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All across America and around the world, this is Veterans Radio.

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This is Veterans Radio.

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Welcome to Veterans Radio.

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I am Jim Fausone.

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I'm the officer of the deck today.

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We've got some great programs for you.

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I think you'll find very interesting.

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or at the web.

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Where we're on the web 24-7, you can find a lot of our podcasts there as well.

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We post new ones every Tuesday, so you can get a new story, a new interview, something

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you didn't know before by going to VeteransRadio.org.

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And before we get started, we want to thank our sponsors.

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First up, we want to thank National Veteran Business Development Council, NVBDC.org.

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You'll find out how they can help your business by going to NVBDC.org.

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You can reach them at 800-693-4800 or on the web at LegalHelpForVeterans.com.

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We want to welcome to VeteransRadio today Dr. Mark Moyer.

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Dr. Moyer is a professor at Hillsdale College.

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He's also the director of the College's Center for Military History and Strategy.

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He has had a fascinating academic career.

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He got his BA from Harvard, but he got his PhD from Cambridge.

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He went on and taught as a professor at the University of Marine Corps University.

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He taught at Texas A&M University, the Foreign Service Institute.

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He was a senior fellow at the Joint Special Operations University and has worked as a consultant

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on senior leadership of Special Operations Joint Task Force for Afghanistan.

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These all weave into the many, many things he's written on that we could talk about.

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There's just no way we can get it to it all.

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He's written on Vietnam.

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He's written on special operations.

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He's talked about issues that have, you know, administrations that have gone awry in working

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with the military.

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And his most recent book is Masters of Corruption, How the Federal Bureaucracy Sabotaged the

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Trump Presidency.

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So lots of things to talk about, but Mark, thanks for taking some time to talk to Veterans

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Radio.

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Yeah, great to be talking to you and the veteran community.

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Well, you've got, as I say, an interesting background academically as a historian, but

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having worked, if you will, inside the government and now outside at Hillsdale College, and

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I think you're a member of the Hoover Institute Working Group on the Role of Military History

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and Contemporary Conflict.

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So you're thinking about a lot of these issues, and kind of one of them I maybe wanted to

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start with is this whole idea of what really is the interplay between civilian oversight

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and military operations from a historical perspective?

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Yes, Will.

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This is something that dates back to our nation's founding.

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And one of the things I've enjoyed about being at Hillsdale's, we actually make sure everybody

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understands where we've come from, but the founders recognized something that actually

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didn't really become more generally known until Klossowitz in the 19th century, but

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that war itself is a political undertaking and therefore you ought to have political

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leadership ultimately responsible.

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And so we have vested in President the Authority of Commander-in-Chief with the military reporting

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to the Commander-in-Chief, and now that then requires a lot of interplay between the President

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and the military, and ideally the President should be very well versed in military affairs,

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and of course Washington was, and most of our Presidents who have been successful commanders,

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Lincoln being another great example, FDR, understood the military.

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Now we get to Vietnam and Lyndon Johnson, you run into trouble because you have a Commander-in-Chief

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who doesn't understand the military, so that is one of the big problems we've had since

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Vietnam is military, a President's lacking the military knowledge they need.

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Barack Obama is another one who wrote a book about him, a similar problem.

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And so this interplay does require, should require, Presidents who know the military.

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Yeah, it's an interesting concept.

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I think we'd all agree with the concept, but it's how it actually works in real life,

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where the rub comes in, and you've been inside special operations, you've taught at Marine

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Corps University, and sort of talked to future leaders about that interplay, I suppose, that

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not every President, not every political leader really has a good set of guiding principles

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or understanding of how to use the military and how to impact foreign policy.

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He wrote Strategic Failure, kind of talking about somebody who didn't really have that

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going in.

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Talk to us a little bit about that.

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Yes, and I think we see with Obama, a lot of the same problems we saw with LBJ, I think

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we're also seeing with the Biden, is this lack of understanding.

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Here this too relates to what the President's priorities are, and we saw that we have some

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Presidents who are very domestically focused, and basically for them, foreign policy is

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a nuisance that gets in the way of their domestic agenda, and so they tend to be reactive.

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And that was what happened with Johnson.

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He was not proactive, he didn't have a proactive strategy, he was trying to remake the country

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through the great society, and Vietnam was this pesky thing, and so he would react as

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problems arose.

