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Welcome to Surfing Political Waves, a short series podcast hosted by the Pepperdine School

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of Public Policy.

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This is Dan Schnurr.

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And I'm Joel Fox.

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And we're bringing you California election insight and analysis as the country ramps

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up to one of the most historic presidential races in memory, as well as other fascinating

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campaigns up and down the ballot.

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Welcome to Surfing Political Waves at Pepperdine University.

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I'm Joel Fox.

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And my special guest today is Mike Madrid, nationally recognized expert on Latino voting

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trends.

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He's a partner in a public affairs firm, Grassroots Lab, and former political director for the

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California Republican Party.

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And most importantly, he is the author of a recently published book called The Latino

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Century.

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And he's being quoted all over the country and I might add all over the world on Latinos

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effect on this coming election.

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The subtitle of his book, The Latino Century, is How America's Largest Minority is Transforming

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Democracy.

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So let's start there, Mike.

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Is this large Latino population going to decide this presidential election?

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Great to be with you, Joel, as always.

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I've known you for a long time and appreciate the conversations that we have.

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You know, I've been asked that question for the better part of 30 years, been involved

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in presidential campaigns for many decades now.

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And my answer has always been no.

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2024 is different.

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2024, I'm saying yes, I think it will be the determinative vote.

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Not only because it's such a close election, but because Latinos will be the margin of

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victory in every single battleground state will be surpassed in many cases considerably

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by Latino voters in every single state, whether we're talking about North Carolina or Wisconsin,

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which are kind of newer states that we wouldn't imagine, or Arizona and Nevada, which have

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much larger Latino populations.

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The way this vote breaks, I think, is going to be determinative this year.

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And again, I haven't I've never said that throughout the course of my career.

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Well, how are the campaigns trying to reach the Latino voters?

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And how successful have they been in doing that?

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That's a good question also.

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And it's not just that they're trying to reach Latino voters.

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It's they're they're really reaching to different segments of the Latino vote.

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And I think it's really I think most illustrative or better best illustrated by the fact that

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they're both have named the very outreach operations in both their campaigns differently

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with Kamala Harris.

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It's Latinos going Biden, which is a Spanish language, you know, Latinos for Biden.

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I'm sorry, with Biden, it began there and then it became Latinos going Harris.

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They kept the same Spanish vernacular when the emphasis really and Democratic Party politics

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is focused almost exclusively on Spanish speaking kind of the recently migrated sort of this

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cultural stereotype of who Latinos are.

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The Trump campaign, however, kind of makes an adjustment, very unique one.

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They add the word Americans after Latinos from their 2020 campaign, Latinos for Trump,

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and it becomes Latinos, Latino Americans for Trump.

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And the reason why is they're speaking largely to this fast, fast growing third and fourth

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generation Latino voter.

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It's the fastest growing segment of the Latino vote.

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It also happens to be the most Republican leaning group, this under 30 recently registered

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U.S. born, often non-college educated blue collar worker is moving more Republican compared

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to all other voter groups that meet the same basic demographic criteria.

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They're moving Republican at a pretty fast rate.

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And both campaigns, again, are speaking to these these kind of polar opposite groups

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generationally in the Latino electorate.

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And that, I think, is the most fascinating development that I've seen in decades of doing

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this work and working with presidential campaigns is it's not just that they're speaking kind

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of with this broad umbrella of who Latinos are with sort of a racial and ethnic lens.

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While Democrats continue to do that, Republicans have made an adjustment to this newer, younger,

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more assimilated, fast growing segment of the Latino population.

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Well, you argued in your book that generally Latinos do not want to be viewed as an aggrieved

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segment of society.

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They want to assimilate and be part of society.

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And could you could you speak to that and into what how you are envisioning this change

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of view, not from the Latinos, but from many of the politicians on both sides of the aisle

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and how they view the Latinos and the truth of what Latinos want?

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Well, there's a lot of a lot of questions packed in there.

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Yeah, let me say this.

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We are we are seeing in many ways a very typical or traditional assimilative tendencies with

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Latino voters.

