking
for his era. He was passionate about it. He urged
Congress to pass legislation that would secure
all our people a free exercise of the right of
suffrage and every other civil right under the
Constitution and laws. And most notably, December
3rd, 1889, he delivered this powerful address
to Congress, directly questioning state civil
rights records. He passionately declared, and
this is worth quoting, The colored people did
not inshrew themselves upon us. They were brought
here in chains. When and under what conditions
is the black man to have a free ballot? When
is he in fact to have those full civil rights
which have so long been his in law? Every constituency
in the union is wronged. Wow. That's incredibly
powerful. Calling out the hypocrisy, the injustice.
Pushing for federal action when the states clearly
failed. holding the nation accountable to its
own ideals. It really was. And what's truly remarkable
here is this sheer breadth and boldness of Harrison's
proposals on civil rights, especially given the
prevailing racist attitudes at the time, even
within his own party sometimes. What kind of
proposals? He endorsed the federal elections
bill of 1890, sponsored by Henry Cabot Lodge
and George Frisbie Hoare, specifically aimed
at protecting voting rights through federal supervision.
But it was defeated in the Senate, filibustered,
actually. The force bill, opponents called it.
Right. He also supported Senator Henry W. Blair's
bill for federal funding to schools, regardless
of race, a radical idea for the era, and even
back a constitutional amendment to overturn the
Supreme Court's ruling in the civil rights cases
of 1883, which had severely limited federal power
to protect civil rights and public accommodations.
He was really going for it, trying multiple avenues.
Absolutely. These were the last significant attempts
to protect civil rights through federal legislation
until the 1930s. It makes him a true, if ultimately
unfulfilled pioneer in this crucial area. His
commitment was undeniable, even in the face of
determined congressional resistance. Okay, shifting
from civil rights to environmental policy, another
area where Harrison maybe seems surprisingly
forward -thinking. Definitely. In a truly bipartisan
effort, Congress enacted and Harrison signed
the Land Revision Act of 1891. What was significant
about that? Crucially, Section 24 was added at
Harrison's behest, pushed by his Secretary of
the Interior, John Noble. It granted the president
the power to set apart and reserve public lands
bearing forests as public reservations. The birth
of the national forests, essentially. Pretty
much. This was a pivotal moment for conservation
in the United States, an act of foresight that's
often overshadowed by, say, Teddy Roosevelt later
on. So Harrison acted on this new power. Immediately.
Within a month of the act's passage, he authorized
the first forest reserve right next to Yellowstone
National Park in Wyoming. By the end of his term,
he had designated an impressive 22 million acres
as public forest reservations. 22 million acres.
That's huge. It's an area larger than the state
of Maine. He also became the first president
to give a prehistoric Indian ruin federal protection
Casa Grande in Arizona. Setting another precedent.
Exactly. This established a precedent for conservation
that would become a hallmark of later presidencies.
But Harrison truly laid the groundwork, showing
a nascent federal concern for natural and historical
heritage, a remarkably forward -thinking environmental
legacy for a 19th century president. Harrison's
administration also saw some important labor
reforms, didn't it? Yes, several significant
steps. An act passed in 1891 prohibited convict
labor. outside prisons, or in machine production
of commodities. Addressed a big concern about
fair labor practices and competition. Taking
on prison labor. And the same year, the first
federal legislation governing safety standards
and inspection practices in America's coal mines
was enacted. A crucial step toward protecting
workers in incredibly dangerous industries that
had been largely unregulated before then. Addressing
worker safety. What else? These are quiet but
substantial steps towards addressing worker welfare
and urban conditions, demonstrating a growing
federal role in social justice. For example,
in 1892, Congress allocated $20 ,000, a decent
sum. then for the Commissioner of Labor to make
a full investigation relative to what is known
as the slums of cities with populations over
200 ,000. So the government's starting to study
urban poverty. Exactly. Signaled a recognition
that the federal government had a responsibility
to understand and maybe begin to address poverty
and substandard living conditions in the nation's
burgeoning cities. And there was something about
the workday. Yes, significantly. In August 1892,
an eight -hour workday was introduced for all
mechanics and laborers working for the federal
government. government, including public works
contractors, set a really important precedent.