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But that's not really a good way to manage the strategy of the world's biggest power

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or the military because you want to be proactive and moving, and we saw the same thing with

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Obama.

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I think we're seeing it again with Biden.

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So it takes a lot of effort by the President and interest to actually have a more proactive

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approach, to actually have a strategy because the idea of sort of reaction and crisis management,

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which Bill Clinton was another one who fits in this category, that is very passive and

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it leaves you vulnerable to your enemies.

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Because the strategy that a President should create comes simply out of his view or her

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view of the world, of foreign affairs, of domestic policy, and who should be putting

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input into this as you've studied it, those who have been successful and those who have

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not, where does the input for developing that policy come from?

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The President should have a strong set of advisors who can help him understand the key

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issues, and we've seen here too a range of people and qualifications.

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You know, Robert McNamara is probably the poster child for the Secretary of Defense who

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was ill-prepared for his job and gave a lot of bad advice to the President.

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Like LBJ finally by 1968 figures out that McNamara has really not been doing a good job and it

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ends up letting him go.

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We've had other people, Secretary of Defense Robert Gates who was in second Bush and then

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also spent some time in the Obama administration.

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I think he was someone who was much more effective.

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He ends up having a big falling out with Obama and believes Obama deceived him.

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He wrote a long book about it.

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Then you also have the uniform military who weigh in on these issues.

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We see some Presidents are much more willing to listen to what they have to say.

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Others are very dismissive.

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We saw with the Joint Chiefs of Staff in the Vietnam War that the President, especially

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Johnson and also McNamara didn't pay attention to them.

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What they were saying and in hindsight we can see they were actually recommending a much

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better strategy than the one the civilians were pursuing.

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Now of course the generals aren't always right but I think they should get greater respect

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than they sometimes get.

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We also saw this in the Clinton administration, the Obama administration and we know we also

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in the Trump administration some cases where there was this conflict between the uniform

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military or lack of respect and the Trump administration certainly went both ways where

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we saw it.

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It would appear to be General Mark Milley verging on insubordination towards the White

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House.

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Yeah, Trump said horrible things about the military and he said good things about the

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military.

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That whip-sawing has got to drive people crazy as well.

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You have taken a lot of time to look at the issue of the Vietnam War through a historian's

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lens decades and decades later you've written triumph regained and triumph forsaken which

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tells me there's one more coming out.

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That is trying to reimagine or reposition the Vietnam War and strip away from it sort

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of the 1968 domestic problems.

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Tell us when you relook at the Vietnam War if it was winnable or if it was just from

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the get-go not so and politics prevailed.

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Yeah, so the reason I got so involved in selling Vietnam is that at the time I was going through

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college this was the early 90s.

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Vietnam War was widely derided by the American intelligentsia as this unwinnable conflict

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we should never have been in it and Vietnam veterans were maligned in part for their participation

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in that war.

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So I started reading about it, it occurred to me that so much of what the intelligentsia,

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the journalists and historians were telling us was factually incorrect and that it appeared

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to be guided by motives other than getting to the truth such as justifying why we protested

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against the war or refused to serve in the military during Vietnam.

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And so Triumph Forsaken which goes up to 63, I originally was going to do one volume on

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the whole war but as I got into it I realized there's an amazing amount of information that

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hasn't been shared with the public and it causes us to fundamentally rethink how the

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war came about.

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And so that book Triumph Forsaken goes up into July of 1965 and in that period where

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the US is not yet committed to the war we see now and with the benefit of a lot of new

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sources especially from the North Vietnamese side that the outcome was far from foreboding

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and in fact the US was doing pretty well up until 63 when we participated in a disastrous

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coup but even after that the North Vietnamese were still very wary of going to war and so

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it was Lyndon Johnson through a series of misstatements particularly the statement that we're not

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going to fight, send our American boys to fight in Vietnam and various other acts of

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weakness that really invite the North Vietnamese to come into the war.

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And then we also have lots of information now saying that other strategies including

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invading North Vietnam or cutting the Ho Chi Minh Trail could have given us a different

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outcome.

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Yeah, it's always interesting when you get the other guy's perspective too you say the

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sources from Vietnam shed a whole new light on this because you now know what, how they're

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reacting to your action and vice versa.