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But the main the main one is that Latino voters are losing their racial and ethnic anchor

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as is very typical by the third generation.

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They overwhelmingly identify as quote unquote typically American.

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They their Latino identity or their country of origin identity is beginning to take a

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back seat.

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They still they still would suggest that they're Latinos or Hispanics and they have an appreciation

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of sensitivity for their culture.

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But they're they're overwhelmingly prioritized being an American.

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And this is this is something that again is is not unique in American history.

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But the size and scope of it is.

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And I think that while we are seeing Latinos sort of assimilate into the dominant mainstream

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American culture, I also argue in the book, we're witnessing the dominant mainstream culture

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assimilating into Latino identity as fast or faster than the reverse.

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So we're really seeing something that is not a typical melting pot, a similar pattern that

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we've seen in the past.

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In fact, I think it's quite different.

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You know, Bad Bunny, for example, is the top artist, song artist in America.

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All of his songs are in Spanish.

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It's not just Latinos that are buying those albums.

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Overwhelmingly, it's white English speakers.

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We can go on and on with with food and culture and entertainment is modern American culture

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is changing rapidly and it's becoming more Latino as much as Latinos are becoming more

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modern American or typically American.

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So we're witnessing a real fusion.

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We're not seeing the traditional typical assimilative pattern.

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And that's confounding both parties because both parties traditionally have viewed nonwhite

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voters as a 70 percent plus Democratic base vote.

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They speak to nonwhite voters, both parties overwhelmingly through a racial and ethnic

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lens.

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The Democrats more than the Republicans leave and lean into, I would argue, the more the

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grievance politics under racial identity for nonwhites, I would also argue Republicans

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lead into white grievance.

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So both parties lean into grievance.

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But the Latinos increasingly as the moderate voters in both parties are kind of rejecting

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that type of politics.

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And so this shift that we're seeing of Latinos to the right is really more emblematic of

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a growing populist sentiment.

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They're leaving both parties.

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We have the weakest party anchor of any of the major ethnic groups in the country.

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Of course, Latinos surpassed black Americans as the largest ethnic group in 2020 voting

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group.

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It's the largest now.

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And grievance politics doesn't work well with Latinos.

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This is an upwardly mobile aspirational working class voting group.

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And the politics of racial identity on both sides aren't working.

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You wrote that in your book, the Latinos are to the right of most Democrats and to the

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left of most Republicans.

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And they're the fastest growing segment of the electorate.

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So the potential for Latinos to moderate both parties is very high.

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Do you see that happening?

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Is it happening now?

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It's happening with voters for sure.

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And a lot of Democrats will say, oh, you're moving to the right.

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So that makes you, why are you leading into this kind of white supremacy, nationalist

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extremism?

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And Republicans, for their part, will say, why are you listening to the old get off the

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plantation rhetoric they used to use with African-Americans?

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Both of them are somewhat racially offensive.

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But the reason why Latinos are moderates is because we're overwhelmingly focused on economic

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priorities.

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We're overwhelmingly focused.

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We're a working class community.

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And frankly, it's white Americans broadly that have sort of the luxury or the benefit

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of focusing on cultural issues.

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Both of the Republican and Democratic Party leadership, despite Kamala Harris's background,

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the political consulting class is over 90% white on both sides.

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They focus primarily on the cultural issues that animate their voter base.

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So on the American right, it's immigration.

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It's gender-based bathrooms.

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You know, the rejection of wokeism, where woke goes to die, speaking really kind of

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to their own base.

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Nobody else really understands why they're so hopped up about it.

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Like, what are Republicans talking about?

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But that's the way they speak to themselves.

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And it works because they're animated by cultural change.

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They don't feel comfortable with where America is heading culturally, racially, ethnically,

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or I would argue with what the changes are happening with the conservative social structure

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of the traditional family.

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The Democrats, for their part, are basically—their conundrum is they don't recognize that they're

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not the party of the working class anymore.

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Their own base is animated by reproductive rights, abortion rights, gun control, marijuana

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legalization, climate change.

