Imagine being the second president of a brand
new nation. I mean, stepping into the colossal
shadow of George Washington. And then after your
own tumultuous term, preceding another giant,
Thomas Jefferson. Yeah, that's quite the position
to be in. Right. And not just navigating a nation
on the brink of war, but then after a lifetime
of really immense contributions, dying on the
exact same day as your greatest rival and, well...
complex friend, the 50th anniversary of the Declaration
of Independence itself. It's almost unbelievable,
isn't it? Like something out of fiction. Exactly.
That's just a glimpse into the life of John Adams,
a man of... unwavering principle, profound contradictions,
and often, let's be honest, exasperating stubbornness.
Okay, let's unpack this. We've got a treasure
trove of information today about a man who often
felt destined to be forgotten, yet whose influence
indelibly shaped the very foundations of American
government. That fear of being forgotten is such
a fascinating part of his psychology, actually.
It really is. From a Boston lawyer defending
British soldiers, we'll get into that, to a tenacious
diplomat securing vital loans, and then of course
to the highest office, his story is far richer
and more complex than many realize. You might
think you know John Adams, but get ready for
some truly surprising insights. Our mission today
is to go beyond the standard textbook narrative,
to truly understand the man behind the myth.
We'll uncover why his legacy is both celebrated
and, well, for too long, was overlooked. Yeah,
he definitely spent some time in the historical
shadows. You can expect a deep dive into his
principled legal battles, shrewd diplomatic triumphs,
that tumultuous presidency, and his enduring
philosophical impact on American governance.
And what's truly fascinating here is how Adams'
personal character, you know, often described
as prickly or irascible, was so intrinsically
linked to his political actions and deeply held
beliefs. Completely intertwined. We'll see how
this tenacity, this willingness to stand firm,
even in the face of widespread opposition, often
proved to be America's strength, even if it cost
some personal popularity, big time. Oh, it definitely
cost him. We'll also examine the nuanced details
of his thought from his groundbreaking ideas
on government structure to his deeply held religious
convictions, all of which had a lasting impact
on the trajectory of the nation. His commitment
to intellectual rigor and personal integrity,
even when unpopular, is just this consistent
thread that defines his entire life. So before
he was a revolutionary, before he was a diplomat,
before he was president, John Adams was just
a kid from Braintree, Massachusetts, born way
back on October 30, 1735. Right. Humble beginnings
in many ways. Yeah. His father, John Adams Sr.,
was a deacon, a farmer, a cord -weiner, that's
a shoemaker, and a militia lieutenant. a man
Adams deeply admired and praised throughout his
life. His mother, Susanna Boylston, came from
a prominent medical family, so this background
truly grounds him, doesn't it? He emerged from
solid New England stock, steeped in a world of
community, hard work, and faith. Absolutely.
And that upbringing provided a foundational framework
for his character. His formal education began
pretty early, age six, moving from a dame school
to brain tree Latin school. The curriculum was
quite robust for the era, you know, Latin rhetoric,
logic, arithmetic. Classics. Exactly. But young
Adams wasn't always the eager scholar. He confessed
to truancy and openly disliked his first schoolmaster,
even expressing a strong desire to become a farmer
instead of continuing his studies. Imagine history
if he'd gotten his wish. It took his father's
firm command to keep him in school and the hiring
of a new, more effective schoolmaster, Joseph
Marsh, for Adams to respond positively. He later
reflected on his mother's profound influence,
noting, As a child, I enjoyed perhaps the greatest
of blessings, that of a mother who was anxious
and capable to form the characters of her children.
So it's just that even as he struggled with,
let's say, academic discipline, his parents instilled
in him a strong sense of purpose and the value
of education that would later Well, define him.
That youthful desire to just farm to escape the
classroom feels so incredibly human, almost relatable.
But his father's push and his mother character
-forming influence clearly steered him towards
a path less ordinary. He entered Harvard College
at 16 in 1751, graduated with his AB in 1755
and an AM in 1758. Now, his father expected him
to become a minister, but Adams clearly had other
ideas, right? Oh, definitely. He spent some time
teaching in Worcester, kind of pondering his
future. He certainly did. During those four years
after graduation, he wasn't just drifting, he
was actively seeking honor or reputation and
more deference from his fellows. determined,
as he put it, to be a great man. Ambition, plain
and simple. Yes, this ambition, this powerful
drive for influence and recognition was a constant
force within him. He ultimately decided against
the ministry, writing to his father that he found
noble and gallant achievements among lawyers
in stark contrast to the pretended sanctity of
some absolute dunces among the clergy. Pretty
harsh words. Wow. Yeah, pulling no punches there.
Though he harbored reservations about his own
trumpery and a perceived failure to share the
happiness of his fellow men, his path was set.
In 1756, he began reading law under James Putnam
and Worcester and was admitted to the bar in
1759. So he finds his calling in law with a clear
ambition to make a mark. But it's not just personal
ambition that shaped him. He also developed an
early habit of diary writing, which offers us
incredible insight into his thought process.
And one specific event in his early legal career
really ignited a spark in him, didn't it? It
did, profoundly so. His impressions of James
Otis Jr.'s 1761 challenge to the legality of
British writs of assistance were a pivotal moment.
These writs were essentially general search warrants,
allowing British officials to search homes without
specific cause or notice an arbitrary exercise
of power that deeply troubled Adams. You can
see why. Absolutely. Otis's passionate argument
against them, delivered in a colonial courtroom,
resonated deeply, inspiring Adams to the cause
of the American colonies and solidifying his,
well, his unwavering legal and moral compass.
This commitment to intellectual rigor, his self
-directed study of ancient writers like Thucydides,
Plato, Cicero, Tacitus, in their original languages
combined with his pivotal moment, showcases his
early dedication to defending fundamental rights
against arbitrary power. It's really the first
hint of the principled lawyer and statesman he
would become. 1759 to 1765. Okay, so away from
the courtroom and into the heart, John Adams
also experienced the universal human drama of
love and family. In the late 1750s, he fell in
love with a woman named Hannah Quincy, but apparently
a proposal was interrupted and the moment was
lost. Ah, fate. Right. However, in 1759, he met
15 -year -old Abigail Smith, his third cousin,
through a friend. His initial impression wasn't
exactly glowing, was it? He wrote that she and
her sisters were not fond, nor frank, nor candid,
quite a blunt first assessment. A rather unvarnished
assessment indeed. But despite that initial,
perhaps superficial reaction, Adams grew very
close to Abigail. They shared a profound love
of books and developed a relationship built on
remarkable honesty, where both praise and criticism
were exchanged freely. They were married on October
25, 1764, despite some initial opposition from
Abigail's mother. Interesting. A strong match
from the start, it seems. Definitely. After his
father's death in 1761, Adams inherited a farm
and a house in Braintree, where they lived until
1783. This was the stable domestic foundation
from which he would embark on his extraordinary
public life. It's compelling to consider the
personal side of these historical figures, the
love story with Abigail, who became such pivotal
advisor and confidant, but also the challenges
of raising a family that included a future president,
John Quincy. A huge weight on any family. Yeah,
they had six children, but their fates were dramatically
mixed. While John Quincy, born in 1767, went
on to become the sixth president, two of their
other sons, Charles and Thomas, sadly succumbed
to alcoholism and died at relatively young ages.
It reminds us that alongside their grand historical
roles, these were real people facing very human
struggles and triumphs, providing a, well, a
poignant backdrop to the unfolding revolution.
Absolutely. This human element is crucial to
understanding the founders. And even before the
revolutionary fervor fully ignited, Adams was
already dabbling in political theory. In 1763,
under the pen name Humphrey Plowjogger, isn't
it? He wrote seven essays for Boston newspapers.
In these early writings he began to articulate
his views on power, ridiculing what he called
the selfish thirst for power he observed among
the Massachusetts colonial elite. So he's recognizing
these power dynamics early on. It's also worth
noting that Adams was initially less well -known
than his older cousin Samuel Adams, a real firebrand
of popular protest. How did John's approach differ
from his more famous cousin at this stage? Well,
his influence even then emerged from his work
as a constitutional lawyer, his rigorous analysis
of history, and his unwavering dedication to
Republican principles. John Adams often found
his own irascible nature, as he called it, a
constraint in his political career. But this
same tenacity would later serve him and the nation
in critical moments. That stubbornness again.
Exactly. The contrast with his cousin Samuel
Adams highlights John's preference for legal
and constitutional arguments over mob action,
a characteristic that would define much of his
public life. He sought to address grievances
through the rule of law, a foundational principle
for him, even then. This brings us to a pivotal
moment where John Adams truly steps onto the
national stage. The British Parliament, without
consulting colonial American legislatures, passed
the Stamp Act in 1765. Right, taxation without
representation, the classic grievance. Exactly.
This act required the colonies to pay a direct
tax for stamped documents, primarily to cover
the costs of the Seven Years' War. But it wasn't
just the money that angered the colonists. It
was the method of implementation. Enforcement
power was given to British Vice Admiralty Courts,
which operated without juries. That was a huge
deal. For colonists, this was a severe blow to
fundamental rights, as jury trials were seen
as essential protection against arbitrary power.
No doubt. This act was deeply resented, sparking
widespread resistance that ultimately prevented
its enforcement. And this context is critical
for understanding Adams' emergence as a leader.
He rose to prominence by spearheading widespread
opposition to the Stamp Act. His key contribution
was authoring the Braintree Instructions in 1765,
a powerful letter sent to the representatives
of Braintree in the Massachusetts legislature.
The Braintree Instructions, right. This document
was a succinct and forthright defense of colonial
rights and liberties, arguing that the Act denied
two fundamental rights guaranteed to all Englishmen,
and which all free men deserved. To be taxed
only by consent, and to be tried by a jury of
one's peers. This document served as a model
for other towns, providing a crucial legal blueprint
for organized resistance. This is where Adams
truly made his mark. Not with a musket, but with
a powerful pen. He was all about the principles,
the law, even when passions were running high.
He even revived his Humphrey Plowjogger pen name
for four articles in the Boston Gazette that
August, further opposing the Stamp Act. That's
a crucial detail. His opposition wasn't just
local. It was carefully reasoned and articulated
for a broader audience, demonstrating a sophisticated
understanding of legal and political theory.
These articles were later republished in London,
giving his arguments an international platform
and intellectual weight. Wow, taking it to the
source. Pretty much. He also spoke directly before
the governor and council in December, boldly
pronouncing the Stamp Act invalid due to the
absence of Massachusetts representation in Parliament.
He noted that many protests were indeed sparked
by a popular sermon from Boston Minister Jonathan
Mayhew, who invoked Romans 13 to justify insurrection.
This period reveals a deep intellectual engagement
with both legal precedent and the moral underpinnings
of resistance. So he was actively opposing, speaking
out, writing, but he drew a clear line, didn't
he? While Adams strongly opposed the act, he
explicitly rebuffed attempts by his cousin Samuel
Adams, a leader in more popular protest movements,
to involve him in mob actions and public demonstrations.