Eight hours for federal workers. And a Railway
Safety Appliance Act, followed in 1893, aimed
to protect railway workers from harm by mandating
things like automatic couplers and air brakes.
These initiatives were quietly foundational,
showed a president who, despite that conservative
label, was willing to use federal power for social
progress and worker protection. laying more groundwork
for future reforms. Okay, now we need to address
a much darker chapter during Harrison's term.
Native American policy, specifically wounded
knee. Yes, a truly tragic event. During Harrison's
term, the Lakota Sioux, confined to reservations
in South Dakota, grew restless, partly due to
harsh conditions, broken treaties, and the influence
of Wafoka. The Paiute medicine man who encouraged
the ghost dance movement. That's right. A spiritual
movement, preaching renewal, the return of the
buffalo, the eventual disappearance of white
settlers. It offered hope in desperate times.
But many in Washington, in the military, mistakenly
viewed this primarily religious movement as a
sign of increased resistance, potential uprising,
fear and misunderstanding, leading to a heightened
military presence on the reservations, increased
tension. And this misinterpretation tragically
culminated in the Wounded Knee Massacre, December
29, 1890. A horrific event. The U .S. Army's
7th Cavalry Regiment, Custer's Old Regiment,
perpetrated a massacre of over 250 Lakota men,
women, and children at the Pine Ridge Reservation
near Wounded Knee Creek. It happened following
a botched attempt to disarm Bigfoot's Band. Mostly
unarmed people killed, buried in mass graves,
a terrible stain on American history. Absolutely
horrific. In response, Harrison directed Major
General Nelson A. Miles to investigate the incident.
He also promptly deployed three to five hundred
U .S. troops to South Dakota, effectively suppressing
the ghost dance movement through military force.
Wounded Knee is widely considered the last major
engagement, though massacre is more accurate,
of the American Indian Wars, a deeply painful
end to that era. What was Harrison's broader
policy towards Native Americans? His general
policy, consistent with many reformers at the
time, was to encourage Native American assimilation
into white society. break up tribal structures,
promote individual land ownership. The Dawes
Act approach. Exactly. And despite the Wounded
Knee Massacre, Harrison publicly believed this
assimilation policy was generally successful.
However, this approach embodied in the Dawes
Act, while perhaps well -intentioned by some,
ultimately proved detrimental to Native Americans.
They often ended up selling their allotted individual
lands at low prices to white speculators, leading
to significant land loss, erosion of tribal culture,
and continued poverty. It's a complex and painful
chapter, reflecting the prevailing, though often
misguided and ultimately destructive, attitudes
of the era regarding Native American policy.
Assimilation was seen as progress, but it often
meant cultural destruction. Okay, let's shift
to Harrison's impact on America's place in the
world. His era saw significant technological
advances, and here's a fascinating detail. We
actually have a recording of his voice. Really?
From 1889? Yeah, a 30 -second recording made
on a wax phonograph cylinder by Gianni Battini.
It's the earliest surviving recording of a U
.S. president made while he was actually in office.
That's incredible. Hearing a voice from that
long ago. A literal voice from the past, ushering
in the future. Amazing, isn't it? And beyond
that remarkable audio snippet, one of Harrison's
most significant yet often overlooked achievements
was his leadership in marshaling the country's
burgeoning industrial and technological capabilities
to build a credible modern naval power. The Steel
Navy. Exactly. When he took office, the U .S.
Navy was, well, pretty pathetic. Only two commissioned
warships worth mentioning. His inaugural address
explicitly called for rapid construction of warships.
He prioritized it from day one. Absolutely. His
secretary of the Navy, Benjamin F. Tracy, spearheaded
this ambitious effort. Within just a year, they
got congressional approval for building battleships
like the USS Indiana, Texas, Oregon, and the
cruiser Columbia. Serious firepower. And with
the help of companies like Carnegie Corporation
providing the steel. By 1898, no fewer than 10
modern warships, steel hulls, greater displacement,
advanced armaments had transformed the U .S.
into a legitimate naval power. What's really
striking is that seven of these crucial ships
were initiated during Harrison's term. Wow, that's
a huge investment and a rapid transformation.