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Neither of these parties are really speaking from a real comprehensive policy perspective

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about working class issues.

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And so in default, when you have the fastest-growing segment of the working class as Latinos, they're

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going to vote with the party that's more populist and with the party that best represents, from

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their perspective, working class culture, which is increasingly Republican.

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But then you hear people complain that the Republican presidential nominee, Donald Trump,

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says, I want to deport a lot of people.

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And the question is to Latinos often, why would you support Mr. Trump if his main plank

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is deportation of people who have come over the border illegally?

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How do you respond to that?

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Well, again, the question presupposes that Latinos all identify with the undocumented

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immigrant personally.

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And obviously, that's not true of virtually any voting Latinos.

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Only about 20% of voting Latinos are immigrants themselves.

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By definition, undocumented immigrants are not voting, despite what you might hear in

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your right-wing media.

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That's just quantifiably false and not true.

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So by definition, there's no correlation there.

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And I think that's one of the things that the Democrats really don't get is a lot of

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Latino polling has been done this cycle.

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I've been obviously looking at it for 30 years.

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The Latino voting citizen doesn't have that direct personal experience, by and large,

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with the undocumented experience.

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And so when they hear Democrats sort of defending that, they immediately from the get become

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unrelatable.

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And that's a significant problem for the Democratic Party because it's really doubled down on

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what I think can accurately be described as a very progressive open border essential policy.

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We have no border security framework or policy specifics.

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The attacks of being called open border land, they stick.

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And Latinos themselves are increasingly shifting to a stronger border security policy.

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They want to see border security.

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It doesn't mean it's racist.

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There's certainly a racist way to do it.

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And that I think that is embodied in Donald Trump and a lot of the Republican Party today.

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And I think that's why there's an opening for Kamala Harris.

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In fact, I think her very significant shift to the right on these issues towards a very

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conservative Republican position on immigration is one of the reasons why she closed the gap

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as much as she had moved away from where Biden's really bad numbers were.

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The reasons why she brought it down to about 2020 levels is because of the pivot on immigration.

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So the whole idea of immigration becomes this overwhelming issue for a group of voters that

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don't prioritize the issue.

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They never have.

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And as we become more third and generation voter group, we are prioritizing it even less,

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except for when we want more border security and mitigate the immigration reform and pathway

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to citizenship and DACA protections.

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And that doesn't mean we don't want those.

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We do want those as well as a community, but they're not a priority.

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They never have been.

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I heard you give some very interesting figures about Los Angeles County voters who are foreign

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born.

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And I think that would enrich our discussion.

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Could you go over that again, please?

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Yeah, the premise of my book is that we're witnessing a generational transformation in

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Latino voters.

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And it's important to understand that those that are recently migrated that do become

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naturalized and sit and register to vote have an extremely different political outlook than

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their sons and daughters and a tectonic difference between their sons and granddaughters.

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And the fastest growing group in the country is this third generation.

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There's even now a discernible fourth generation cohort that's big enough for us to study.

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That wasn't the case when I first started looking at Latino voters in the 90s.

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But Los Angeles County, which is by far the largest Latino county in all of the country

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and is really the primary first stopping point for most Mexican and Central American immigrants

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has been reflective of that change so much so that in 2002, about 22 years ago, over

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half of the new Latino registrants in LA County, 54% were foreign born.

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Over half of new Latino registrants in 2002 in Los Angeles County were foreign born.

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Many years later, by 2022, that number had dropped to about 8%, like just completely

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fallen off a cliff.

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Fascinating numbers.

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They really are.

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It's fascinating numbers and it shows just how dramatic within one generation this vote

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is changing.

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It's just completely transforming.

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And the Latino voter of what we have come to understand and characterize and stereotype

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over the last 30 years is going to be wholly different, completely and entirely different

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than the Latino vote of the next 30 years.

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So let's go back to this election right now.

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I'm curious to know your feelings about the impact of the Madison Square Garden event

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where Latinos and particularly Puerto Ricans were abused by some of the speakers.

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Do you think that's going to have an impact on this current campaign?

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I do.

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I think it will have an impact.