Right, he wasn't about the violence or the chaos.
He wasn't one for street theatrics or violence,
but for constitutional argument. This is a key
moment that truly defines his approach to revolution.
Precisely. This is a critical insight into Adams's
character. He was a revolutionary, yes, but fundamentally
a man of law and order. His opposition to the
Stamp Act wasn't just about taxes. It was about
the foundational rights of consent and due process,
which he saw as being systematically eroded.
His methodical, legalistic approach distinguished
him from more radical elements and lent intellectual
weight and credibility to the colonial cause.
Yeah, give it some real grounding. And this commitment
to legal process would be tested even further,
and quite controversially, in the aftermath of
the Boston Massacre. In 1766, Braintree elected
him as a selectman, demonstrating his growing
local influence. OK, so with the repeal of the
Stamp Act in early 1766, tensions with Britain
eased, but it short lived. Britain's passage
of the Townsend Acts in 1767 revived those tensions
and an increase in mob violence led the British
to dispatch more troops to the colonies. Things
were heating up again. Definitely. Adams moved
his family back to Boston in April 1768 to focus
on his law practice, where he quickly became
Boston's most prominent lawyer after the death
of Jeremiah Gridley and the mental collapse of
James Otis Jr. This set the stage for one of
the most controversial decisions of his career.
Indeed. On March 5, 1770, a lone British sentry
was accosted by a mob. Eight soldiers came to
reinforce him, and the crowd swelled to several
hundred, pelting the soldiers with snowballs,
ice, and stones. In the ensuing chaos, the soldiers
opened fire, killing five civilians in what became
known as the Boston Massacre. An incredibly charged
event. An explosive situation, deeply inflamed
by public sentiment and poised to plunge the
city into further chaos. The accused soldiers
were arrested on charges of murder. This is such
a striking moment in his life. The man who's
building a reputation as a fierce advocate for
colonial rights turns around and defends the
very British soldiers who fired on his countrymen.
It seems almost counterintuitive, doesn't it?
Totally. When no other attorneys would come to
their defense, Adams decided to do so despite
the enormous risk to his own reputation and safety.
He profoundly believed that no person, regardless
of their actions or public opinion, should be
denied the right to counsel and a fair trial.
The trials were strategically delayed to allow
passions to cool. This reveals a fundamental
aspect of his character, his unwavering belief
in justice for all, even the most unpopular.
Precisely. It showcases his unwavering belief
in the presumption of innocence and the right
to counsel, cornerstones of justice, and principles
he would later work to enshrine in the Massachusetts
Constitution. The week -long trial of Captain
Thomas Preston ended in his acquittal as it was
impossible to prove he had ordered his soldiers
to fire. A key point. Right. The remaining soldiers
were tried in December. It was during this trial
that Adams delivered his famed argument regarding
jury decisions. Facts are stubborn things, and
whatever may be our wishes, our inclinations,
or the dictates of our passions, they cannot
alter the state of facts and evidence. Adams
won an acquittal for six of the soldiers, with
two others who had fired directly into the crowd,
convicted of manslaughter. That commitment to
the rule of law, prioritizing facts over passion,
is truly powerful. While some historians, like
Johnny Ferling, suggest Adams might have strategically
influenced jury selection by challenging individual
jurors. There's always that political angle to
consider. True. But Adams's public statements
consistently emphasize the supremacy of law and
fact over inflamed public sentiment. This act
of moral courage, though controversial at the
time, solidified his reputation as a principled
lawyer who would uphold the law regardless of
personal cost, demonstrating a rare and critical
independence of mind for a revolutionary leader.
Hashtag chaged 2 .3 growing disenchantment with
Britain, 1772 to 1774. The Boston massacre trial
certainly boosted Adams' law practice and prosperity,
but also placed immense demands on his time.
In 1774, due to the increasingly unstable situation
in Boston, Adams and Abigail returned their family
to the farm in Braintree, which remained their
permanent Massachusetts home. You can feel a
growing unease, can't you? You absolutely can.
Adams, who had initially been among the more
conservative of the Founding Fathers, persistently
held that while British actions against the Colonies
were wrong, open insurrection was unwarranted.
He preferred peaceful petition, you know, with
the view of remaining part of Great Britain.
Still holding out hope for reconciliation. For
a time. But his ideas began to fundamentally
change around 1772. This marks a critical ideological
evolution for Adams as he moved from seeking
redress for specific grievances to challenging
the very nature of Parliament's authority. And
the spark that accelerated this shift was Britain's
decision to assume payment of the salaries of
Governor Thomas Hutchinson and his judges, bypassing
the Massachusetts legislature entirely. Adams,
recognizing the grave danger, wrote in the Gazette
that these measures would destroy judicial independence
and place the colonial government in closer subjugation
to the Crown. A direct assault on the separation
of powers he so deeply believed in. Precisely.
After discontent grew among members of the legislature,
Hutchinson delivered a speech warning that Parliament's
powers over the colonies were absolute and any
resistance illegal. In response, John Adams,
along with Samuel Adams and Joseph Hawley, drafted
a resolution adopted by the House of Representatives
threatening independence as an alternative to
tyranny. Wow, threatening independence already.
This resolution argued a profound point, that
the commonists had never been out of the sovereignty
of parliament. Their charter, as well as their
allegiance, was exclusive to the king. This reinterpretation
laid the intellectual groundwork for independence,
fundamentally shifting the argument from an appeal
to British rights to asserting a distinct American
sovereignty. And then the powder keg ignited.
On December 16th, 1773, we have the Boston Tea
Party, a defiant demonstration against the Tea
Act and the British East India Company's tea
monopoly. Protesters destroyed 342 chests of
tea. While Adams briefly offered legal counsel
to the Dartmouth owners, he himself applauded
the destruction of the tea, calling it the grandest
event in the history of the colonial protest
movement. He even wrote in his diary that it
was an absolutely and indispensably necessary
action. This isn't just a political shift, it's
a deeply personal one for him, a recognition
that the ties with Britain were fundamentally
broken. for peaceful petition to endorsing such
a defiant act shows his growing conviction that
the relationship with Britain was beyond repair
through conventional means. This was not a man
who embraced radicalism lightly. His endorsement
of the Tea Party signifies his realization that
constitutional arguments alone were no longer
sufficient against what he perceived as escalating
tyranny. The gloves were coming off. Pretty much.
In 1774, in response to the punitive and tolerable
acts, the first Continental Congress was convened.
John Adams, despite an emotional plea from his
friend, Attorney General Jonathan Sewell, not
to attend, agreed to go as one of the four delegates
chosen by the Massachusetts legislature. The
die was well and truly cast. So John Adams arrives
in Philadelphia for the First Continental Congress,
stepping into a room full of delegates with diverse
and often conflicting viewpoints. Almost immediately,
he was placed on the grand committee, tasked
with drafting a letter of grievances to King
George III. And, uh... No surprise that committee
quickly split into conservative and radical factions.
Can you imagine the pressure in that room? Oh,
intense indeed. And this period is crucial for
understanding the nascent American political
process. It highlights the deep divisions, even
among those seeking change from British rule.
Adams, as a key figure in the Massachusetts delegation,
was vocal. He criticized conservatives like Joseph
Galloway and James Dwayne, who advocated a conciliatory
policy or felt the colonies still owed allegiance
to Britain. But he wasn't fully radical yet himself.
Not entirely. His own views at this time still
aligned in some ways with those of conservative
John Dickinson, as Adams primarily sought the
repeal of objectionable policies while still
seeing benefits in maintaining ties with Britain.
He renewed his push for the fundamental right
to a jury trial. He's advocating for rights,
but still hoping for reconciliation. Amidst all
this high -stakes diplomacy, he also expressed
a very human frustration with the pace and nature
of the debates. He complained of what he considered
the pretentiousness of the other delegates writing
to Abigail. This is great. I believe if it was
moved and seconded that we should come to a resolution
that three and two make five, we should be entertained
with logic and rhetoric, law, history, politics
and mathematics, concerning the subject for two
whole days and then... We should pass a resolution
unanimously in the affirmative. Huh. That's classic
Adams, isn't it? A detail -oriented lawyer stuck
in what felt like endless trivial debates. Totally.
It perfectly captures his intellectual impatience
and his desire for decisive action based on clear
principles. Yet, despite his frustrations, Adams
ultimately helped engineer a crucial compromise
between the Conservatives and the Radicals. The
Congress disbanded in October after sending a
petition to the King, and importantly, showing
its displeasure with the intolerable acts by
endorsing the Suffolk Resolves, which called
for a boycott of British goods. So he could still
work across the aisle, so to speak. This demonstrated
an ability to unite disparate factions, even
if the process was agonizing for him personally.
And while he was wrestling with these monumental
decisions, his personal life was, as always,
deeply intertwined. His absence was hard on Abigail,
who was left alone to care for their growing
family. But her support was unwavering. She still
encouraged her husband, sending him powerful
letters. She wrote, You cannot be I know, nor
do I wish to see you an inactive spectator. But
if the sword be drawn, I bid adieu to all domestic
felicity and look forward to that country where
there is neither wars nor rumors of war. What
an incredible woman and what a powerful message
of unwavering support and shared conviction.
Her letter underscores the profound personal
sacrifices made by the Adams family and so many
others during this period. It showcases her strength
and her shared conviction in the cause, even
as it demanded immense personal cost. This unwavering
domestic front allowed Adams to focus his formidable
intellect on the task at hand, knowing his family
stood with him in spirit, preparing for the inevitable
escalation towards independence. With the news
of the opening hostilities at the battles of
Lexington and Concord, Adams' hoax for independence
soared. He witnessed the militia's high spirits,
but also their disorganization. A month later,
Adams returned to Philadelphia for the Second
Continental Congress, now as a clear leader of
the Massachusetts delegation, firmly convinced
that Congress was moving towards a full break
with Great Britain. This was Adams at his most
influential. He moved cautiously at first, recognizing
that Congress was deeply divided between loyalists,
those favoring independence, and those hesitant.
Publicly he supported reconciliation if practicable,
but privately he aligned with Benjamin Franklin's
confidential observation that independence was
inevitable. His pragmatism and strategic foresight
were becoming increasingly evident. and in a
move that would prove foundational for the American
military, in June 1775, with a view to promoting
union among the colonies, he nominated George
Washington of Virginia as commander -in -chief
of the army then assembled around Boston. He
praised Washington's skill and experience, as
well as his excellent universal character. A
masterstroke, really, unifying the colonies behind
a respected Southern leader and cementing a critical
military structure. Absolutely. This was a brilliant
political maneuver, crucial for solidifying inter
-colonial unity. Yet Adams also fiercely opposed
various attempts, including the Olive Branch
petition aimed at finding peace with Britain.
Invoking the already long list of British actions,
he wrote. In my opinion, powder and artillery
are the most efficacious, sure, and infallibly
conciliatory measures we can adopt. Strong words.