It was a deliberate strategic effort to project
American power globally, protect expanding commercial
interests. It truly set the stage for the naval
might of the 20th century, a fundamental shift.
When it came to foreign policy itself, Secretary
of State James G. Blaine and Harrison, well,
they didn't always have the warmest personal
relationship, did they? No. famously a bit frosty
at times. Blaine was a huge figure, expected
deference maybe Harrison wasn't willing to give.
But they were remarkably aligned on policy, specifically
an aggressive foreign policy promoting commercial
reciprocity. Yes, on the big picture stuff, they
were largely in sync, pushing American interests
abroad. And here's where Harrison's hands on
approach really came into play. Blaine had frequent
medical problems, bouts of illness, right? Lumbago,
other issues, which often meant that Harrison
himself took a more direct personal role in conducting
foreign policy, drafting diplomatic demands,
setting strategy. He wasn't just delegating.
He was deeply engaged in global affairs. A hands
-on foreign policy president. Very much so. In
1891, while on a tour across the US, Harrison
proclaimed a new epoch of trade. He emphasized
that an expanding Navy would not only protect
American oceanic shipping, but also significantly
increase American influence and prestige abroad.
directly connecting domestic industrial power
to global reach. A clear statement of America's
rising ambition on the world stage. Definitely.
And you saw this vision in action at the first
International Conference of American States,
which met in Washington in 1889. Harrison set
an incredibly aggressive agenda. Pushing for
customs integration, currency integration across
the Americas, Pan -American living. Had it work?
Not entirely. No major diplomatic breakthrough
occurred at the conference itself. There was
suspicion, particularly from the Argentinian
delegation, about US dominance. But it did successfully
establish an information center that eventually
became the Pan -American Union. So a starting
point for inter -American cooperation. A crucial
first step. Fostering solidarity and commercial
ties. And following that, Harrison and Blaine
pivoted diplomatically and successfully concluded
eight reciprocity treaties with various Latin
American nations, showcased their commitment
to expanding American commercial interests in
the hemisphere. They also tried to get a naval
base in the Caribbean. Yes, Harrison sent the
esteemed Frederick Douglass as ambassador to
Haiti. Part of the mission was an unsuccessful
attempt to negotiate the lease of Mole St. Nicholas
for a naval base. Didn't work out, but it demonstrated
a clear strategic interest in a Caribbean naval
presence. Crucial for projecting naval power.
And things were heating up in the Pacific too,
right? Samoa? Oh yeah. In 1889, the U .S., the
United Kingdom, and the German Empire were locked
in this tense dispute over control of the Samoan
Islands. Three warships from each nation were
actually facing off in Apia Harbor before a typhoon
hit and damaged them. Close to conflict. Very.
What's fascinating here is Harrison played a
key role in the subsequent Berlin conference
determining the status of Samoa. He took a firm
stand on every aspect of the negotiations, insisted
on the selection of a specific local ruler, refused
to allow an indemnity for Germany, and pushed
for the establishment of a three -power protectorate.
That was a first for the U .S. Sharing power,
but asserting influence. Exactly. This arrangement
was crucial because it facilitated future U .S.
dominance in the Pacific, a significant step
in America's emergence as a global player, showing
Harrison's willingness to project power even
in distant corners of the world. Harrison's administration
also had to deal with international trade wars,
didn't it? The pork issue. Ah yes, the Great
European Pork Embargo. Throughout the 1880s,
various European countries, led by Germany, had
banned the importation of American pork. The
official reason was unconfirmed concerns about
trigonosis. But maybe protectionism was the real
motive. Very likely. This was a huge economic
issue for American farmers. Impacted over a billion
pounds of pork products annually worth 80 million
dollars back then. That's like 2 .8 billion dollars
today. Harrison vigorously engaged his ministers
in France and Germany to get these crucial exports
restored without delay. What tools did he use?