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In fact, I think it really hurts Donald Trump in Pennsylvania.

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I'll explain why in just a second.

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But the main reason why a lot of people have asked, been talking with reporters over the

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past 48 hours about this, all saying, why?

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What's different about this offensive comment compared to the hundreds of other offensive

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comments that he's made?

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And the answer really kind of lies in the question, which is it wasn't Donald Trump

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that was saying it.

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This is the first time that we are witnessing kind of this parade of terribles around him

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using horribly disgusting, racist, vile, vulgar arguments and jokes, quote unquote, jokes,

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trying to hide the racism with humor.

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And America's sensibilities were shocked by it.

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To defend it at this point, you're not just defending Trump where we've kind of rolled

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our eyes at it and say, OK, the old man's crazy.

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He's just saying old man stuff like at Thanksgiving dinner, just ignore it and he'll move on.

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If Donald Trump had said these things, we would be moving on.

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He gets a pass now because we're just so immune to the fact that Donald Trump is just that

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guy.

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But it wasn't Donald Trump.

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It was the people that he surrounds himself with.

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And that's what's fundamentally different is just as Americans and Latinos specifically

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are beginning to tune into this election, they're hearing from the people around him

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comfortable with tossing around some of the vulgarity and vile language of not just offending

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Puerto Ricans with it being an island of garbage, but a black Americans carving watermelons

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for Halloween.

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Like enough, like enough.

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We're done with this.

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And I think the most immediate impacts happen in the one battleground state where Puerto

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Ricans are the largest ethnic plurality.

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And that is in Pennsylvania, a state that is kind of neck and neck at the moment.

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And I think this offends the sensibilities, obviously, of the Puerto Rican diaspora, where

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if he loses just a couple of three points of those voters to Kamala Harris, it has a

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tectonic impact.

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But moreover, Pennsylvania is the state that had the largest number of Republican defections

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to Biden away from Trump of all the battleground states in 2020.

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This is exactly the type of rhetoric of why they're leaving.

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College educated people don't have any desire to be in a party that looks like the Confederacy

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and defends the Confederacy that plays footsie with white supremacists.

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And it's really more than playing footsie.

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It's now just openly embracing and platforming these voices.

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And again, the reason why I think this hits different is because you can't just dismiss

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this as Donald Trump being Donald Trump.

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We shouldn't be doing that as a country anyway, but you can't do it because it wasn't him.

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It was the people that he chose to elevate.

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And it wasn't just one.

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It was many of them.

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And the anti-Semitism, the anti-black comment, the anti-immigrant comments, the anti-Puerto

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ican comments, all combined show just this menagerie of terribles.

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That's why I think it is going to affect the outcome of the race.

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And what about Latino voters in heavy Latino states?

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They're also considered swing states.

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I'm thinking of Nevada and Arizona primarily, but you may have comments on some of the other

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swing states.

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Well, all of them, as I mentioned in kind of an intro here, every one of them has a

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Latino population that will be bigger, in many cases, much bigger than the margin of

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victory.

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Arizona, of course, which is the largest, also has a more multigenerational Latino experience.

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You've got immigrants, you've got their children, you've got their grandchildren, all registered

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and will be voting this year.

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That's very unique and different from a Nevada, for example, which is predominantly foreign-born

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or more foreign-born, not predominantly, but more foreign-born.

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Overwhelmingly blue collar union members, the culinary union is the famous Harry Reid

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machine in Clark County.

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Basically the workforce that makes the Las Vegas strip work is over half Latino and it

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is a pro-labor constituency.

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But it is also going to really love Donald Trump's tax on tips argument and the affordability

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issues that he's been laying out.

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Arizona and Nevada, incidentally, Arizona, of course, is a border state.

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Nevada is less so.

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But the competition with the undocumented for labor and unskilled labor and just basic

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border security in Arizona are much more predominant issues with Latinos there than they are, for

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example, in Pennsylvania, where you've got Puerto Ricans who are US citizens by birth.

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Wisconsin has a larger Latino voting population than Black Americans now, radically changing.