No more talking. His frustration with appeasement
was palpable. After his failure to prevent the
petition from being enacted, he wrote a private
letter derisively referring to conservative delegate
John Dickinson as a piddling genius. The letter
was intercepted and published in loyalist newspapers,
leading to a period of ostracization for Adams.
As historian and Ferling notes, by late 1775,
quote, no one in Congress labored more ardently
than Adams to hasten the day when America would
be separate from Great Britain. That private
letter about Dickinson shows us that even founding
fathers had their moments of unfiltered frustration.
But his intellectual contributions were also
profound during this time. He never served as
chief judge at the Massachusetts Superior Court.
But more importantly, in response to queries
from other delegates, Adams wrote the 1776 pamphlet,
on government. Ah yes, thoughts on government.
Hugely influential. This laid out an incredibly
influential framework for Republican constitutions,
advocating for bicameralism, separation of powers,
and enumerated powers for a continental government.
This was a blueprint for how a new republic should
function. Indeed. Adams's intellectual contributions
here are foundational to American constitutionalism.
Throughout the first half of 1776, he grew increasingly
impatient with the slow pace of declaring independence.
He helped push through a plan to outfit armed
ships to launch raids on enemy vessels and later
drafted the first set of regulations for the
Provisional Navy, a true one -man war department
in many respects. Getting things done. He also
drafted the Preamble to the Lee Resolution. It's
during this time he developed a rapport with
Thomas Jefferson, who had been slower to support
independence, but by early 1776 agreed it was
necessary. Then, on June 7, 1776, the moment
arrived. Adams seconded the Lee Resolution, which
declared that the colonies were free and independent
states. This was the true breaking point. It
was. Prior to independence being declared, Adams
organized a committee of five, charged with drafting
a Declaration of Independence, selecting himself,
Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, Robert R. Livingston,
and Roger Sherman. Though Jefferson thought Adams
should write the document, Adams persuaded the
committee to choose Jefferson. Why was that?
He later recorded his reasoning to Jefferson.
Reason first, you are a Virginian, and a Virginian
ought to appear at the head of this business.
Reason second, I am obnoxious, suspected, and
unpopular. You are very much otherwise. Reason
third, you can write 10 times better than I can.
What a humble yet shrewd assessment of his own
political standing and Jefferson's writing prowess.
While Jefferson wrote the first draft, Adams
assumed a major role in the process. On July
1st, the resolution was debated in Congress,
with opponents like Dickinson making a strong
effort to resist it. Jefferson, a famously poor
debater, remained silent while Adams argued fiercely
for its adoption. He really carried the weight
of that debate. Many years later, Jefferson hailed
Adams as the pillar of the Declaration's support
on the floor of Congress, its ablest advocate
and defender against the multifarious assaults
it encountered. High praise from a rival. This
is a critical testament to Adams' persuasive
power and intellectual force. On July 2, Congress
officially voted for independence, with 12 colonies
voting affirmatively and New York abstaining.
Dickinson was notably absent. On July 3, Adams
wrote to Abigail that yesterday was decided the
greatest question which was ever debated in America.
He famously predicted that the second day of
July, 1776, will be the most memorable epoch
in the history of America and will be celebrated
annually. He got the date slightly wrong, but
the sentiment was right. Huh? Yes. Just missed
it by a couple of days. Congress formally approved
the Declaration of Independence on July 4. His
vision for governance was being laid out in real
time with immense personal and political effort
fundamentally redefining the American experiment.
Hashtag 3 .3 war effort and peace efforts. 1776
to 1777. This period is Adam's at his most influential,
truly an engine of the revolution. His workload
was immense. Benjamin Rush reported he was acknowledged
to be the first man in the house. He sat on 90
committees, chaired 25. An unmatched workload.
It's staggering, really. In June 1776, he became
head of the Board of War and Ordnance, a de facto
Secretary of War. He was referred to as a one
-man war department, working up to 18 -hour days,
mastering the details of raising, equipping,
and fielding an army under— control. This demonstrates
Adams's extraordinary capacity for work and his
deep understanding of logistics and strategy.
The depth of his involvement in the Board of
War reveals a crucial often overlooked insight.
For Adams, the American Revolution wasn't just
a fight of ideals, but a grueling exercise in
practical administration. Right, the unglamorous
stuff. Exactly. He understood that without the
unglamorous work of supplies and discipline,
grand declarations meant nothing. He was worn
out by the rigor of his duties and longed to
return home, but the crisis caused by the defeat
of American soldiers kept him at his post, a
testament to his selflessness. And then came
a brief, but incredibly telling attempt at peace.
After defeating the Continental Army at the Battle
of Long Island in August 1776, British Admiral
Richard Howe requested Congress send representatives
to negotiate. A delegation consisting of Adams,
Franklin, and Edward Redledge met with Howe at
the Staten Island Peace Conference. But there
was no common ground, was there? Howe's authority
was premised on the state's submission to the
Crown. Exactly. When Lord Howe stated he could
view the American delegates only as British subjects,
Adams famously replied, your lordship may consider
me in what light you please, except that of a
British subject. Boom. That's the spirit. This
defiant spirit, this absolute refusal to concede
even a rhetorical inch of American sovereignty,
was Adams encapsulated in a single sentence.
He was unimpressed with Howe and confidently
predicted American success. He learned many years
later that his name was on a list of people specifically
excluded from Howe's pardon -granting authority,
underscoring the British recognition of his pivotal
role. After a brief respite at home, Adams returned
to Congress, but the brutal realities of war
had shifted his focus. It was no longer enough
to just declare independence. The nation needed
to secure its survival through strategic alliances.
What was his next move? He immediately refocused
on strategy. advocating in Congress that independence
was necessary to establish trade and conversely
that trade was essential for the attainment of
independence. He specifically urged the negotiation
of a commercial treaty with France. Diplomacy
and trade, hand in hand. Right. He was appointed,
along with Franklin and others, to prepare a
plan of treaties to be proposed to foreign powers.
While Jefferson was writing the declaration,
Adams worked on the Model Treaty, which authorized
a commercial agreement with France, but contained
no provisions for formal recognition or military
assistance. The treaty adhered to the provision
that free ships make free goods. meaning a neutral
country could trade with a warring nation and
their non -military goods wouldn't be seized.
A pragmatic approach initially? Yes, but by late
1777 America's finances were in tatters and a
British army had captured Philadelphia. More
Americans came to determine that mere commercial
ties would not be enough. Military assistance
would be needed. The American victory at Saratoga
was expected to help induce France to agree to
a full alliance and Adams, ever pragmatic, was
ready to adapt his strategy. Adams' tireless
work in the Continental Congress soon led him
to a new vital role, diplomat. In November 1777,
he learned that he was to be named commissioner
to France, joining Benjamin Franklin and Arthur
Lee in Paris to negotiate an alliance. A huge
responsibility. James Lovell invoked Adams' inflexible
integrity and the need for a youthful man to
counterbalance Franklin's age. On November 27,
Adams accepted, a decision that would lead to
one of the most perilous journeys of his life.
It was indeed a monumental undertaking. Abigail
was left in Massachusetts to manage their home,
but it was agreed that their 10 -year -old son,
John Quincy, would accompany Adams as the experience
was deemed of inestimable value to his maturation.
Imagine sending your 10 -year -old on that voyage.
Incredible. On February 17, 1778, Adams set sail
aboard the frigate Boston. The trip was stormy
and treacherous. British vessels pursued the
ship, with Adams personally taking up arms to
help capture one. Tragically, a cannon malfunction
wounded several sailors and killed one. On April
1, the Boston arrived in France, where Adams
learned that France had already agreed to an
alliance with the United States on February 6,
before he'd even arrived. Talk about arriving
after the party started. Adams and Franklin together
in Paris. You'd think that would be a dream team,
but it sounds like a classic odd couple scenario
with Adams's pragmatism clashing with Franklin's
more laid back diplomacy. Adams was clearly annoyed
by the other two commissioners. Lee, whom he
thought paranoid and cynical, and the popular
and influential Franklin, whom he found lethargic
and overly deferential to the French. Different
styles for sure. Adams assumed a less visible
role, but meticulously helped manage the delegation's
finances and record -keeping, clearly ready to
roll up his sleeves and demand action, even taking
up arms on the journey over. He wasn't just going
to sit back. This period reveals Adams' relentless
drive and his deep -seated distrust of relying
solely on the goodwill of allies. Frustrated
by the perceived lack of commitment on the part
of the French, Adams wrote a letter to French
Foreign Minister Virgin in December, arguing
for more robust French naval support in North
America. Franklin, ever the smoother diplomat,
toned down the letter, but Virgin ultimately
ignored it, further fueling Adams' exasperation.
You can just picture Adams fuming. Oh, undoubtedly.
In September 1778, Congress increased Franklin's
powers by naming him Minister Plenipotentiary
to France while Lee was sent to Spain. Adams
received no instructions, signaling his reduced
role. Feeling slighted and his presence unneeded,
he departed France with John Quincy on March
8, 1779, arriving back in Braintree on August
2. His determination to see his son gain experience
abroad, even in perilous circumstances, reflects
his belief in rigorous education for future leaders.
Despite the frustrations in France, Adams's diplomatic
skills were far from finished. In late 1779,
he was appointed as the sole minister charged
with negotiations to establish a commercial treaty
with Britain and ultimately to end the war. Following
the Massachusetts Constitutional Convention,
he departed for France in November, again accompanied
by his sons John Quincy and a now nine -year
-old Charles, after another arduous journey involving
a ship leak and an overland trek across Spain.
Another immense personal sacrifice for Adams
and his family. While in France, constant disagreement
between Lee and Franklin eventually resulted
in Adams assuming the role of tiebreaker in almost
all votes on commission business. He pragmatically
increased his usefulness by mastering French,
and Lee was eventually recalled. Smart move,
learning the language. Absolutely. Adams also
closely supervised his son's education, while
writing to Abigail about once every 10 days,
a testament to his dedication to family, even
amidst national crisis. In contrast to Franklin,
Adams viewed the Franco -American alliance with
a healthy dose of pessimism. He believed the
French were primarily involved for their own
self -interest, and he grew increasingly frustrated
by what he saw as their sluggishness in providing
substantial aid. He famously wrote that the French
meant to keep their hands above our chin to prevent
us from drowning, but not to lift our heads out
of water. It perfectly captures his shrewd assessment
of international relations. His direct, unvarnished
approach, while sometimes creating friction,
often cut through diplomatic niceties to address
fundamental issues. In March 1780, Congress,
attempting to curb inflation, voted to devalue
the dollar. Virgin summoned Adams, insisting
this fluctuation was unacceptable without an
exception for French merchants. Adams bluntly
defended the decision, not only claiming French
merchants were doing better than Virgin implied,
but voicing grievances about the alliance arguing
France needed to commit more fully. It wasn't
backing down. Not at all. Vergen, angered, stated
he would deal only with Franklin, who then sent
a letter to Congress critical of Adams. Adams,
feeling unsupported and unheard, left France
of his own accord. So he takes his talents elsewhere,
literally. In mid 1780, Adams traveled to the
Dutch Republic, one of the few other republics
at the time. He thought it might be sympathetic
to the American cause, and crucially, securing
a Dutch loan could increase American independence
from France and pressure Britain into peace.