Diplomacy. but also leverage. To counter accusations
of product compromise, Harrison persuaded Congress
to enact the Meat Inspection Act of 1890, provided
federal inspection and certification. Building
trust in the product. And crucially, he partnered
with his agriculture secretary, Jeremiah Rusk,
to threaten Germany with retaliation. They initiated
a U .S. embargo on Germany's highly demanded
beet sugar if the pork ban wasn't lifted. Playing
hardball, tit for tat. Absolutely. An early example
of aggressive trade diplomacy. using economic
leverage to protect American industries. And
it worked. By September 1891, Germany relented.
Denmark, France, Austria -Hungary soon followed
suit. A significant diplomatic and economic victory
for Harrison's administration showed a willingness
to fight for American commerce on the international
stage. He faced another crisis over fishing rights,
too, this time near Alaska. Yes, disputed fishing
and sealing rights off the coast. Canadian claims
regarding rights around many of the Aleutian
Islands violated U .S. law, according to the
Harrison administration. This led the U .S. Navy,
acting as basically a police force, to seize
several Canadian sealing ships. Raising tensions
with Britain, presumably? Canada was still part
of the empire. Big time. In 1891, the administration
began negotiations with the British, eventually
led to a compromise over the rights after international
arbitration. The British government ended up
paying compensation in 1898. Just goes to show
you the sheer range and complexity of international
issues he dealt with, often far from the public
eye. Boundary disputes, resource conflicts. Sounds
familiar, right? Very. But perhaps the most dramatic
international incident of his term was the Chilean
Baltimore Crisis of 1891. Oh, that was a close
call. A major diplomatic crisis erupted in Chile.
fueled partly by the U .S. minister there, Patrick
Egan, granting asylum to Chilean leaders who
had lost Chile's civil war. Taking sides, basically.
Which didn't endear him to the new Chilean government.
The crisis escalated dramatically when U .S.
sailors from the cruiser USS Baltimore took shore
leave in Valparaiso. A brawl broke out and they
were attacked by a Chilean mob. Two American
sailors were killed, nearly 20 injured and three
dozen arrested. A serious international incident.
How did the U .S. respond? The ship's captain,
Winfield Schley, insisted the Chilean police
had actually participated in the attack, even
bayoneting sailors without provocation, demanded
an apology. And Harrison. With Blaine temporarily
incapacitated by Lombego again, Harrison personally
drafted a strong demand for reparations from
Chile. He took the lead. Yes. When Chile's foreign
minister, Manuel Mata, replied defiantly, calling
Harrison's message erroneous or deliberately
incorrect, tensions escalated dramatically. push
the two nations right to the brink of war. Really?
War with Chile? It was close. Harrison threatened
to break off diplomatic relations unless the
U .S. received a suitable apology. He forcefully
stated, and this shows his resolve, if the dignity
as well as the prestige and influence of the
United States are not to be wholly sacrificed,
we must protect those who in foreign ports display
the flag or wear the colors. The Navy was placed
on high alert. So a real showdown. Ultimately.
Facing the threat of the modernized U .S. Navy,
Chile obliged. They offered an apology and paid
reparations. War was averted. Fidel Roosevelt
later applauded Harrison for his decisive use
of the big stick in this matter. Interesting.
Using PR's famous phrase about Harrison. Exactly.
It perfectly illustrates Harrison's assertive
foreign policy, his willingness to use the threat
of force, foreshadows America's growing willingness
to project power on the world stage, a truly
modern approach to diplomacy, even if risky.
OK, one more major foreign policy issue right
at the end of his term, Hawaii. Yes, the Hawaiian
annexation attempt. In the very last days of
his administration, Harrison dealt with this
complex issue following a coup d 'etat against
Queen Liliuokalani. Largely engineered by American
business interests there. Indeed. Hawaii's new
provisional government, led by Sanford Dole,
yes, related to the Pineapple family, quickly
petitioned for annexation by the United States.
Presented Harrison with a significant decision
right as he was heading out the door. Was he
interested? He was keenly interested in expanding
American influence in Hawaii, and specifically
in establishing a naval base at Pearl Harbor,
crucial for Pacific power projection, even though
he hadn't previously expressed a strong opinion
on actually annexing the islands. So the coup
created an opportunity. It seems so. The U .S.