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But I wanted to ask about come back to the president's role in setting military direction

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and policy and that the president should have a strategy for how to use the military and

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in your writings it seems like as new items, new approaches develop maybe the presidential

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strategies don't embrace them timely.

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One is the concept of counterinsurgency, another is how do you use special operations

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and then like technological advances, drones would be a good example of it.

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How do you as a historian in the academic as you look at this and you see these kind

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of advances in warfare, how does it get molded into a current strategy?

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Yeah, so that's an excellent question.

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That has been a big challenge in both counterinsurgency and special operations as you mentioned.

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And one of the big problems you have is that senior leaders don't necessarily really understand

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what these things are.

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We saw this in Iraq and Afghanistan especially a lot of people throwing around the terms

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counterterrorism and counterinsurgency without fully understanding what they mean or people

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thinking that special operations can do things well beyond what they can actually achieve.

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There's a lot of mystique around special operations and sometimes they're seen as a

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silver bullet.

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Now we had the killing of Osama bin Laden by Navy SEALs which was a major tactical victory

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but for one thing those victories are few and far between but also we've seen that even

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if you decapitate or remove one leader in this network of nefarious actors usually they're

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able to replace that person and especially it was an issue in Iraq where we thought we

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were going to get once we got rid of Saddam Hussein and his sons that the conflict will

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be over but it turned out that these insurgents had a lot more staying power and so you couldn't

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just use special operations you had to have conventional military forces to go in and

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actually solve the problem.

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The reason I'm touching on all of these veteran radio listeners and we're talking to Dr. Mark

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Moyer who is the professor at Hillsdale College and the director of the College's Center for

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Military History and Strategy is he's written on all of these.

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He wrote Oppose Any Foe, the Rise of America Special Operations Forces.

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He wrote a book called A Question of Command, Couter Insurgency from the Civil War to Iraq.

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So we're talking about issues that are, he's spent a lot of time thinking about and I want

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to go back to when you say senior leaders don't always understand.

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Are you referring to in the military or at the cabinet level, the presidential level

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over on the civilian side?

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It's usually on the civilian side.

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The military officers, they spent their whole careers in the military so usually, not always

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but usually they have a strong appreciation of what the military is actually capable of

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but you have oftentimes people on civilian side who have spent little to no time in the

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military and so they don't have that understanding and once you're president or secretary of

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defense, you do not have a lot of time to obtain new knowledge.

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That's one of the reasons why it's important that hopefully you have people in these jobs

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who already know a lot when they come to the office.

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Yeah, I've heard things out of congressional offices were like, oh we don't need to catch

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up on the naval fleet or the air fleet with the Chinese because we're going to use autonomous

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vehicles, drones, air frames, etc. and you sort of go, I don't know if these people know

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what they're talking about and that's that we kind of fall in love with finding the

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silver bullet, don't we, whether it's technical advances or we'll just send special forces,

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they're the silver bullet.

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That's kind of a common civilian problem, isn't it?

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Yeah, it is.

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That's certainly been an issue with special operations forces.

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I mean, that's how Bill Clinton thought he was going to solve Somalia by sending in Delta

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Force to Somalia.

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Bush initially was hoping they could deal with Saddam Hussein and then Obama thought

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we could basically get rid of much of our military because we could rely on these special

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operations forces.

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Usually we tend to overestimate the power of these things and we're seeing this now

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with new technologies.

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People thinking that artificial intelligence is just going to totally change how war is

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fought but if you look at what's going on in Ukraine right now, war there actually doesn't

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look a whole lot different than it used to.

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Obviously you have new technologies that can be important but, you know, seldom are they

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going to fundamentally transform the way that wars are fought.

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Yeah, I don't think I can have a conversation these days without somebody bringing up AI

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and how that's going to impact things.

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And then as you say, you look at Ukraine, that's just a basic old bloody artillery war

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sprinkled in with some new technologies so maybe what's old is new as well.

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So I do have a question that I want you to elaborate on though, Professor Moyer.

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And that is this idea that everything the civilian side wants, and I'll say primarily

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the president wants to get done, gets implemented in a straightforward fashion according with

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the policy that he's setting out.

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The federal government doesn't work that way, does it?

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Generally not.

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It depends too on how high of a priority the issue is for the president, but even then

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we've seen just about every president has complained that some part of the bureaucracy

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is not doing what he wants, you know, whether it's the State Department or the Defense Department

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or the Department of Justice.