A strategic pivot. At first, he had no official
status. But in July, he was formally given permission
to negotiate for a loan and took up residence
in Amsterdam in August. Did it go smoothly there?
Not initially. His optimism was high, but he
soon became disappointed. The Dutch, fearing
British retaliation, especially after the British
discovered secret aid they had sent to the Americans,
refused to meet with Adams. Word of American
battlefield defeats also reached Europe, further
dampening their enthusiasm. After five months
without meeting a single Dutch official, Adams,
in early 1781, pronounced Amsterdam the capital
of the reign of Mammon. Ouch. His frustration
was boiling over. Understandably. In July, he
consented to the departure of both his sons.
John Quincy went to St. Petersburg as a French
interpreter to seek recognition from Russia,
and a homesick Charles returned home. This was
a period of incredible highs and lows for Adams.
In August, shortly after being removed from his
position as sole head of peace treaty negotiations,
Adams suffered a major nervous breakdown. This
was a true testament to the immense pressure
and isolation he felt. It truly encapsulates
his personal sacrifices and resilience. However,
that November, he learned that American and French
troops had decisively defeated the British at
Yorktown. The victory was, in large part, due
to the assistance of the French Navy, which,
in a vindicating moment, proved Adams's earlier
stance for increased naval assistance correct.
Vindication must have felt good. The news of
the American triumph at Yorktown convulsed Europe,
creating a new diplomatic opening. In January
1782, after recovering, Adams arrived at the
Hague to demand that the state's general answer
his petitions. When his efforts stalled, he took
his cause directly to the people, successfully
capitalizing on popular pro -American sentiment.
Several provinces began recognizing American
independence. On April 19th, the stats general
formally recognized American independence and
acknowledged Adams as ambassador. This was a
monumental diplomatic victory. achieved through
sheer persistence and a direct appeal to the
people, a clear departure from traditional European
diplomacy. On June 11th, with the aid of the
Dutch patriot and leader, Joan van der Capellen,
talked in Pol. Adams negotiated a loan of five
million guilders. In October, he negotiated a
treaty of amity and commerce. The house that
Adams bought during the stay in the Netherlands
became the first American embassy on foreign
soil, a powerful symbol of American sovereignty.
Securing that loan was not just financial, it
was a strategic move to assert American independence
from all European powers, including France, and
critical for national solvency. Hashtag, hashtag,
4 .3 Treaty of Paris, 1782 to 1783. Fresh off
his triumph in the Dutch Republic, Adams was
immediately reappointed as the American Commissioner
to negotiate the war -ending treaty, the Treaty
of Paris. French foreign minister version and
France's minister to the United States disapproved
of Adams. So Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jefferson,
John Jay and Henry Lawrence were appointed to
collaborate with him, although only Franklin
and Jay were consistently present. So he was
back on a team, but with some significant internal
and external resistance. The stage was set for
complex negotiations. In the final negotiations,
securing fishing rights off Newfoundland and
Cape Breton Island proved both very important
and very difficult. These weren't minor details,
right? Vital for New England? Absolutely. Vital
for the economy and a symbol of national sovereignty.
In response to very strict restrictions proposed
by the British, Adams insisted that not only
should American fishermen be allowed to travel
as close to shore as desired, but that they should
also be allowed to cure their fish on the shores
of Newfoundland. His tenacity on this point was
characteristic. And this insistence, along with
other strong statements, prompted Virgin to secretly
inform the British that France did not feel compelled
to sustain these pretentious ambitions of the
Americans. This highlights a crucial dynamic.
The French were allies, but also had their own
interests. Definitely. Overruling Franklin and
deeply distrustful of Virgin's motivations, Jay
and Adams made a bold move. They decided not
to consult with France, instead dealing directly
with the British. going rogue, a master class
in independent diplomacy. This was a pivotal,
controversial, but ultimately brilliant strategic
decision. During these independent negotiations,
Adams leveraged the French position against itself.
He mentioned to the British that his proposed
fishing terms were more generous than those offered
by France in 1778, arguing that accepting them
would foster goodwill between Britain and the
United States while simultaneously putting pressure
on France. Clever, playing them off each other.
Britain agreed to Adams' terms, and the two sides
worked out other provisions afterward. Virgin
was angered when he learned from Franklin of
the American duplicity, but he didn't demand
renegotiation. He was surprised at how much the
Americans could extract. This willingness to
go rogue reveals Adams' deep conviction that
America's interests, even when unpopular with
allies, must always come first, a principle crucial
for establishing the new nation's true sovereignty.
So, his willingness to challenge conventional
diplomacy and act on principle, even if controversial,
yielded significant benefits for the nascent
nation. On September 3rd, 1783, the Treaty of
Paris was signed, and American independence was
formally recognized. This was a triumph not just
for America, but for Adams's tenacious, independent
diplomatic style. Hashtag tag, hashtag 4 .4,
ambassador to Great Britain, 1785, 1788. Fresh
from helping negotiate the Feast Treaty, Adams
was then appointed as the very first American
ambassador to Great Britain in 1785. Can you
imagine the sheer symbolism of that? The former
rebel, now representing his sovereign nation
to the very monarch he defied? It was an extraordinary
moment in history, and Adams meticulously recorded
his first audience with King George III on June
1, 1785. The exchange was remarkably respectful.
Adams promised to do all he could to restore
friendship and cordiality between people who,
though separated sick by an ocean and under different
governments, have the same language, a similar
religion, and kindred blood. Trying to build
bridges. The King, for his part, agreed to receive
with pleasure the assurances of the friendly
dispositions of the United States. But then,
the King threw a curveball, didn't he? He startled
Adams by commenting that, Adams famously replied,
That opinion, sir, is not mistaken. I have no
attachments but to my own country. Perfect Adams'
response. And King George, perhaps surprisingly,
responded, An honest man will never have any
other. This exchange, steeped in mutual respect
despite their history, truly highlights Adams'
consistent Republican principles, even one abroad.
His honesty and unwavering patriotism cut through
the formal diplomatic setting. Indeed. Adams
was joined by Abigail in London. but they often
suffered the hostility of the king's courtiers.
They found solace by seeking out Richard Price,
a minister who advocated for the American Revolution
within Britain. Adams also corresponded diligently
with his sons at Harvard, emphasizing the importance
of intellectual development. He never stopped
being a father, even as ambassador. His old friend
Jonathan Sewell, now a loyalist exile, visited
Adams in London, but they discovered their paths
had diverged too much to renew their friendship,
a poignant casualty of the war. Sewell offered
a pointed critique of Adams as an ambassador,
stating he lacked the courtly graces to dance,
drink, game, flatter, small talk, and flirt with
the ladies. That perfectly captures the contrast
between Adams's blunt, principled nature and
the superficial demands of courtly life. While
in London, Adams also wrote his three -volume
mop. a defense of the constitutions of government
of the United States of America, a direct response
to European critics of American state government
frameworks. This wasn't just a rebuttal. It was
a profound articulation of his political philosophy,
emphasizing the need for robust governmental
structures and a mixed government that balanced
different social forces. His consistent vision
for a stable, virtuous republic founded on laws,
not men, shines through in this work. But his
job wasn't easy. No. Adams' tenure in Britain
was complicated by both countries failing to
follow their treaty obligations. The American
states were delinquent in paying debts owed to
British merchants, and in response, the British
refused to vacate forts in the Northwest as promised.
Adams' attempts to resolve this dispute failed,
and he was often frustrated by a lack of progress
from home. The fragility of the new nation and
the domestic instability, such as Shea's Rebellion,
further complicated his efforts to establish
America's credibility on the global stage. He
eventually asked to be relieved, and in 1788
took his leave of George III. He then went to
The Hague to secure refinancing from the Dutch,
allowing the United States to meet obligations
on earlier loans, solidifying his reputation
as a master financial diplomat. After years of
intense, sometimes life -threatening diplomatic
service abroad, Adams returned to Massachusetts
in June 1788 to a triumphant welcome. He initially
returned to farming life, but the nation's first
presidential election was rapidly approaching.
With George Washington widely expected to win
the presidency unanimously, there was a strong
feeling that the vice presidency should go to
a northerner, and Adams was the primary contender.
This inaugural election reveals the early fault
lines in American politics, even before formal
parties fully developed. Each state's presidential
electors gathered on February 4, 1789 to cast
their two votes. Adams received 34 electoral
college votes, placing him second behind Washington,
who was, as expected, a unanimous choice with
69 votes. Adams finished well ahead of all others
except Washington, but he was profoundly offended
by Washington receiving more than twice as many
votes. Imagine being the second in command and
finding out your election was partly a strategic
manipulation to ensure you didn't accidentally
become president. Yeah, that had to sting. Alexander
Hamilton, in an effort to prevent Adams from
potentially tying Washington and to ensure Washington's
overwhelming victory, convinced at least seven
of the 69 electors not to cast their vote for
Adams. The audacity. After finding out about
the manipulation, though not Hamilton's direct
role in it at the time, Adams wrote to Benjamin
Rush that his election was a curse rather than
a blessing. This deeply personal reaction profoundly
shaped Adams's perception of his office and his
subsequent frustrations. It's a key example of
how personal relationships and political machinations,
even among the founders, impacted the formation
of the government and the nascent role of the
vice presidency. Although his term officially
started on March 4, 1789, Adams did not begin
serving as vice president until April 25, due
to his late arrival in New York. This late start
perhaps further contributed to his sense of being
somewhat sidelined from the outset. Now, let's
talk about the vice president's role. The sole
constitutionally prescribed responsibility of
the vice president is to preside over the U .S.
Senate, where they were empowered to cast a tie
-breaking vote. But early in his term, Adams
became deeply involved in a rather lengthy Senate
controversy over official titles for the president
and executive officers of the new government.
The titles debate, a classic moment. While the
House agreed on George Washington, president
of the United States, the Senate debated the
issue at length. And Adams had some strong opinions,
didn't he? He certainly did. Adams favored the
style of highness and even the title of protector
of the United States liberties for the president.
Some senators favored similar elevated titles.
However, anti -Centralists in the Senate vehemently
objected to the monarchical sound of these titles.
Thomas Jefferson, with his characteristic wit,
described them as Superlatively ridiculous. Jefferson
really had a way with words. They argued that
these distinctions, as Adams called them, directly
violated the Constitution's prohibition on titles
of nobility, reflecting a deep -seated American
fear of anything resembling European aristocracy.
