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Welcome to Surfing Political Waves, a short series podcast hosted by the Pepperdine School

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of Public Policy.

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This is Dan Schnurr.

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And I'm Joel Fox.

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And we're bringing you California election insight and analysis as the country ramps

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up to one of the most historic presidential races in memory, as well as other fascinating

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campaigns up and down the ballot.

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Well, welcome to Surfing Political Waves at Pepperdine University.

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This is Joel Fox.

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And my special guest today is Rob Green, an editorial writer who writes for the Los Angeles

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Times.

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He covers criminal justice reform, the Los Angeles city and county governments, and many

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other issues.

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But the thing we ought to talk about with Rob, and we will in a minute, is that Rob

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won the Pulitzer Prize for editorial writing.

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That's a big deal, folks.

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It's one of the top, if not the top, writing award in journalism, one that a few years

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ago, it will get into what he wrote about.

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But let's start this conversation about editorial writing for newspapers in 2024.

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Editorials, newspapers, very powerful instruments many years ago, maybe not so much today.

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So Rob, let me put you on the spot right away.

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Do newspaper editorials influence elections?

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Well, good question, Joel.

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I guess I would say that it depends on the election.

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So not on the year of the election, but the particular office or measure.

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I don't think an editorial is going to sway a presidential election.

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Might not even sway a gubernatorial election, but on things like ballot measures and people

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who are running for your city council or your board of supervisors, definitely people who

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are running for a superior court judge.

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Yes, I think a newspaper editorial can make a difference.

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So in those races that you just described where the editorial may make a difference,

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tell us about the process for you as an editorial writer, for your team on the editorial board,

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reaching a decision on which way to go.

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How does all that work out?

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Well, you said team, Joel, and that's correct.

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I am a member of a team.

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There are six of us, all of us write editorials.

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And we, rather than just write our own opinions each individually, we work as a team and we

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write as a board on behalf of the Los Angeles Times.

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So we decide ahead of time what we're going to write about, and then we will argue with

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each other.

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We do a lot of arguing in a nice way about the pros and cons of different positions.

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And when we're talking about an endorsement, we'll assign one person with a backup person

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to kind of be the point person and bring back all the information that we need to know about

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a particular electoral race and about the candidates.

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And then we will make our arguments among each other.

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And then one person will be assigned to write the first draft of that editorial.

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Once that is assigned and finished, does it have to circulate among the staff again for

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approval?

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It depends.

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Generally, it doesn't.

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We have editors and the editors will make sure that it is in accord with what we had

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discussed previously.

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But everyone has the option of taking a look at it after the editor is done with it just

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to make sure that we're all on the same page or that we are all where we intended to be.

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So speaking of being on the same page in the debates around the board, is everyone like

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minded on the editorial board?

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I mean, clearly, people would argue that the LA Times has a specific point of view that

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seems to cut across a lot of issues.

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If someone with a contrary point of view, did they get an opportunity to join the board?

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Well, we do as a board, we do have a point of view and we don't try to encompass every

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possible point of view.

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We represent the point of view of the newspaper as an institution.

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So the newspaper as an institution is not a hard right conservative institution.

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And so we don't have hard right conservative points of view on the editorial board.

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When we want to talk to people who are expressing those points of view, we invite them as guests

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to speak with us and they can speak for themselves on the op-ed page.

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But we don't make an attempt to be completely representative of every point of view in the

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country because otherwise, every editorial would essentially be an election and that

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wouldn't really get us very far.

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Do you clear your editorial positions with the publisher or the newspaper?

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The publisher has the opportunity at any time to take a look at what we're working on.

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So it's up to the publisher.

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So it's not a matter of our writing something and then sending it to the publisher and saying,

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are you okay with this?

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The publisher will let us know whether he's okay with it.

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So you're looking at evidence, you're looking at balancing opinions and analyzing evidence

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and maybe even crusading to some point of view.

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How much does community attitudes play into editorial positioning?

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It makes a difference because even though we are not news reporters in the sense that

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we don't work in the newsroom, we work separately because we are in opinion, we do reporting.

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And as reporters, we need to find out as much as we can about a particular issue or with

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an endorsement about a candidate or a particular office or a ballot measure.

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So that includes going out and talking to people who are directly affected by those

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candidates or ballot measures or issues or what have you.

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So before we get into the coming election here and how the paper is positioning its

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opinion, let's just revisit what I started with.

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And that is the fact that, congratulations, Rob, you won the poll.

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It's a prize.