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North Carolina will have about 283,000 Latino voters, which is about one or 2% of the population.

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That state will come down to an election by less than 1%.

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Latinos aren't being polled.

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So you've got a real sleeper group in North Carolina where Latinos could be the determinative

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in North Carolina going one way or the other.

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Very interesting.

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Let's bring it back to our home state of California.

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Yeah.

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You, as I mentioned in the introduction, were the California Republican Party political

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director.

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California clearly was affected by the campaign of Proposition 187 in 1994.

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I once talked to the campaign manager of the team that was trying to defeat 187 and said

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he thought it was going down to defeat until the demonstrations with many Mexican flags

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in downtown Los Angeles.

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And then it passed.

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But my question is this, in regard to the big discussion about immigration today, reflecting

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back to what happened here in California, obviously the GOP shrunk in California right

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after that.

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But given the migration issue that's now taken the center stage, is there redemption for

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the California Republican Party with the Latinos and specifically Governor Wilson, who was

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tied to that campaign?

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Or is it two different eras in different political environments?

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How do you put all that together?

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What happened then?

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What's happening now?

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Yeah, that's a great question.

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Yeah, first, the comment about Proposition 187 going down to defeat because Mexicans

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were waving flags, that's absurd.

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You don't move 20 points.

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You never have.

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That's not what happened.

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If that did or didn't happen, voters were going to overwhelmingly break the way that

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they were going to break.

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The polling always showed it in that position.

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That's why Pete Wilson leaned into the issue.

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He leaned into it because he was down 27 points against Kathleen Brown in February of that

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year.

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He wins by 17 points.

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It's not because it was iffy.

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It was overwhelmingly being supported by Californians.

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So that was just a consultant defending his position, probably.

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Yeah, and his soul, I think, probably.

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A lot of people just trying to solve their soul.

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The question of redemption is a good one because it presupposes the redemption, I think, is

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the right word.

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Redemption, I think, in many ways is predicated on the idea that you either have learned your

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lesson or have sought forgiven or that you were right all along.

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I don't know that either of those actually fit the narrative correctly.

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The California Republican Party has very, very significant problems with Latino voters.

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Very significant.

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It's been 30 years.

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It's hard not to say that they were wrong, quantifiably wrong by not only doing this

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in 1994 but continuing it for another 20 years.

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What I do think is fascinating is by the time the Republican Party will get back into contention,

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if it ever does, it will be when all of those supporters and activists and consultants are

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dead.

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So I don't know that redemption is the right word.

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I think that changing times would probably be a better reflection of what that meant.

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I think that the Republican Party, it wasn't just one issue.

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It was 20 years of leaning into anti-immigrant, pro-white supremacist thinking that I think

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leaves the Republican Party in California where it's at today deservedly so.

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There were voices at the time, of course, to say, don't go down this path.

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You were one of them.

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I know another one, friend of both of ours, I believe, Stu Spencer, who was Ronald Reagan's

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campaign manager, who tirelessly tried to talk the Republican Party into embracing the

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rising Latino vote and not successfully.

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And other people that I admire greatly, Jack Kemp among them warned and said, this is coming.

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And the thing about Stu Spencer and Jack Kemp, they are people that care deeply, obviously

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about the Republican Party as it was, but more importantly, they care about human beings

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and humanity.

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And they saw the Republican Party at one time as a vehicle for that.

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They saw, I think, the ugliness arising from the shadows.

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That wasn't just 187.

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When they said when they knew correctly was just the beginning of what was becoming sort

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of opening Pandora's box.

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And like I said, there was 20 years of this stuff that went on.

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For every year, for two decades, there was another Republican legislator introducing

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more anti-immigrant legislation.

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And it's cost them.

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It's cost them dearly, as it probably should have.

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But like I said, if you believe that one political party is more virtuous than the other simply

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by the nature of its existence, you're probably part of the problem.

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And it's one of the things that I admire most about Jack Kemp and Stu Spencer, both mentors,

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both great heroes of mine, was that they stood up against popular opinion because they knew

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that what was going on was not right.