Consul in Hawaii recognized the new government
on February 1st, 1893, forwarded its annexation
proposals to Washington. With just a month left
before leaving office, Harrison signed a treaty
of annexation on February 14th, submitted it
to the Senate the very next day with his recommendation.
Cutting it close. Did the Senate act? No. They
failed to act before Harrison left office. And
President Cleveland, upon taking office shortly
after, was suspicious of the coup and promptly
withdrew the treaty. So annexation failed then?
For the time being. But this near annexation
reveals Harrison's forward -looking and some
might say imperial. ambitions. Even if unfulfilled
during his term, it set the stage for future
American expansion and geopolitical maneuvering
in the Pacific. Another sign of him pointing
towards a more global American role. Beyond foreign
policy and the Navy, Harrison also left his mark
on the judiciary and the very map of the country,
didn't he? Absolutely. He appointed four justices
to the Supreme Court, David Josiah Brewer, Henry
Billings Brown, George Shearis, and Howell Edmonds
Jackson. Four appointments is significant. It
is. And he even strategically selected Jackson,
a respected Tennessee Democrat, at the very end
of his term. He knew the incoming Senate would
be controlled by Democrats, so bicking a Democrat
increased the chances his nominee wouldn't be
rejected. Clever political move to secure a lasting
impact on the federal bench. What's key here
isn't just the number, but that Harrison, through
these four additions, subtly steered the court
towards a more business -friendly, yet constitutionally
-grounded interpretation of federal power, setting
the stage for future corporate regulation debates.
And the map. Perhaps one of the most tangible,
enduring legacies of his administration was the
admission of six new states to the union. Six.
That's a lot. More than any other president.
North Dakota, South Dakota, Montana, and Washington's
all came in November 1889, followed by Idaho
in July 1890, and Wyoming also in July 1890.
Wow, reshaping the West. Fundamentally reshaping
the map of the United States, ushering in a new
era of Western expansion and influence, bringing
those territories fully into the nation. This
truly highlights his impact on the physical and
political landscape of the country. Hashtag,
hashtag, hashtag seven, the exit and enduring
legacy. So after all that activity, The economic
legislation, the foreign policy assertiveness,
adding states you think Harrison would be set
for reelection in 1892. But the conditions weren't
great, were they? Far from ideal. That treasury
surplus, which had been a political issue itself,
had evaporated. And the nation's economic health
was noticeably worsening. Clear precursors to
the big panic of 1893 that would hit soon after
he left office. Bad timing. Very. The congressional
elections in 1890 had already gone against the
Republicans, a fine of public dissatisfaction.
and Harrison faced growing discontent within
his own party. Those alienated party bosses again.
Yep, still frustrated by his adamant refusal
to grant patronage appointments the way they
wanted. They quietly organized what they actually
called a grievance committee to initiate a dump
Harrison offensive. Trying to deny him renomination?
It was clear he wouldn't be renominated unanimously,
a significant challenge for an incumbent president.
Even though Blaine announced he wasn't a candidate
back in February 92, some party leaders still
hoped to draft him, especially after Blaine dramatically
resigned as Secretary of State in June, just
weeks before the convention. Adding to the drama.
Despite this significant opposition, the internal
party maneuvering, Harrison ultimately prevailed.
One renomination on the first ballot to the Minneapolis
convention, but it was a hard fought victory
that really showed a fractured, unhappy party.
And who did the Democrats nominate? Grover Cleveland,
of course, setting up a rematch of the 1888 election.
Harrison versus Cleveland, part two. And the
political winds had shifted. That high McKinley
tariff, which had made imported goods expensive
for average Americans, had pushed many voters
towards the Democrats' reform position, favoring
lower tariffs. Locket book issues. Always powerful.
Plus, many traditional Republican voters out
west defected to the new populist party candidate,
James Weaver. The populist surge. Weaver promised
free silver, generous veterans' pensions, and
eight -hour workday, pulling votes Harrison needed.