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That's a big deal.

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Tell us about it.

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Tell us about that.

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Yeah, tell us about that.

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What did you write about?

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What happened?

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I was writing editorial.

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Well, I write editorials.

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I write editorials every day or at least several times a week.

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And the ones for which I was recognized came in 2020, which I'm particularly proud about

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because as you know, 2020 was a singular year.

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2020 was the year of George Floyd and the pandemic and lockdowns and protests and the

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disputed presidential election disputed, I guess, only by Donald Trump and his supporters

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culminating in the attack on the Capitol after 2020.

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But I wrote a series of editorials that kind of drilled down on particular things during

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that year that were some of them were Los Angeles oriented, but some of them were nationally

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oriented and they had to do with things like justice and equity.

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So they weren't necessarily about the killing of George Floyd.

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They weren't necessarily about the pandemic, but they were about issues that affected us

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that were driven by those events during that year.

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So let's talk about that because you wrote and won your award because of articles on

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justice and justice reform.

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That was for 2020, as you just well described.

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Now it's 2024 and there seems to be a change of attitude, particularly among voters in

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Los Angeles city and county and probably across California.

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How do you view this change?

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How did it come about?

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And ultimately, I'm going to ask you, have you changed over the course of the four years?

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Okay, let's start with your first question.

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Has there been a change in attitude?

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I think that was your first question.

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Has there been a change in attitude?

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And there certainly has.

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2020 again was the year of the killing of George Floyd, but also of Breonna Taylor and

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a number of other incidents that made people concerned about the justice system, a system

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that we in the United States, we revere and want to protect, but which has some flaws

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that became impossible to ignore in that year.

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And so it was a year of reform.

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They were one of the editorials for which I was recognized and thank you kindly for

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bringing that up.

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I appreciate it.

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But one of them was an endorsement of the district attorney, George Gascon, who brought

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a reform agenda to the DA's office.

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He was a challenger.

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He defeated the incumbent.

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And now the Times had a story yesterday because he's at a reelection four years later, he's

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something like 30 points behind.

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And for him to pull out a victory at this point would be surprising.

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So yes, things have changed a great deal.

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So why have they changed?

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Several reasons.

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One is that I think that when voters in Los Angeles and elsewhere in the United States

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embraced reform in 2020, the idea was new enough to a lot of folks that we weren't really

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sure what it meant and how far it ought to go.

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And so some people embraced reform and said, yes, we need to change laws to make sure that

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things are more equal.

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But then they started hearing things like defund the police and they said, or even abolish

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the police.

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And a lot of folks said, wait a minute, I don't think I signed on for that.

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And I think that a lot of folks who had a stake in the way things were saw that concern

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and capitalized on it politically and started trying to drive a wedge and so played up fears

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of crime.

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At the same time, there were indeed factually increases in crime.

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And that is a concern.

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And crime is a problem and it's real.

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And it hurts people.

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And so a lot of folks who were comfortable with reform previously said, wait a minute,

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I think that some of the things that we adopted, some of the changes that we adopted, some

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of the people that we elected are causing us harm.

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They are causing crime to go up.

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And so we need to ramp back a little bit.

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And you asked me, Joel, whether it has changed, whether I've changed in those four years.

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Well, you wrote, let me just tell our listeners that you wrote the editorial four years ago

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that supported George Gascon for district attorney of Los Angeles.

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And you write the editorial this time.

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What did you decide?

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Do you still support Mr. Gascon or not?

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Tell us why.

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Yes, we supported Gascon again because we thought that his policies, we believe that

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his policies are best for the people of L.A. County, best not just for not just best for

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justice, but best also for public safety.

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I know that there are a lot of folks who don't buy that, but we had to spend a lot of time

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looking at the claims that were made against him, that the particular policies that he

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adopted caused an increase in crime.

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And I find that that's really that's not the case.

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First of all, the policies of a prosecutor rarely have an immediate impact on crime go

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to bad.

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So there's that to start out with.

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But we also looked at the particular concerns that people raised about his policies.

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And sometimes the concerns that were raised were just were just false.

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So there was an assertion that he just doesn't charge misdemeanors.

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Well, that's not true.

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There are some misdemeanors that he doesn't charge, but serious misdemeanors he does charge.

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And then there were concerns that some of the policies that he has gave people gave

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people an incentive to commit crime because they felt that they wouldn't be prosecuted.

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Now, I can't tell you what's in the minds of people when they commit crime, especially

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property crimes, especially those high profile crimes, but which we're all concerned that

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we've seen the smashing rab robberies, the burglaries, the property crimes.