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And it's hard to do sometimes when your name, your reputation, your income, your business

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is on the line.

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It's very, very rare to see people of courage stand up in these modern times, especially

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against a political machine.

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And they both did it.

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And I'm very deeply proud of them for doing it.

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I expect you felt a little bit of that pressure over the last few years yourself.

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Oh, my involvement's come at great cost.

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I don't regret it.

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I'm more proud of myself because we've all been at those moments in time as Americans

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in deciding what we would have done during the rise of authoritarianism in 1930s Germany.

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It's that question you're asked in fifth grade.

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And now we all know.

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We all know.

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And I know for certain what I would have done then.

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I know what I have done now is it cost me a big part of my business.

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It cost me a lot of quote unquote friends.

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But the difference between good and bad at this moment in this dark, dark chapter in

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American history is very clear.

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And I am very proud that my children and my children's children will know where I stood.

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That's a strong note to end on.

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But I would like to give you at least the opportunity.

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If you have any final comments or optimistic comments you'd like to add about the direction

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we're headed, I'd love to hear them.

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Well the book, The Latino Century, is ultimately a very optimistic book.

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And I think that was as we look and we hear discussions on both sides of the aisle about

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what is wrong with democracy and the failings of democracy and people are continually looking

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00:27:42,760 --> 00:27:43,760
for different reforms.

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You know, is it ranked choice voting?

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00:27:45,600 --> 00:27:47,560
Is it eliminating the electoral college?

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00:27:47,560 --> 00:27:50,320
Is it, you know, primary reform?

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Is it campaign, dark money campaign reform?

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None of these reforms work.

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None of the Constitution doesn't work unless it is supported by people that still believe

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in it.

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And so much of what is happening at this moment is a failure of the American people to continue

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the extension of confidence and trust in our Constitution, in our American norms, and the

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idea of America itself.

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People over the age of 60 have the most negative perceptions of America and her future of any

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modern generation ever polled with modern polling techniques.

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That's a damning statement from a generation that has probably been the beneficiary of

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the greatest wealth, privilege, and largesse that this country has ever produced.

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Meanwhile, this group under 30, much poorer, much more recently migrated, much more Latino,

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with far less reasons to believe in America, score very, very high in the idea of the promise

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of America and the future and what tomorrow brings.

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And that's our great hope.

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Because no matter what reforms, no matter what public policies we implement, we can

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always change those.

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You can fix bad policy.

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What you can't fix is a belief in who you are as a people.

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At a certain point, it's just going to have to be demographic change.

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And the reason why I am so hopeful is every day we become more pure to our original commitments,

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to the idea that we are all endowed by our Creator with certain inalienable rights.

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The wide swath of Americans who believe that we can go back to a time where we can reject

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that and stop us from being anything other than a white Christian nation.

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We are becoming less so.

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And I think that's truer to the American creed, the American idea is practicing our faith

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the way that we see it, coming from the different beautiful ethnic cultures that we are from

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and still be great guardians of the American idea, the American experiment.

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And we're witnessing that happening every day.

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Thank you for that summary, Mike.

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00:29:50,960 --> 00:29:52,960
And thank you for joining us.

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00:29:52,960 --> 00:29:54,920
Surfing the political waves here at Pepperdine.

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00:29:54,920 --> 00:29:58,000
Mike Madrid, author of the Latino Century.

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00:29:58,000 --> 00:29:59,000
Thanks again.

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00:29:59,000 --> 00:30:01,000
Joel, thanks for your friendship and for having me on.

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Appreciate you.

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00:30:02,000 --> 00:30:03,800
Thank you.

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00:30:03,800 --> 00:30:08,440
Thanks for joining us for this conversation on Surfing Political Waves.

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00:30:08,440 --> 00:30:13,800
For more engaging dialogue on politics and policy, visit Pepperdine School of Public

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00:30:13,800 --> 00:30:18,960
Policy on YouTube at Pepperdine SPP.

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00:30:18,960 --> 00:30:40,920
For upcoming community events, go to publicpolicy.pepperdine.edu slash events.