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This does tend to be worse with Republicans, I think, because typically the federal bureaucracy

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largely votes Democrat and so they tend to be more sympathetic to Democratic presidents,

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but a lot of the bureaucracy is obsessed above all with sort of self-preservation more than

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anything else.

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And so you do see oftentimes, and I certainly saw this in my time as a trouble pointy, that

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agencies will come up with all sorts of tricks to do what they want rather than what the

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White House wants and you have about 4,000 political appointees who are set to the federal

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agencies and that was one of those in the Trump administration.

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Oftentimes in our agency, there's certainly the case, most of the political appointees

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don't know the landscape nearly as well and so career bureaucrats have a lot of different

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ways they can try to slow things down, they can hide money and I saw a lot of that.

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And then again in my agency where I worked, the Agency for International Development,

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we had top political appointees who in some cases weren't really interested in coercing

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the bureaucracy, which is what they're supposed to be there doing is getting the bureaucracy

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to do what the White House wants.

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And so you had a lot of instances where what the White House wanted was not actually implemented.

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I think we'll see that change if there's a second Trump administration because I think

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they've wised up, but that was certainly a huge problem in the first Trump administration.

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And you wrote about those experiences at the US Agency for International Development as

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a senior political appointee and sort of how career federal employees can thwart a president's

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efforts in your new book, Masters of Corruption on Encounter Books Imprint.

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Because this is surprising to you when you got inside as it was to maybe somebody like

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me reading it from the outside.

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Yeah, so I had spent time in government before but not as a political appointee and I had

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seen some evidence of corruption in the Department of Defense where I had spent most of the time

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before this, but I didn't quite realize how egregious it could be or the impunity with

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which a lot of people were acting.

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So one of the most startling things that happened was that when I approached the human resource

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authorities, when I first started getting evidence of corruption going on, they said,

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well, you know, most people here don't report corruption.

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It's a good thing you are.

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They didn't fully explain why people didn't report it, but as I later found out, it's

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that if you report corruption, the bureaucracy is going to attack you and that's what happened

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to me and I ended up getting fired based on a fraudulent accusation that some of these

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bureaucrats put forward.

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Meanwhile, the actually corrupt individuals managed to hold on to their jobs.

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Yeah, it's a sad but interesting story, Masters of Corruption.

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So, you know, bringing you back to the point of your role at Hillsdale College, can you

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tell us what the Center for Military History and Strategy focuses on?

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Yeah, so we are focused on a couple things.

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One is teaching military history to the students here.

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It's a subject that has been eliminated at nearly all other colleges.

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We're about the only place that still has faculty who specialize in military history

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and we've set up a minor in military history that students can take as part of their studies.

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We also hold some big events with major speakers on military history here on campus and we

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do open those to outside visitors and we bring in some distinguished scholars to bolster

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our capabilities here.

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We are looking, I think, eventually to offering graduate degrees.

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We're still fairly early in developing the Center but over the longer term that is one

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of the other things we are contemplating.

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I have to say those who regularly listen to Veterans Radio are interested in military

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history.

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I think there's a lot to learn from it, both our mistakes and our successes and we really

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do appreciate you spending a little time with us today.

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Dr. Mark Moyer over at Hillsdale College and we'd love to have you back another time.

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Okay, great.

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Well, thanks for having me on.

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And I want to thank everybody for listening to Veterans Radio today.

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I am Jim Fossone.

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It's been a pleasure to be your host.

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I'm a Veterans Disability Lawyer at Legal Help for Veterans and you can reach us at

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800-6934800 or legalhelpforveterans.com on the web.

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You can follow Veterans Radio on Facebook and listen to its podcasts and internet radio

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shows by visiting us at veteransradio.org.

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That's veteransradio.org.

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And until next time, you are dismissed.

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If you have a VA claim denied by the Board of Veterans Appeals, contact Legal Help for

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Veterans at 1-800-6934800.

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They're experts in handling cases before the U.S. Court of Appeals for Veterans Claims.

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Their number again, 1-800-6934800.

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Council, NVBDC.org, VA Ann Arbor Health Care System, the Vietnam Veterans of America,

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the American Legion Press Corn Post 46 also in Ann Arbor.

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You can go to veteransradio.net, click on the sponsor level and continue to support

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And until next time, you are dismissed.