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There are assertions that he hasn't he's not prosecuting those.

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And we looked at the facts and that's just not true.

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He's prosecuted those cases just as much as his predecessor did.

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But the assertion is made that a lot of people who engage in those crimes think they're not

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going to get prosecuted because they misunderstand his policies and that that has driven crime.

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Well, as I said, I can't tell you what's in the minds of people who commit those crimes.

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But we did become convinced that that his policies were not going easy on criminals.

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What they did do for some folks, they shortened some sentences because we've also seen in

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academic and sociological studies that sentences are sort of like medication.

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You have to dose properly.

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And if you dose properly, you can have a really positive effect on driving down recidivism.

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If you put someone in prison for a serious crime for too short a period and then let

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them out, you're just encouraging them to commit more crime.

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That stands to reason what a lot of people don't understand unless they study this issue

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is that if you keep people in prison for too long after the sort of the prime period for

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driving down recidivism, you can also drive up the the the re-arrest rate or the likelihood

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of a person committing crime.

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So we liked Gascon's policies in that he was being smarter about sentences.

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But I certainly understand.

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I certainly understand people's concerns that that they were leading, that those policies

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were leading to more crimes on the street.

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It's a long, but I understand why they would think that.

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In the real political world, though, I think you'll see that you spend a good portion of

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the time just now making some very cogent arguments on your positioning with Gascon.

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But those are hard things to sell to the public in the short commercials.

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Very hard to sell.

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Yeah.

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And the reaction on the street is, hey, I just read that they broke into the store down

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the street.

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And that becomes a real problem.

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I think I want to go back, though, to well, let me ask you one more question on this,

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because I know a lot of deputy district attorneys were against Mr. Gascon.

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How did you weigh that when you were considering the endorsement?

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It's an important factor.

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So you need an elected official who is going to be effective.

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The policies are only part of the battle.

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If you've got great policies and you can't get them done, then what's the point?

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And I have to say that with Gascon, when he first ran, he hadn't done this job in Los

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Angeles before, although he had been district attorney in San Francisco.

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He hadn't done it in Los Angeles before.

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We looked at the policies and we said, this is good.

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This is what we want.

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This is where we want to go.

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And he actually started doing it in Los Angeles.

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I mean, there are a lot of things that he did that gave me pause.

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He did not work well with his deputies.

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And I understand where he was coming from.

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He knew that he was going to be opposed from the beginning.

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So he made the strategic decision to not try to be a nice guy and get along and just kind

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of rip the bandaid off, as they say, and impose his policies from the get go without buy in

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from his deputies.

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But strategically, tactically, that was the wrong decision.

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And it wasn't, you know, certainly not good for the policy.

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So if he is going to be defeated, it's his policies that also will suffer a setback.

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I hope not not in their entirety, but to at least some extent.

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So the question that we had to face was, do we change direction and go with a different

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candidate who has policies we don't like as much but would be more effective?

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And ultimately, we had to decide, well, no, because we don't want somebody who's going

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to be effective at policies we don't like, that policies that we don't think are the

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best interests of justice in Los Angeles County.

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Although it was a conversation we had to have.

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We had we did have to come to grips with it.

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It wasn't a slam dunk.

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And you obviously interviewed his opponent, Mr. Hockman, right?

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Yes.

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Yeah.

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Yes.

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I began our conversation by asking you, do newspaper editorials influence elections?

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Or I think they play a role.

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And be curious to know what kind of attitude you and your your team have.

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When on television commercials, you'll see pop up.

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The Los Angeles Times says vote yes on this proposition.

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The Los Angeles Times says this guy should not be elected to this position.

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Thus, your editorial is spread much far and wide than it is just in the newspaper.

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So give you any visceral visceral thrills to see that.

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And what kind of reaction do you have?

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Or is it just a ho hum?

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Here we go.

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It's an election year.

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All right.

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I'll tell you the truth, sometimes it makes my stomach hurt.

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Really?

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Tell me why.

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Because we work so hard in our editorials and our endorsements to make a case, to make

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an argument the same way we would make an argument, a closing argument to a jury.

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We walk through facts and issues and do our best to to convince our readers why they should

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vote for or against a particular ballot measure or a particular candidate.

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And when we see it on screen taken by the campaign itself, all that is gone.

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All you know, it's just Los Angeles Times tells you to do this or to do that.

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So it hurts that the reasoning is gone.