John Adams, the staunch Republican, advocating
for His Highness and then being nicknamed His
Rotundity. It's almost comical. but it speaks
volumes about the early republic's anxieties
about monarchical power and Adams's inability
to read the room sometimes. He argued that such
distinctions were necessary because the highest
office of the United States must be marked with
dignity and splendor to command respect on the
world stage. He was widely derided for his combative
nature and stubbornness, especially as he actively
debated and lectured the senators. This episode,
while seemingly trivial in retrospect, underscores
a fundamental tension in early American identity,
balancing the need for governmental dignity with
a fervent rejection of European aristocratic
traditions. Senator William McClay of Pennsylvania,
Adams' fiercest opponent, recorded that Adams,
for 40 minutes, he harangued us from the chair
and privately likened him to a monkey just put
into preaches. Ouch. It was Ralph Isard who suggested
Adams be referred to as his rotundity, a joke
that quickly became popular. On May 14, 1789,
the Senate decided that the simple title of Mr.
President would be used. Privately, Adams conceded
that his vice presidency had begun poorly and
that perhaps he had been out of the country too
long to accurately gauge the sentiment of the
people. This highlights the challenging and often
thankless nature of the vice presidency, especially
in its infancy. Hashtag tag tag 5 .3 Federalist
alignment and frustration 1789 1797. Despite
that rocky start as vice president, Adams largely
sided with the Washington administration and
the emerging Federalist Party. He supported Washington's
policies against opposition from the anti -Federalist
Republicans. He wasn't just a silent figurehead
either. He cast 29 tie -breaking votes, which
is quite significant. Really shaping key early
decisions. He notably voted against a bill sponsored
by his nemesis, McClay, that would have required
Senate consent for the removal of executive branch
officials. And he played a role in the Capitol
location debate, too, right? His active use of
the tie -breaking vote demonstrates his commitment
to the Federalist agenda. In 1790, for example,
when Jefferson, James Madison, and Hamilton struck
a bargain to move the Capitol to the Potomac
River, Adams cast a tie -breaking vote against
the last -minute motion to keep the Capitol in
New York. These were crucial early decisions.
But despite his active participation, Adams often
felt deeply frustrated by the limitations of
his office. He played a minor role in politics
as vice president, attending few cabinet meetings,
and President Washington sought his counsel infrequently.
While Adams brought energy and dedication by
mid 1789, he already found the office, not quite
adapted to my character, too inactive and mechanical.
And then came that famous quote. Exactly. He
famously wrote, my country has in its wisdom
contrived for me the most insignificant office
that ever the invention of man contrived or his
imagination conceived. That's a profound statement
of feeling underutilized. This period shows Adams'
practical political alignment with the Federalists,
but also his internal struggle with the limitations
of his office. His initial behavior in the Senate
made him a target for critics, but toward the
end of his first term, he grew accustomed to
a more marginal role. He never questioned Washington's
courage or patriotism, but he did view Washington
and Franklin as often overshadowing his own contributions.
That quote about the electrical rod? Oh yes.
He once declared, The history of our revolution
will be one continued lie. The essence of the
whole will be that Dr. Franklin's electrical
rods smote the earth and out sprung General Washington,
that Franklin electrified him with his rod, and
henceforth these two conducted all the policy,
negotiations, legislatures, and war. Wow. Pretty
spicy, revealing his deep -seated feelings of
being overshadowed, even while serving faithfully.
Despite these frustrations, Adams won re -election
with little difficulty in 1792. His electoral
success? despite his personal frustrations indicates
his political standing. On the international
stage, the French Revolution began. Republicans
were jubilant. Adams at first expressed cautious
optimism, but soon began denouncing the revolutionaries
as barbarous and tyrannical. His profound observations
on the French Revolution foreshadow the intense
partisan divisions it would cause in America.
A real dividing line. Washington eventually consulted
Adams more often, but not until near the end
of his administration. When John Jay returned
in 1795 with a peace treaty on terms unfavorable
to the United States, mainly concerning British
rating American trading vessels, Adams urged
Washington to sign it to prevent war. Washington
did so, igniting protests and riots across the
nation. His support for the Jay Treaty, despite
its widespread unpopularity, highlights his consistent
priority of avoiding war and maintaining national
stability, even at significant personal political
cost, a theme that would define his presidency.
Adams accurately predicted in a letter to Abigail
that ratification would deeply divide the nation,
demonstrating his foresight. Okay, so we arrive
at the presidency. The 1796 election was a monumental
one, the first truly contested American presidential
election. George Washington had been elected
unanimously twice, but deep philosophical differences
between Hamilton and Jefferson had caused a serious
rift, leading to the founding of the Federalist
and Republican parties. A whole new era of politics
kicking off when Washington announced he would
not stand for a third term. An intense partisan
struggle for control of Congress and the presidency
began. It was a whole new ballgame for American
politics. No candidates were formally put forward.
The Constitution, as it stood, provided for the
selection of electors. Jefferson was the clear
Republican favorite, with Aaron Burr nominated
as his running mate. Adams was the Federalist
frontrunner, with Thomas Pinkney nominated alongside
him. The campaign itself was brutal. characterized
by malicious insults from partisan presses on
both sides, pamphlets, and political rallies.
Adams, ever the principal man, stated he wanted
to stay out of the silly and wicked game of electioneering.
But his own party was proving to be his biggest
challenge. As the campaign progressed, fears
grew among Alexander Hamilton and his supporters
that Adams was too vain, opinionated, unpredictable,
and stubborn to follow their directions. Hamilton
wanted someone more pliable. Adams indeed did
not consider himself a strong Federalist, having
remarked that Hamilton's economic program, centered
around banks, would swindle the poor and unleash
the gangrene of avarice. Strong feelings there.
So Hamilton maneuvered to tip the election to
Pinkney, coercing South Carolina Federalist electors
to scatter their second votes among candidates
other than Adams. The audacity. Hamilton actively
trying to undermine Adams. It truly highlights
the venomous nature of early partisan politics.
Hamilton's scheme, however, was undone when several
New England state electors heard of it and agreed
not to vote for Pickney, which inadvertently
ensured Adams' victory. So Hamilton's plan backfired?
Pretty much. Adams won the presidency by a narrow
margin, receiving 71 electoral votes to 68 for
Jefferson, who, as the second -highest vote -getter,
became the vice president. This remains the only
election in U .S. history where a president and
vice president were elected from opposing tickets,
a unique outcome that profoundly shaped Adams's
term. Talk about an awkward situation from day
one. Adams was sworn into office as the nation's
second president on March 4th, 1797. He conscientiously
followed Washington's lead in using the presidency
to exemplify Republican values and civic virtue,
and his service was thankfully free of scandal.
So Adams walks into the presidency and his own
cabinet is essentially loyal to his archrival,
Hamilton. That's a political minefield right
there. He spent much of his term at his Massachusetts
home, Peace Field, preferring the quietness of
domestic life to business at the Capitol. He
also largely ignored the political patronage
and office seeking, which other office holders
utilized. Yeah, historians debate the wisdom
of that. Indeed, his decision to retain Washington's
cabinet, given its deep loyalty to Hamilton,
proved to be a significant vulnerability. Jefferson
famously remarked that the Hamiltonians who surround
him are only a little less hostile to him than
to me. Wow. your own cabinet against you. While
Adams's rationale was that retaining the cabinet
would ensure a smoother succession, believing
in institutional stability, it created an internal
opposition within his own administration, making
independent governance exceptionally difficult.
Adams was aware of Hamilton's influence. but
perhaps misjudged its depth. That's a very noble,
if perhaps naive, belief given the political
climate. Even with that, Adams maintained the
economic programs of Hamilton, who regularly
consulted with key cabinet members, especially
the powerful Treasury Secretary, Oliver Walcott
Jr. But in other respects, Adams was quite independent
of his cabinet, often making decisions despite
opposition from it. He clearly wasn't going to
be a puppet. Hamilton had grown accustomed to
being regularly consulted by Washington. Shortly
after Adams was inaugurated, Hamilton sent him
a detailed letter with policy suggestions. Adams,
clearly asserting his independence, dismissively
ignored it. This speaks to Adams' belief in institutional
stability, but also perhaps to a misjudgment
of the depth of Hamilton's influence over these
individuals. This lack of a loyal inner circle
would continually complicate his efforts and
contribute to the challenges he faced throughout
his presidency. The scene was set for a presidency
defined by internal struggle and foreign policy
crises. Historian Joseph Ellis writes that the
Adams presidency was destined to be dominated
by a single question, whether to make war with
France or find peace. This was an incredibly
tense time. Britain and France were locked in
a war stemming from the French Revolution. Hamilton
and the Federalists strongly favored the British
monarchy. Jefferson and the Republicans strongly
supported the French overthrowing their king.
A deeply divided nation on foreign policy. It
was a tightrope walk for Adams. The French, having
supported Jefferson for president in 1796, became
belligerent at his loss. Adams continued Washington's
policy of staying out of the war, a policy of
American neutrality. However, because of the
Jay Treaty, the French saw America as Britain's
junior partner and began seizing American merchant
ships that were trading with the British. So
America was caught in the middle. Exactly. Most
Americans were still pro -French due to France's
assistance during the revolution and their desire
to support a republic against the British monarchy
and would not tolerate war with France. So he's
caught between a rock and a hard place. On May
16th, 1797, Adams gave a speech to Congress in
which he called for increasing defense capabilities
in case of war with France. He announced that
he would send a peace commission to France but
simultaneously called for a military buildup.
A two -pronged approach. The speech was well
received by the Federalists, but the Republicans
were outraged, seeing it as a failure to support
the French Republic and a call for war. His commitment
to neutrality, even against strong partisan pressures,
was often misunderstood by both sides. And the
peace commission he appointed consisted of John
Marshall, Charles Coatsworth Pinkney, and Elbridge
Gerry. But there was drama behind the scenes
too, right? Oh yes. Adding to the internal drama,
Jefferson Adams's own vice president was secretly
undermining him. He met four times with Joseph
Latoum, the French consul in Philadelphia, suggesting
that it was in France's best interest to treat
the American ministers civilly, but then drag
out the negotiations at length. According to
Latoum, Jefferson even called Adams vain, suspicious,
and stubborn. Unbelievable. The VP working against
the president. This brings us to the infamous
XYZ affair. When the envoys arrived in October,
they were kept waiting for several days and then
granted only a 15 -minute meeting with French
Foreign Minister Talleyrand. A deliberate snub.
The diplomats were then met by three of Talleyrand's
agents, later codenamed XY and Z, who refused
to conduct negotiations unless the United States
paid enormous bribes to France and to Talleyrand
personally. Supposedly, this was to make up for
offenses given to France by Adams in his speech.
The Americans, understandably, refused. Marshall
and Finckney returned home while Jerry remained.