And the violent suppression of the Homestead
strike that summer, though the federal government
didn't directly intervene, also negatively impacted
the Republicans in the eyes of labor voters.
tarnished their image. A lot of factors working
against him. And then adding immense personal
tragedy to the political challenges. Harrison's
wife Caroline had been battling tuberculosis.
His wife Carrie, who he met back in college.
That's right. She tragically died just two weeks
before the election on October 25th. Oh, that's
devastating. Right before the vote. A profound
personal loss. This, coupled with the fact that
both candidates had already served in the White
House, led to a remarkably low -key campaign
in the final weeks. Neither candidate actively
campaigned personally out of respect. A somber
end to a hard fought political chapter. What
was the result? A decisive defeat for Harrison.
Cleveland won the election pretty easily. 277
electoral votes to Harrison's 145 secured a clear
popular vote victory to over 380 ,000 votes.
A clear mandate for Cleveland. It was the most
decisive presidential election in 20 years. Marked
a clear rejection of the Republican platform
and perhaps Harrison's more aloof leadership
style. He became the first president to be succeeded
in office by his immediate predecessor. Wow,
that's rare. Cleveland served non -consecutive
terms. Exactly. Highlights the turbulent transitional
nature of the era back and forth between the
parties. So Harrison leaves office. What does
he do next? Go back to Indianapolis. Yes. After
leaving office, he returned to his private life
and law practice in Indianapolis. He made appearances,
gave lectures, even did a stint at teaching constitutional
law at Stanford University in 1894. Lived out
in San Francisco for a few months. Kept busy.
Did he try for a comeback? Some friends of the
Republican Party tried to convince him to seek
the presidency again in 96, but he declined.
Instead, he campaigned for William McKinley,
remaining an influential voice in the party,
just from a different platform, elder statesman
role. And he had that big international law case,
right? Yes. In 1898, he gained significant international
renown, served as the lead attorney for Venezuela
in its boundary dispute with Great Britain over
the border with British Guiana. Taking on the
British Empire in court. He filed an impressive
800 page brief, spent over 25 hours arguing Venezuela's
case in court in Paris. Though Venezuela ultimately
lost the case on most points, his legal arguments
garnered him huge international respect, showed
his sharp legal mind was still very much active.
Still engaged on the world stage. He also attended
the first peace conference at the Hague in 1899,
continued his engagement with global affairs,
international law, diplomacy, even after his
presidency. showcased a mind consistently dedicated
to those principles. Now, Harrison was often
described then and now as a conservative, nicknamed
the conservative president. Herbert Hoover even
apparently called Calvin Coolidge a real conservative,
probably the equal of Benjamin Harrison. High
praise from that wing. True. That label stuck.
But it's crucial to understand, as we've seen,
that Harrison was not simply an advocate of laissez
-faire, the idea that government should just
leave the economy alone. Right. Sherman Act,
pensions, inspections. That's not hands off.
Not at all. He firmly believed and said that
the national government has a duty to provide
work, employment, comfort to the American working
man. Argued this responsibility went beyond just
local government. A federal responsibility for
worker welfare? Yes. He also passionately spoke
about workers earning a living wage. And get
this, he advocated for a Social Security fund,
his words, to provide coverage for old age, accidents
and sickness. Wow. That's incredibly progressive
for the 1890s, decades ahead of the New Deal.
Absolutely. Demonstrating a surprisingly progressive
vision for social welfare that was far ahead
of his time. It really challenges that simple
conservative label and speaks to his nuanced,
maybe evolving approach to federal power and
social responsibility. And speaking of evolving
views... His stance on imperialism changed too,
didn't it? It did. Though he had supported the
annexation of Hawaii during his presidency, Harrison
later grew to oppose further imperialism under
President McKinley, particularly after the Spanish
-American War. What prompted that shift? He was
disturbed by the idea of ruling territories like
Puerto Rico without granting them full constitutional
rights. In response to tariffs being imposed
on Puerto Rico, despite it being part of the
U .S., he declared, and this is powerful, a government
of unlimited and executive power is not an American
government. If the act of annexation does not
carry the Constitution, I can think of nothing
else that does. Applying constitutional principles
universally. This is a profound statement. Showcasing
a president whose views continue to evolve, who
kept thinking critically about the fundamental
principles of American governance and its role
in the world, especially as the nation grappled
with new imperial ambitions. He was pushing for
a constitutionalist view, even when it contradicted
the political currents of the time. really crystallizes
his commitment to bedrock American principles.