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And also sometimes they'll take our argument and completely turn it upside down.

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So I haven't had the case before where someone will say that the Times says to do this when

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we've actually said to do something else entirely.

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But I have heard folks go on not just on TV ads, but say on radio interviews and instead

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of making their own argument, refer back to the Times editorial or endorsement, which

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at first gives me a thrill, especially if they make the argument that we made, if they

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make it well, but then gives me a stomach ache again if they make if they state the

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argument that we make and make it poorly.

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It's like going into court and having some lawyer who's not very good make your closing

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statement.

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So you're telling me it's hit and miss with your reaction.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Let me let me ask you about another issue on the ballot, since I have this opportunity

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to do that.

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00:21:01,600 --> 00:21:08,200
It's controversial, and that is Los Angeles County Measure G, which will add supervisors

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to the Board of Supervisors from five to nine.

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We would elect a CEO.

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I know the time is taken in position.

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You're going to tell us what it is.

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But tell us what went into that thinking when you reach your conclusion.

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Part of what went into that thinking is where we've been on the issue generally in the past.

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So as long as I've been with the Times, and that's 18 years, but even before that, the

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editorial page has been an advocate for a change in county government.

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We've wanted two things.

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00:21:42,400 --> 00:21:46,800
We've wanted a larger board of supervisors on the argument that it would be more representative

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00:21:46,800 --> 00:21:51,760
of the people in the county, because right now we only have five members of the board

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for a county of 10 million people.

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That means two million per supervisor.

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I didn't know that there's any local government.

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Well, I know there's no local government in the United States that has that many people

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per constituents, per representative.

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And we wanted an independent elected executive because just having a larger board without

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having the checks and balances of three branches of government, which is a foundation of the

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nation's organization and has been from the beginning.

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Without that, we just enlarge the dysfunction of the county.

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And county government is dysfunctional.

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It's not really through any of the fault of the folks who are working in county government,

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but it's impossible for the county to get anything done because of its structure.

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So one of the things that went into it is that we've always been in favor of an independently

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elected executive and a larger board of supervisors.

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And I will tell you that when some of the folks who worked on this ballot measure told

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us what they included in it, they said they included it in there partly because the Los

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Angeles Times had said these things for so many years.

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And I do still believe that these are two good things for LA County is to have the checks

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and balances that it's lacking and to have more representative board of supervisors.

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So there was that.

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And then there was the question of what Los Angeles County almost always does with a ballot

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measure before the election.

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And they just pull it out of their back pocket at what's close to the last minute without

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giving a lot of time for vetting or examining.

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And they say, here it is.

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Take it or leave it.

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And it wasn't quite that bad this time, but it was close.

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So this came up in July.

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The vote is in November.

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And so the question is, does something of as much import as this have enough vetting?

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So we looked into it as much as we could and on balance.

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Our conclusion was the county is dysfunctional.

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We need to break that dysfunction.

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And it's better to make these changes than it would be to wait for two years and try

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it again after a long period of drafting and vetting, which probably would come up with

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00:24:17,280 --> 00:24:20,640
something that's not all that much different from what we have now.

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Let's just note that, as you pointed out, it came up late.

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And the fact that it got on the ballot was on a three to two vote by the supervisors.

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So there was obviously a dissension there.

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That's correct.

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Part of our thinking is that, again, sorry to repeat myself, but we felt it was necessary

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to break the dysfunction.

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When the board agrees 5-0 or when the board is divided 3-2, either way, they still don't

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seem to get a lot done.

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So early this year, they commissioned a study to find out what would be the best way to

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restructure county government.

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And when this measure came up in July, they still hadn't sent that out for...

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That was supposed to go out for bid so that somebody would study that question.

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Still hadn't gone out for bid.

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That's part of the dysfunction we're trying to break.

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So last question on this point.

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An objection that I see to it, I actually agree with you that it should be a larger

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board.

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My concern with the CEO, and I heard your argument and you can restate it or tell me

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I don't know what I'm talking about.

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00:25:29,040 --> 00:25:34,880
But what I see the CEO, which is essentially going to be the mayor of Los Angeles County,

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is that the interest in...

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00:25:38,200 --> 00:25:43,640
I know this happens with all elections, the special interests, the labor unions, the businesses

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are going to push to get their candidate in control, which will be a different kind of

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government than if there were nine members on the board of supervisors.

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00:25:54,440 --> 00:26:00,800
Did that cause any concern for you as it has, frankly, caused some concern for me?

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00:26:00,800 --> 00:26:02,080
Of course.