American diplomats being told they had to pay
a bribe just to talk, that's outrageous. It was
a blatant insult to American sovereignty. News
of the disastrous peace mission arrived in March
1798. Adams, not wanting to incite violence,
announced the mission had failed without providing
details. He also asked Congress for a renewal
of the nation's defenses. The Republicans, suspecting
he might be hiding material favorable to France,
voted overwhelmingly to demand that Adams release
the papers. And when he did. Once they were released,
the Republicans, according to Abigail, were struck
dumb. Benjamin Franklin Bosch, editor of the
Philadelphia Aurora, tried to blame Adams's aggression,
but among the general public, the affair substantially
weakened popular American support of France.
Adams reached the height of his popularity as
many in the country called for a full -scale
war against the French. It completely shifts
public opinion, putting Adams at the peak of
his popularity. This was a defining crisis for
the Adams presidency. It dramatically exposed
French perfidy and unified American public opinion
behind Adams, momentarily silencing his Republican
critics. It underscored the aggressive nature
of European powers and the young nation's vulnerability.
Hashtag hashtag six point four Alien and Sedition
Acts 1798. Despite the XYZ affair galvanizing
public opinion against France and boosting Adams
popularity, Republican opposition persisted at
home. Federalists began accusing the French and
their immigrant sympathizers of provoking civil
unrest. In an attempt to quell this outcry, the
federalists introduced and Congress passed a
series of laws collectively referred to as the
Alien and Sedition Acts. And this is where things
get really controversial. These acts are almost
universally condemned by historians and are often
seen as a significant stain on Adams's legacy.
Four acts passed in quick succession. The Naturalization
Act, the Alien Friends Act, the Alien Enemies
Act, and the Sedition Act. Jefferson called it
an unguarded passion. The first three acts targeted
immigrants, giving the president greater deportation
authority and increasing citizenship requirements.
The Sedition Act, however, was the most contentious,
making it a crime to publish false, scandalous,
and malicious writing against the government
or its officials. This was a direct challenge
to the principles of free speech. A direct challenge
to the First Amendment indeed, and Adams signed
them into law in June 1798 at the urging of his
wife and cabinet, though he had not personally
promoted any of these acts. While born out of
genuine fears of French influence and internal
subversion during a quasi -war, their scope and
enforcement were problematic. The administration
initiated numerous indictments under the Sedition
Act, targeting prominent Republican newspapers.
Vocal opponents of the federalists were imprisoned
or fined for criticizing the government, including
Congressman Matthew Lyon of Vermont. So they
were actively used to suppress dissent. Yes,
though the alien acts were not stringently enforced
because Adams resisted Secretary of State Timothy
Pickering's attempts to deport aliens, although
many left on their own due to the hostile environment.
Republicans were predictably outraged. Jefferson,
disgusted by the acts, wrote nothing publicly
but partnered with James Madison to secretly
draft the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions.
Jefferson, writing for Kentucky, argued that
states had the natural right to nullify any acts
they deemed unconstitutional. This highlights
the profound tension between national security
and individual liberties, a debate that continues
to resonate today, and it certainly fueled the
political fire against Adams. Federalists reacted
bitterly to the resolutions, and the acts ultimately
energized and unified the Republican Party while
doing little to unite the Federalists. It provided
potent ammunition for the upcoming election.
Hashtag, tag, tag, 6 .5, the quasi war and military
buildup. 1798, 1800. In May 1798, a French privateer
captured a merchant vessel off of New York Harbor,
marking an increase in attacks on sea and the
beginning of the undeclared naval war known as
the quasi war. Adams was now directly confronted
with the threat of conflict. His strategy was
astute, knowing that America would be unable
to win a major conflict due to internal divisions
and France's dominance in Europe. He pursued
a strategy of harassing French ships in an effort
sufficient to stem the French assaults on American
interests, a limited strategic warfare approach.
Trying to avoid a full scale disaster. This reveals
Adams' profound commitment to peace, even when
it meant alienating powerful figures within his
own party. In May, shortly after the attack in
New York, Congress created a separate Navy department.
Adams then built up the Navy, adding six fast,
powerful frigates, most notably the USS Constitution.
This leadership on naval defense sometimes led
him to be called the father of the American Navy,
a title he truly earned. He literally earned
the title father of the American Navy here, but
it came with immense personal and political cost.
The prospect of a French invasion also led to
calls to build up the army. Hamilton and other
high federalists were particularly adamant that
a large army be called up despite a common fear,
particularly among Republicans, that large standing
armies were subversive to liberty. A classic
tension. In May, a provisional army of 10 ,000
soldiers was authorized by Congress. And in July,
Congress created 12 infantry regiments and provided
for six cavalry companies, exceeding Adams's
requests, but falling short of Hamilton's more
ambitious plans. And then the fight over who
would lead it. The internal struggle over military
appointments highlights the profound ideological
chasm developing within the Federalist Party.
Federalists pressured Adams to appoint Hamilton.
Distrustful of Hamilton and fearing a plot to
subvert his administration, Adams chose Washington
instead, without consulting him. As a condition
of his acceptance, Washington demanded he be
permitted to appoint his own subordinates, wishing
to have Henry Knox as second in command, followed
by Hamilton and then Charles Pinckney. But Hamilton,
ever ambitious, wrote to Washington stating that
he would not serve unless he was made inspector
general and second in command. Washington conceded,
arguing Hamilton's experience on his staff gave
him a better grasp of the overall military scene.
Adam sent Secretary of War James McHenry to Mount
Vernon to convince Washington. McHenry conveyed
Washington's opinion that he would not serve
unless permitted to choose his own officers.
Adams, who had intended to appoint Republicans
like Aaron Burr to make the Army appear bipartisan,
found Washington's list consisted entirely of
Federalists. He was cornered. Adams reluctantly
relented and agreed to submit to the Senate the
names of Hamilton, Pinckney, and Knox in that
order, although final decisions of rank would
be reserved to Adams. Knox refused to serve under
these conditions. Adams intended to give Hamilton
the lowest possible rank, while Washington and
many other Federalists insisted that the order
submitted must determine seniority. On September
24, Adams received a letter from McHenry relaying
a statement from Washington threatening to resign
if Hamilton were not made second in command.
Fearing federalist backlash, Adams capitulated,
despite bitter resentment, exacerbated by the
illness of Abigail, whom Adams feared was near
death. It quickly became apparent that due to
Washington's advanced age, Hamilton was the Army's
de facto commander. This was a massive political
blow. It was a significant loss of executive
control. However, the quasi -war continued. But
there was a decline in war fever beginning in
the fall, once news arrived of the French defeat
at the Battle of the Nile. In October, Adams
heard from Jerry in Paris that the French wanted
to make peace. That December, in his address
to Congress, Adams relayed these statements while
expressing the need to maintain adequate defenses.
The speech angered both Federalists, including
Hamilton and Republicans. Can't please anyone
sometimes. Hamilton, meanwhile, secretly promoted
a plan for American and British troops to jointly
seize Spanish Florida and Louisiana. Hamilton's
critics, including Abigail, saw in his military
buildups the signs of an aspiring military dictator.
To pay for the military buildup of the quasi
-war, Adams and his Federalist allies enacted
the direct tax of 1798. Direct taxation by the
federal government was widely unpopular, as revenue
under Washington had mostly come from excise
taxes and tariffs. Increased military expenditures
threatened major budget deficits, so Federalists
developed a taxation plan, instituting progressive
land value tax. This was not going to go over
well, and it didn't. Taxpayers in eastern Pennsylvania
resisted federal tax collectors, and in March
1799, the bloodless Freys' rebellion broke out.
Led by Revolutionary War veteran John Freys,
rural German -speaking farmers protested what
they saw as a threat to their liberties. They
intimidated tax collectors. The disturbance was
quickly ended with Hamilton leading the army
to restore peace. Here's another striking Adams
moment, pardoning the leaders of Frye's rebellion
against his entire cabinet's advice. Frye's and
two other leaders were arrested, found guilty
of treason and sentenced to hang. They appealed
to Adders requesting a pardon. The cabinet unanimously
advised Adams to refuse, but he instead granted
the pardon, arguing the men had instigated a
mere riot as opposed to a full blown rebellion.
This shows a powerful independent streak and
a profound commitment to justice, even when it
meant defying his closest advisors and fueling
Hamilton's fury. The Fry's rebellion pardon is
a critical example of Adams prioritizing what
he perceived as justice and national unity over
partisan loyalty. Hamilton, in his infamous pamphlet
attacking Adams, wrote that it was impossible
to commit a greater error than pardoning Fry's.
So it solidified his image as independent, but
deepened the party rift. Exactly. These frustrations
with the Hamilton wing of the party exploded
on May 5, 1800 during a meeting with McHenry,
a Hamilton loyalist. Adams accused him of subservience
to Hamilton and declared that he would rather
serve as Jefferson's vice president than be beholden
to Hamilton for the presidency. McHenry offered
to resign at once and Adams accepted. On May
10th, he asked Pickering to resign. Pickering
refused and was summarily dismissed. Adams named
John Marshall as Secretary of State and Samuel
Dexter as Secretary of War. And then he just
fires his cabinet. Talk about asserting executive
power in a dramatic way. It was a desperate but
necessary attempt to assert control and align
his administration with his vision for peace.
In 1799, Napoleon took over in France and declared
the French Revolution over. News of this event
increased Adams' desire to disband the Provisional
Army, which, with Washington now dead, was commanded
only by Hamilton. His moves to end the Army after
the departures of McHenry and Pickering were
met with little opposition. Federalists joined
with the Republicans in voting to disband the
Army in mid -1800. Napoleon, now in power, determining
that further conflict was pointless, signaled
his readiness for friendly relations with the
United States. This led to the Convention of
1800, where the two sides agreed to return any
captured ships and allow for the peaceful transfer
of non -military goods. On February 3, 1801,
the treaty, with some reservations, passed the
Senate and was signed by Adams. This conclusion
to his presidency underscores his foresight and
commitment to avoiding war, a decision that proved
strategically sound for the young republic. While
it cost him politically, historians largely commend
this choice. News of the peace treaty did not
arrive in the United States until after the election,
too late to sway the results. As president, Adams
proudly avoided war, but deeply split his party
in the process. Historian Ron Chernow writes
that the threat of Jacobinism was the one thing
that united the Federalist Party, and that Adams'
elimination of it unwittingly contributed to
the party's demise. He may have lost the election,
but Adams secured peace with France, a huge accomplishment
that often gets overlooked. A critical achievement.
In terms of establishing institutions, Adams
also signed the law establishing the Library
of Congress in 1800. His move to Washington,
D .C. symbolizes the physical and symbolic establishment
of the federal government, a project he had dedicated
his life to. Right, the move to the new Capitol.
Adams made his first official visit in early
June 1800. Amid the raw and unfinished cityscape,
the president found the public buildings in a
much greater forwardness of completion than expected.
He moved into the nearly completed president's
mansion, later known as the White House, on November
1st, with Abigail arriving a few weeks later.