So how did his life end? Benjamin Harrison died
on March 13th, 1901 at the age of 67. Complications
from influenza that turned into pneumonia. His
last reported words were poignant, asking about
his doctors. Are the doctors here? Doctor, my
lungs. A quiet end for a sometimes quiet president.
He was buried in Indianapolis's Crown Hill Cemetery
next to his first wife, Caroline, leaving behind
this legacy that was for a long time really underestimated.
For sure. While scholars have generally ranked
him as average, often, as we said, due to a lack
of eventful major wars or maybe a lack of personal
charisma, recent historical analysis, particularly
by Charles Calhoun, fundamentally challenges
this. Calhoun gives Harrison major credit for
that innovative legislation, antitrust, monetary
policy, tariffs, argues Harrison was actually
even more responsible than Secretary Blaine for
the success of trade negotiations, that crucial
steel Navy buildup and America's overseas expansion,
emphasizing the Monroe Doctrine. And throughout
its career, Harrison maintained a widespread
reputation for personal and official integrity,
even as critics usually admitted that. So a reassessment
is underway. I think so. His economic policies,
controversial as they were, sometimes contributing
to instability were undeniably significant. His
robust support for African -American voting rights
and education, those are the last major attempts
to protect civil rights through federal means
until the 1930s. His tenacity in foreign policy
was clearly emulated by figures like Theodore
Roosevelt. Harrison's presidency, though squarely
in the 19th century, really clearly pointed the
way to the modern presidency that emerged under
William McKinley and T .R. And his legacy is
still visible, right? Memorials, place names.
Oh yeah, far from forgotten. Honored on six U
.S. postage stamps, featured on $5 national bank
notes back in the day, a presidential $1 coin
more recently. There's the Benjamin Harrison
Memorial Statue in Indianapolis. His home there
is now a library and museum. Fort Benjamin Harrison
in Indiana. Halls named after him at Miami University
in Purdue. His impact is still felt, even if
not always widely recognized or fully understood.
So after digging deep, what does this all mean
for Benjamin Harrison? We've seen a man of, well,
deep conviction, a decorated Civil War general
who famously led his troops with a simple, come
on boys, a senator who pushed for civil rights,
even when it was unpopular, even within his own
party, and a president who signed truly groundbreaking
legislation like the Sherman Antitrust Act, created
the nation's first national forest reserves,
aggressively modernized the Navy and American
foreign policy. He tackled some of the most complex
issues of his time, didn't he? Tariffs, currency,
the very definition of civil rights. often with
a quiet determination that maybe belied his profound
impact. He was a president who, despite often
being called average, oversaw more states admitted
to the union than any other, initiated America's
rise as a legitimate global naval power, even
made the first presidential voice recording.
Yeah. And his earnest, almost academic approach
to governance. It often alienated the political
machine, right, the party bosses who expected
patronage, but maybe also allowed him to pursue
policy with a clearer sense of duty and principle.
Prioritizing long -term vision over short -term
political gain sometimes. His impact feels foundational,
a true bridge to the 20th century. I think that's
right. So this deep dive into Benjamin Harrison
really asks us, and asks you, to reconsider what
average truly means in the context of leadership.
Is it all about charisma, grand gestures, the
sheer volume of immediate celebrated legislation?
Or is it sometimes about the quiet, consistent
work, building institutions, expanding federal
power carefully to protect rights? the environment,
workers, setting the course for the future, even
if those efforts aren't immediately met with
public acclaim or even fully successful right
away. Harrison's impact was often subtle, foundational,
perhaps all the more enduring for it, shaping
America in ways we're still grappling with today.
So what will you look for when you next evaluate
a leader's legacy, the loudest voice and maybe
the quiet modernizer?