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The idea of one person with all that power, of course that's going to cause concern.

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00:26:06,400 --> 00:26:10,640
And then we have to remember that what would California be like?

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Whether you like the governor or you don't like the governor.

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What would California be like if it was run by only the legislature?

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If only the legislature proposed and adopted the budget.

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If only the legislature proposed and then vetoed or signed every new law.

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It's just not a good idea.

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Same with the federal government.

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What if Congress ran the federal government?

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We had that with the Articles of Confederation.

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We decided very soon.

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By we, I mean our forebears back in the 18th century, decided that just isn't working.

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00:26:48,000 --> 00:26:50,800
It doesn't work for county government either.

380
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Does it work for a small county like Sierra County or Modoc County?

381
00:26:56,120 --> 00:26:58,700
Yeah, probably works fine.

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Five people, you have what is in a sense an appointed city manager, except it's a county

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00:27:03,320 --> 00:27:04,320
manager instead.

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00:27:04,320 --> 00:27:11,680
That works fine, but Los Angeles County is the size and has the budget of a state and

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not a small state.

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It would be like the fifth largest state in the country.

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We need checks and balances and we don't have that with an appointed chief executive because

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the board can bounce the chief executive whenever that person does something that a board majority

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doesn't like.

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00:27:29,920 --> 00:27:35,440
Okay, we're going to start wrapping this up, Rob, and I appreciate all of your sharp

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00:27:35,440 --> 00:27:38,680
answers and your time dedicated to this.

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00:27:38,680 --> 00:27:44,480
I'm going to ask one more question and maybe one open-ended one at the end.

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I'd like your view on political influencing and the landscape of political influencing,

394
00:27:51,080 --> 00:27:54,040
which has so dramatically changed.

395
00:27:54,040 --> 00:28:00,600
When newspapers were in their heyday, they really did have a great impact.

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00:28:00,600 --> 00:28:06,600
Now along comes radio, then along comes television, now comes the internet.

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00:28:06,600 --> 00:28:12,080
What's your view of influencing the political influencing landscape today?

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00:28:12,080 --> 00:28:15,780
Well, it has changed.

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00:28:15,780 --> 00:28:20,900
Because I work at a newspaper, I suppose I could express regret that newspapers don't

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00:28:20,900 --> 00:28:26,080
have the same influence that they once did, but when I got into the newspaper business

401
00:28:26,080 --> 00:28:33,720
already, it was already in decline.

402
00:28:33,720 --> 00:28:39,040
Elected officials or politicians who are running for office are always going to look for the

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00:28:39,040 --> 00:28:44,320
best way to reach people who will vote for them.

404
00:28:44,320 --> 00:28:52,680
Whether it's newspapers or through social media, that's going to change.

405
00:28:52,680 --> 00:28:55,160
Today it's social media.

406
00:28:55,160 --> 00:29:02,320
Newspapers reach maybe a more, well, it would be unfair to say a more discerning voter.

407
00:29:02,320 --> 00:29:10,960
Let's say a voter who is interested in more analysis of a particular issue or candidate.

408
00:29:10,960 --> 00:29:20,520
A voter who is more interested in a more visceral understanding of a candidate might be better

409
00:29:20,520 --> 00:29:29,000
reached through TikTok or some other social media.

410
00:29:29,000 --> 00:29:31,200
The game really hasn't changed.

411
00:29:31,200 --> 00:29:33,160
The players are always going to change.

412
00:29:33,160 --> 00:29:38,800
Just the same way that the politicians change, the way that they reach voters is going to

413
00:29:38,800 --> 00:29:40,440
change as well.

414
00:29:40,440 --> 00:29:45,840
A newspaper editorial does not have the clout that it once does, doesn't have the power

415
00:29:45,840 --> 00:29:51,480
to elect a president the way that it might have once.

416
00:29:51,480 --> 00:29:57,440
But the people are always going to be finding a way and politicians are always going to

417
00:29:57,440 --> 00:30:05,120
be finding a way to reach each other, whether the medium is newspapers or TV or radio or

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00:30:05,120 --> 00:30:06,120
what have you.

419
00:30:06,120 --> 00:30:07,120
Very good.

420
00:30:07,120 --> 00:30:12,840
Let me close with a open ended question for you, blindsiding you a little bit.

421
00:30:12,840 --> 00:30:15,040
If you don't have an answer, that's fine.

422
00:30:15,040 --> 00:30:22,960
Got any stories, anecdotes about your life as a editorial writer at the LA Times?