And he wrote that famous prayer. Yes, on arrival,
Adams famously wrote to her, before I end my
letter, I pray heaven to bestow the best of blessings
on this house and all that shall hereafter inhabit
it. May none but honest and wise men ever rule
under this roof. It's a poignant moment of transition
for him and the nation. The Senate met for the
first time in the new Capitol building on November
17, 1800, and on November 22, Adams delivered
his fourth State of the Union address to a joint
session of Congress. This would actually be the
last annual message any president would personally
deliver to Congress for the next 113 years. With
the Federalist Party deeply split over his negotiations
with France and the opposition Republican Party
enraged over the Alien and Sedition Acts and
the expansion of the military, Adams faced a
daunting re -election campaign in 1800. The Federalists
nominated Adams and Pickney. The Republicans,
as before, nominated Jefferson and Burr. The
campaign was brutal, characterized by malicious
insults from partisan presses on both sides.
Federalists claimed that Republicans were the
enemies of all who love order, peace, virtue,
and religion, denouncing them as libertines and
dangerous radicals. Jefferson's rumored affairs
with slaves were even used against him. On the
flip side, Republicans accused Federalists of
subverting Republican principles, favoring Britain,
and promoting aristocratic values. Jefferson
was portrayed as an apostle of liberty, while
Adams was labeled a monarchist, accused of insanity
and even marital infidelity. James T. Callender,
a Republican propagandist secretly financed by
Jefferson, degraded Adams' character. Callender
was arrested and jailed under the Sedition Act,
which, of course, further inflamed Republican
passions. This election was a defining moment
for American democracy, the first peaceful transfer
of power between opposing parties, despite the
viciousness. Opposition from the federalist party
itself was at times equally intense. Some, including
Pickering, even accused Adams of colluding with
Jefferson. And then there's Hamilton's final
attack. Hamilton was hard at work, attempting
to sabotage the president's reelection. He sent
a pamphlet strongly attacking Adams' policies
and character, denouncing the nomination of Murray,
the pardoning of Fries, and the firing of Pickering.
He vilified the president's disgusting egotism
and ungovernable temper, concluding Adams was
emotionally unstable and generally unfit to be
president. It was a spading personal attack.
Strangely, it ended by saying that the electors
should support Adams and Pinckney equally, a
transparent attempt to elevate Pinckney over
Adams. Thanks to Aaron Burr, who had covertly
obtained a copy, the pamphlet became public knowledge
and was distributed throughout the country by
Republicans. Hamilton's actions inadvertently
ensure the Federalist Party's eventual demise
and effectively ended his own political career.
Talk about self -destruction. When the electoral
votes were counted, Adams finished third and
Pickney came in fourth. Jefferson and Byrd tied
for first. Because of the tie, the election devolved
upon the House of Representatives, where Jefferson
was finally elected president after 36 ballots.
Historian John Furling attributes Adams' defeat
to several key factors. Stronger Republican organization,
Federalist disunity, the Alien and Sedition Acts,
and Jefferson's popularity. Adams himself seemed
to understand it. Yes, Adams himself offered
a candid assessment of his party, writing, No
party that ever existed knew itself so little
or so vainly overrated its own influence and
popularity as ours. To compound his defeat, Adams'
son Charles died shortly after the election.
Anxious to rejoin Abigail, Adams departed the
White House in the pre -dawn hours of March 4,
1801, and famously did not attend Jefferson's
inauguration, a powerful statement of his displeasure.
The complications of the 1796 and 1800 elections
ultimately prompted a modification to the Electoral
College through the 12th Amendment. Even in defeat,
Adams made a lasting impact by shaping the judiciary
for generations. During his term, he appointed
two U .S. Supreme Court associate justices, Bush
Ron Washington and Alfred Moore. But his most
significant judicial action came at the very
end. After Justice Ellsworth's retirement in
1800, it fell to Adams to appoint the court's
fourth chief justice. Regardless of who won the
election, Adams believed the choice should be
someone in the full vigor of middle age who could
counter a potential long line of Republican presidents.
A strategic move. Adams chose his Secretary of
State, John Marshall. Marshall was one of Adams'
few trusted cabinet members. Adams signed his
commission on January 31, and the Senate approved
it immediately. Marshall's long tenure, from
1801 to 1835, left a lasting influence on the
court, maintaining a carefully reasoned nationalistic
interpretation of the Constitution and firmly
establishing the judicial branch as the equal
of the executive and legislative branches. Marshall's
appointment was a masterstroke. That's an incredible
act of foresight. Another controversial move
in his final days was the Midnight Judges Act.
After the Federalists lost control of Congress
and the White House, the lame duck session approved
a judiciary act, creating a set of federal appeals
courts. Adams filled the vacancies by appointing
a series of judges, whom his opponents called
the Midnote Judges, just days before his term
expired. Adams' Midnight Judges appointments,
though short -lived, underscore his enduring
concern for the balance of power and the strength
of the federal government. Most of these judges,
however, lost their posts when the next Congress,
with a solid Republican majority, approved the
Judiciary Act of 1802, abolishing the newly created
courts. So after all that political drama, he
heads home. Yes. Adams resumed farming at Peace
Field in Quincy, Massachusetts, and also began
work on an autobiography, though was eventually
abandoned. His frugal lifestyle and presidential
salary had given him a considerable fortune.
But in 1803, the bank holding his cash reserves
collapsed. His son John Quincy resolved the crisis
by buying his properties. It speaks volumes about
the precarious financial situation even for former
presidents then. During his first four years
of retirement, Adams made little effort to contact
others, but eventually resumed contact with old
acquaintances like Benjamin Waterhouse and Benjamin
Rush. He generally stayed quiet on public matters,
not publicly denouncing Jefferson's actions as
president, believing that instead of opposing
systematically any administration, we ought to
support every administration as far as we can
in justice. A very principled stance, especially
given their rivalry. When a disgruntled James
Callender turned on Jefferson by revealing the
Sally Hemings affair, Adams famously said nothing
publicly. But he couldn't stay completely quiet,
could he? His philosophical and political fire
still burned. His son, John Quincy, was elected
to the Senate in 1803, and both he and his father
crossed party lines to support Jefferson's Louisiana
Purchase. This demonstrates a capacity for national
interest over strict party loyalty. The elder
Adams did privately criticize the president over
his embargo act, although John Quincy voted for
it. John Quincy resigned from the Senate in 1808
after the Federalist -controlled Massachusetts
Senate refused to nominate him for a second term.
After the Federalist denounced John Quincy, Adams
wrote to him that he himself had long since abdicated
and disclaimed the name and character and attributes
of that sect. The story of Adams and Jefferson's
initial estrangement and eventual reconciliation
is one of history's great moments. In early 1801,
Adams sent Thomas Jefferson a brief note wishing
him a happy and prosperous presidency. Jefferson
failed to respond and they did not speak again
for nearly 12 years. unbeknownst to her husband,
wrote to Jefferson to express her condolences
upon the death of his daughter. This initiated
a brief correspondence between the two, which
quickly descended into political rancor, and
Jefferson terminated it. By 1812, there had been
no communication between Monticello and Peacefield
since Adams left office. It was a deep freeze,
personally and politically. However, in early
1812, Adams reconciled with Jefferson. The previous
year had been tragic for Adams. He lost his brother
-in -law and his daughter, Nabby, was diagnosed
with breast cancer from which she died in 1813.
These events seem to mellow Adams. Tragedy often
does. Their mutual friend, Benjamin Rush, who
had been corresponding with both, actively encouraged
them to reach out to each other, a testament
to the power of shared history and enduring friendship.
So on New Year's Day, Adams sent a brief friendly
note to Jefferson, accompanying a two -volume
collection of lectures on rhetoric by John Quincy
Adams. Jefferson replied immediately with a cordial
letter, and the two revived their friendship,
which they sustained by mail. Their correspondence
lasted the rest of their lives and has been hailed
as among the great legacies of American literature.
Truly invaluable. Their letters, 158 in total
over 14 years, offer a profound window into their
mature reflections on republicanism, human nature,
and their own roles in history. Early on Adams
repeatedly tried to turn the correspondence to
a discussion of their political actions. Jefferson
however refused saying that nothing new can be
added by you or me to what has been said by others.
Adams made one more attempt writing that you
and I ought not to die before we have explained
ourselves to each other. Still, Jefferson declined,
and Adams accepted this, with the correspondence
turning to other matters, particularly philosophy.
Adams, ever the pragmatist, wondered if it would
ever be so clear who these people were, noting,
"...birth and wealth are conferred on some men
as imperiously by nature as genius, strength
or beauty." A good government had to account
for that reality. Fascinating how even in their
reconciliation, their core philosophical differences
emerged. Indeed, and it offers a nuanced perspective
on leadership. There were also important details
that each man kept to himself. Jefferson said
nothing about his financial situation or slave
ownership, while Adams did not mention the troublesome
behavior of his son Thomas. After Jefferson's
retirement in 1809, Adams became more vocal,
publishing a three -year marathon of letters
in the Boston Patriot newspaper, refuting line
-by -line Hamilton's 1800 pamphlet. Finally getting
his rebuttal out there. He supported the War
of 1812, having worried over the rise of sexualism
and celebrated the growth of a national character
that accompanied it. He even supported James
Madison for re -election in 1812. Tragedy struck
again with the death of Abigail in October 1818.
A huge loss. 1824 was filled with excitement,
featuring a four -way presidential contest that
included John Quincy. The Marquis de Lafayette
toured the country and met with Adams, who greatly
enjoyed the visit. Adams was delighted by the
election of John Quincy to the presidency in
February 1825, after a deadlock was decided in
the House. His comment on the occasion was classic
Adams. No man who ever held the office of president
would congratulate a friend on obtaining it.
Always the realest. And then for both of them
to die on the exact same day, 50 years to the
day after the Declaration of Independence, you
couldn't write a more poetic ending. It's incredible.
On July 4th, 1826, Adams died of a heart attack
at Peace Field at approximately 6 20 p .m. age
90. His last words included an acknowledgement
of his longtime friend and rival. Thomas Jefferson
survives. Adams was unaware that Jefferson had
died several hours before him. At 90, Adams was
the longest -lived U .S. president until Ronald
Reagan surpassed him in 2001. An extraordinary
chapter closing in the most symbolic way possible.
Their shared death on such a symbolic day offers
a powerful closing statement on the legacy of
the revolutionary generation. John and Abigail
Adams' crypt at United First Parish Church in
Quincy also contains the bodies of John Quincy
and Louisa Adams. Adams was not just a doer,
he was a deep thinker. During the first Continental
Congress, he was often solicited for his views
on government. He privately criticized Thomas
Paine's 1776 pamphlet Common Sense, which attacked
all forms of monarchy and supported a unicameral
legislature and a weak executive. Adams believed
Paine had a better hand at pulling down than
building, and that his views were so democratic
without any restraint that it must produce confusion.
He saw Paine's ideas as too radical, too unbalanced.
This section is crucial for understanding the
enduring impact of Adams's intellect. At the
urging of delegates like Richard Henry Lee, Adams
committed his views to paper, published anonymously
in April 1776 as Thoughts on Government. Many
historians agree none of Adams's other compositions
rivaled its enduring influence. What were the
core ideas? Adams advised that the form of government
should be chosen to attain the desired ends,
the happiness and virtue of the greatest number
of people. He wrote, there is no good government,
but what is Republican? The very definition of
a republic is an empire of laws and not of men.
His blueprint for a republic was clear and enduring.
The treatise defended by Cameralism arguing,
a single assembly is liable to all the vices,
follies, and frailties of an individual. He suggested
a separation of powers between the executive,
judicial, and legislative branches and further
recommended that a continental government should
secretly be confined to certain enumerated powers.
Thoughts on government was referenced in every
state constitution writing hall. His advocacy
for a mixed government and separation of powers
was a sophisticated attempt to reconcile Republican
ideals with human nature. After returning from
France in 1779, Adams was elected to the Massachusetts
Constitutional Convention. The writing fell primarily
to him and the resulting Constitution of Massachusetts
approved in 1780 was groundbreaking. It was the
first written by a special committee and ratified
by the people. It was also the first to feature
a bicameral legislature, a distinct executive
with a qualified veto, and an independent judicial
branch with lifetime appointments. His contributions,
particularly through the Massachusetts Constitution,
directly influenced the U .S. Constitution. This
Constitution also affirmed the duty to worship
the Supreme Being and the right to do so freely.
It also established free public education. Adams
was a strong believer in education as a pillar
of the Enlightenment. This holistic approach
is deeply insightful. Adams articulated his preoccupation
with politics, which separated him from his family
in 1780. I must study politics and war that my
sons may have the liberty to study mathematics
and philosophy in order to give their children
a right to study painting, poetry, music, architecture.
He envisioned a future where arts and sciences
could flourish due to political stability. What
a beautiful vision. While in London, he learned
of the convention plan to amend the Articles
of Confederation. In January 1787, he published
his three volume, A Defense of the Constitutions.
The pamphlet repudiated European critics of American
state governments. He suggested that the rich,
the well -born and the eagle should be set apart
in a Senate to prevent them from dominating the
lower house. Adams contended that social classes
exist in every political society and that a good
government must accept that reality. A mixed
regime balancing monarchy, aristocracy and democracy
was required to preserve order and liberty. His
consistent vision shines through. On separation
of powers, Adams wrote that power must be opposed
to power and interest to interest. This sentiment
was later echoed by James Madison in Federalist
Number 51. Adams believed humans naturally wanted
to further their own ambitions and a single democratic
house needed checks from an upper house and an
executive. He wrote that a strong executive would
defend the people's liberties against aristocrats.
His detailed arguments demonstrate his profound
distrust of concentrated power. Adams first saw
the new United States Constitution in late 1787
and wrote to Jefferson that he read it with great
satisfaction. However, he did express regret
that the president couldn't make appointments
without Senate approval and over the absence
of a Bill of Rights, highlighting his enduring
concern for both effective executive authority
and individual protections. It's important to
highlight that Adams stood firm against slavery
personally, even when it was common and financially
beneficial. He never owned a slave and declined
on principle to use slave labor, saying, I have,
through my whole life, held the practice of slavery
in such occurrence that I have never owned a
Negro or any other slave, even when it cost him
thousands of dollars for the labor of free men.
Adams's personal record on slavery is commendable,
setting him apart from many other founders. Before
the war, he even occasionally represented slaves
in suits for their freedom, a truly principled
stance. However, Adams generally tried to keep
the issue out of national politics because of
the anticipated southern response during a time
when unity was needed. Political pragmatism again?
Right. He spoke out in 1777 against a bill to
emancipate slaves in Massachusetts, saying that
the issue was presently too divisive so the legislation
should sleep for a time. He was also against
the use of Black soldiers in the revolution due
to opposition from Southerners. His political
pragmatism, while understandable in context,
reviews the deep -seated challenges of confronting
slavery. But in Massachusetts, his influence
was clear. Slavery was abolished there around
1780, forbidden by implication in the Declaration
of Rights that John Adams wrote into the Massachusetts
Constitution. And it's worth noting that Abigail
Adams vocally opposed slavery as well. His actions
and statements, including the implicit abolition
through the Massachusetts Constitution, demonstrate
a clear moral opposition, making his personal
and constitutional contributions significant
within his own state. Adams was a man of complex
and often seemingly contradictory views, particularly
regarding monarchical institutions. At times
he conveyed substantial support, suggesting,
for example, that hereditary monarchy or aristocracy
are the only institutions that can possibly preserve
the laws and liberties of the people. Yet at
other times, he vehemently distanced himself,
calling himself a mortal and irreconcilable enemy
to monarchy. Adams's monarchical statements were
often misinterpreted as a desire for a king,
when in fact they stem from a profound concern
about the potential for democratic excesses and
the need for strong executive and aristocratic
checks against an oligarchy of the wealthy. His
1790 discourses on de Villa warned once again
of the dangers of unbridled democracy, further
fueling accusations of monarchism. People suggested
he planned to crown himself king and grooming
John Quincy as heir. Exactly. Adams felt that
the great danger was that an oligarchy of the
wealthy would take hold. To counter that danger,
the power of the wealthy needed to be channeled
by institutions and checked by a strong executive.
So his perceived monarchism was more about a
fear of unchecked power. and his religious beliefs
were equally complex. According to biographer
David McCullough, quote, Adams was both a devout
Christian and an independent thinker, and he
saw no conflict in that. His religious views,
a fascinating blend of inherited Puritanism and
Enlightenment rationalism, demonstrate a profound
personal faith that informed his public virtue.
Adams was raised Congregationalist. In Quincy,
the Unitarian faction was dominant and included
Adams and his father. It denied the Trinity and
the divinity of Jesus Christ. In 1825, the Unitarians
split off as a separate denomination that included
John Adams. His family descended from Puritans
and Adams praised them as bearers of freedom.
A strong moral compass. Historians suggest Adams's
beliefs synthesized Puritan, deist, and humanist
concepts. While he shared perspectives with deists,
he clearly wasn't one, believing in miracles,
providence, and the Bible as revelation. In 1796,
Adams famously denies Thomas Paine's deistic
criticisms of Christianity, saying, the Christian
religion is the religion of wisdom, virtue, equity,
and humanity. Let the blackguard Paine say what
he will. This nuanced understanding helps us
appreciate his unique contribution. Gordon S.
Wood writes, although both Jefferson and Adams
denied the miracles and the divinity of Christ,
Adams always retained a respect for the religiosity
of people that Jefferson never had. In retirement,
Adams moved closer to mainstream Enlightenment
religious ideals. He blamed institutional Christianity
for causing suffering, but insisted that religion
was necessary for society. Hashtag, hashtag,
8 .4, historical reputation and legacy. Benjamin
Franklin, with his usual wit, summarized what
many thought of Adams, saying, he means well
for his country, is always an honest man, often
a wise one, but sometimes, and in some things,
absolutely out of his senses. Adams himself strongly
felt that he would be forgotten and underappreciated
by history, feelings that often manifested themselves
through envy and verbal attacks on other founders.
It's both tragic and ironic that a man who so
feared being forgotten largely faded from Peltig
memory for so long. Adams's legacy is complex,
marked by both profound foresight and significant
missteps. Historian Edmund Morgan argues, Adams
was ridiculously vain, absurdly jealous, but
no man ever served his country more selflessly.
Historian George C. Herring argued that Adams
was the most independent minded of the founders.
Though aligned with the Federalists, he was somewhat
a party unto himself, disagreeing with them as
much as he did the Republicans. His personal
character, though challenging, often proved to
be a driving force for the nation's good. Adams
was often described as prickly. But his tenacity
was fed by decisions made in the face of universal
opposition. He was often combative, as he admitted.
As president, I refused to suffer in silence.
I sighed, sobbed, and groaned, and sometimes
screeched and screamed, and I sometimes swore.
Quite the admission. Stubbornness was seen as
one of his defining traits, a fact for which
Adams made no apology. Thanks to God that he
gave me stubbornness when I know I am right.
This self -awareness underpinned his actions.
His resolve to advance peace with France reduced
his popularity and contributed to his defeat.
Most historians, however, applaud him for avoiding
an all -out war. His signing of the Alien and
Sedition Acts is almost always condemned. His
leadership on naval defense earned him the title
Father of the American Navy. But in the 21st
century, Adams remains less well known than many
founders, just as he predicted. McCullough argued
that the problem with Adams is that most Americans
know nothing about him. Todd Leopold of CNN wrote
he's remembered as that guy who served a single
term. Ferling says he's seen as honest and dedicated,
but still overshadowed. While his concern about
being overludged proved true for a time, a deeper
examination reveals an intellectual and political
titan. In 2001, McCullough published the biography
John Adams, which sold very well. Along with
the Ferling biography, it contributed to a rapid
resurgence in Adams' reputation. In 2008, the
miniseries based on McCullough's book further
cemented his place in popular culture. Adams
is commemorated as the namesake of various counties'
buildings, like the John Adams Building at the
Library of Congress. He is honored on the memorial
to the 56 signers, but doesn't have an individual
monument in D .C. McCullough states this is absolutely
inexcusable. He was in many ways the conscience
of the revolution, prioritizing principled governance
over personal popularity. The recent resurgence
of interest finally allows us to see the full
complex individual appreciating his profound
impact, flaws and all as a central architect
of American democracy. Hashtag tag outro. So
what does this all mean for us today? Our deep
dive into John Adams has revealed a man of unwavering
principle, a tenacious lawyer, a shrewd diplomat,
and an independent president who prioritized
peace and stability for the fledgling nation,
often at great personal and political cost. His
life was marked by fierce intellect, a passionate
belief in the rule of law, and profound personal
sacrifices, all in service of the American experiment.
His story reminds us that the founding of America
wasn't just a smooth narrative of universally
adored heroes. It was messy, full of rivalries,
deeply difficult choices and monumental struggles
undertaken by imperfect but ultimately dedicated
people. Understanding Adams helps us appreciate
the full spectrum of challenges and ideals that
forge this nation and how individual character
can profoundly shape historical outcomes. You've
heard a lot of detail about this remarkable man
today, hopefully gaining a fresh perspective
on a figure often relegated to the background.
Adams, fearing he'd be forgotten, once wrote,
the history of our revolution will be one continued
lie. The essence of the whole will be that Dr.
Franklin's electrical rod smote the earth and
out sprung General Washington. Considering his
life, his immense contributions, and his ultimate
fate of being overshadowed, it raises an important
question for us today. Whose stories are we still
overlooking in our simplified narratives of history,
and what crucial complex insights might we gain
by bringing them back into the light? That's
a great question. We encourage you to delve deeper
into the life of John Adams, perhaps exploring
his own extensive writings, or the fascinating
correspondence between him and Abigail, or even
revisiting the stories of other lesser -known
founders. There's always more to learn and uncover
when you scratch beneath the surface of history.