423
00:30:22,960 --> 00:30:25,880
Could be humorous, could be dramatic.

424
00:30:25,880 --> 00:30:29,800
Anything that you'd like to tell our audience?

425
00:30:29,800 --> 00:30:42,240
I will tell you that in 2008, I was in Denver to cover the nomination convention.

426
00:30:42,240 --> 00:30:43,240
Right.

427
00:30:43,240 --> 00:30:44,240
Barack Obama.

428
00:30:44,240 --> 00:30:45,240
Yes.

429
00:30:45,240 --> 00:30:46,240
Yes.

430
00:30:46,240 --> 00:30:48,120
Now, I wasn't there to cover Obama.

431
00:30:48,120 --> 00:30:57,080
I was there to go to the California delegation, which met for breakfast every morning, as

432
00:30:57,080 --> 00:30:59,320
most states delegations did.

433
00:30:59,320 --> 00:31:04,160
And that's where you find out what's going on in the political world.

434
00:31:04,160 --> 00:31:11,360
That's where the mayor of San Francisco, Gavin Newsom, and the mayor of Los Angeles, Antonio

435
00:31:11,360 --> 00:31:17,920
Villaraigosa, both made their pitches to the top Democrats from California about why each

436
00:31:17,920 --> 00:31:19,920
of them should be the next governor.

437
00:31:19,920 --> 00:31:22,400
Now, neither of them were explicit about that.

438
00:31:22,400 --> 00:31:27,640
They were just talking about the great things they had done for their city.

439
00:31:27,640 --> 00:31:32,680
And you could tell they were being sized up by the delegates to that convention who were

440
00:31:32,680 --> 00:31:39,000
there to nominate Barack Obama, but actually were there to figure out where to go next,

441
00:31:39,000 --> 00:31:42,080
just in terms of what's next for California.

442
00:31:42,080 --> 00:31:43,080
That was fascinating.

443
00:31:43,080 --> 00:31:51,000
The anecdote I had is that a couple of young women came up to me at the time, found out

444
00:31:51,000 --> 00:32:00,000
that I was an editorial writer at the Los Angeles Times and said, you know, you really ought to talk to our aunt.

445
00:32:00,000 --> 00:32:04,480
She's the district attorney of San Francisco.

446
00:32:04,480 --> 00:32:08,520
And you should have lunch with you.

447
00:32:08,520 --> 00:32:09,520
She should have lunch with you.

448
00:32:09,520 --> 00:32:11,220
Let's arrange something.

449
00:32:11,220 --> 00:32:12,480
And I said, yeah, that's nice.

450
00:32:12,480 --> 00:32:13,760
I don't really have time.

451
00:32:13,760 --> 00:32:15,140
I'm here for something else.

452
00:32:15,140 --> 00:32:16,840
And they were very insistent.

453
00:32:16,840 --> 00:32:22,240
And so they arranged a lunch and that's when and how I met Kamala Harris.

454
00:32:22,240 --> 00:32:24,760
Yeah, that's a great anecdote.

455
00:32:24,760 --> 00:32:27,240
Which was which was fascinating.

456
00:32:27,240 --> 00:32:30,080
We ended up not endorsing her for attorney general.

457
00:32:30,080 --> 00:32:34,120
But but but she's managed to stick around on the political scene.

458
00:32:34,120 --> 00:32:35,920
I've heard that rumor.

459
00:32:35,920 --> 00:32:36,920
Yes.

460
00:32:36,920 --> 00:32:40,200
Listen, congratulations on your Pulitzer Prize.

461
00:32:40,200 --> 00:32:41,560
Thank you, Joel.

462
00:32:41,560 --> 00:32:44,680
And thank you for spending time with us.

463
00:32:44,680 --> 00:32:52,040
We're thanking Rob Green from the Los Angeles Times, surfing political waves here at Pepperdine.

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00:32:52,040 --> 00:32:53,040
Thanks Rob.

465
00:32:53,040 --> 00:32:55,240
Thank you, Joel.

466
00:32:55,240 --> 00:32:59,880
Thanks for joining us for this conversation on surfing political waves.

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00:32:59,880 --> 00:33:06,260
For more engaging dialogue on politics and policy, visit Pepperdine School of Public Policy

468
00:33:06,260 --> 00:33:10,400
on YouTube at Pepperdine SPP.

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00:33:10,400 --> 00:33:18,240
For upcoming community events, go to public policy dot Pepperdine dot edu slash events.

