WEBVTT

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Hello and welcome to the So What podcast in which

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political economic analyst JP Landman discusses

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the issues uppermost in the minds of South Africans.

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You can find a written version of this content

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on JP's website JPLundman .co.za. I am Ruda

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Landman and I am your host. Hello and a very

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warm welcome to a newsletter dated the 12th of

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May 2025 with the title Budget 3 .0, A Moment

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of Decision. Two weeks ago on Freedom Day, the

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Cape High Court prohibited the Minister of Finance

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from proceeding with the VAT hike. Heavens, it

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feels like ages and ages ago. But even before

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that, the minister himself withdrew his proposal

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for that vatike. Why did he do that? Because

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he lost political support. If you go back to

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our previous note on the budget, there are four

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decisions to be taken in the budget. The first

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decision is the approval of the fiscal framework.

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That was approved on the 2nd of April, almost

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six weeks ago. But there already one could see

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it was, as we called it in that note, a very

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close -run thing. The fiscal framework was approved

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by a majority of 12 members of parliament, but

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there were 24 members of parliament not present

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in the assembly when the vote was taken. So it

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was a marginal thing anyway. And we raised in

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that note the prospect that the other three decisions

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that awaits the budget may not be approved. And

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what has happened is simply that some parties,

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particularly actions of South Africa, action

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essay, has walked back from their support for

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the fiscal framework. And I think the minister

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realized he didn't have the votes and he runs

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a very real risk of losing the vote in the subsequent

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three approvals that awaits the budget. And then

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the court decision came on top of that, so it

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was back to zero base. But all these complications

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basically also arose because the legal situation

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in South Africa has changed. Pretty much so,

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in South Africa, before and after 1994, followed

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the Westminster model of budget approval. And

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the Westminster model was simply that Parliament

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converted the budget up or they converted it

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down, but they cannot change it. The detail is

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frozen. You can say yes or you can say no, but

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you can't change it. We've had that system in

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our budget approval for many, many years. The

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1996 constitution had a clause section 77 which

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made it clear that legislation must be passed

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by parliament to give that authority to parliament

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not just to approve or reject but also to change.

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For many many years before and after we became

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a democracy our lower -round budget approvals

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were fairly straightforward. Parliament could

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approve a budget, they could vote it up, or they

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could reject a budget voted down, but they could

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not change the budget. The detail of the budget

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was frozen. That was the arrangement before and

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after 1994. Then the final constitution in 1996

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contained a clause in section 77 that Parliament

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must make legislation, must approve legislation

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to give itself the power to change budgets, not

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just to approve or reject them. That was done

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in 2009, some 13 years after the final constitution

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was approved. Now for the first couple of years

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after that change or amendment it didn't really

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matter because the ANC was still the majority

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party and the Minister of Finance was always

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ANC so if he proposes a budget then the party

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votes it through and off it went. After last

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year's election of course those numbers have

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changed. The ANC is no longer in control on its

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own, it needs to form coalitions with other people

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and now you need the support of opposition parties

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to get to get the budget through parliament.

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So it's interesting to do that just to look back

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a little bit at 1993, the year just before we

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became a democracy, Derek Keyes was Minister

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of Finance and he in one budget, in one move,

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he took the VAT rate from 10%, which is what

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it was, to 14%. It's an absolutely incredible

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move. It was really a political achievement.

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And so how did he do it? Well, he did it by consulting

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with everybody inside and outside parliament.

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Parliamentary parties, people outside like the

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ANC at that stage, Kusato, Communist Party and

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so on, about what the budget numbers are. He

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shared it with them and he said, look, this is

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the picture. What do you think we should do?

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And in the end, nobody opposed. People may not

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have supported But nobody opposed the movement,

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the move of that from 10 % to 14%. At that point,

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there also wasn't a majority party who could

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just push it through. In a sense, yes. I mean,

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you had a majority party in Parliament, but Parliament

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was de facto already no longer the only people

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governing the country. And Keyes had the insight

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to see that and to bring the extra parliamentary

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people along. Now, what happened now in 2025

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is that the Minister of Finance, he missed this

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very simple process trick. Just involve people,

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give them all the facts, let them understand

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what the situation is and then let them decide

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what they want to do. He missed that simple process

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trick and he paid a political price for it. Where

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do we stand now? Well, where we stand now is

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that The minister must table a new budget, which

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he will do on 21 May, more or less 10 days from

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now. And the numbers are quite frightening. First

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of all, with NOVAD increasing the budget, the

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deficit on the income side will be over a three

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-year period, 75 billion round. It will be 13

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.5 billion rand for this year. But remember next

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year that was supposed to grow up another half

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a percent. And then over the three year period,

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which is the period of our budgets, that would

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have gone up to 75 billion. So that's number

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one. You're now 75 billion down on the income

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side. Then secondly, when the budget was repaired

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and submitted in February, it assumed a growth

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rate for the economy of 1 .9%. Since then we've

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had the Trump tariffs and all the shenanigans

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around that. And global growth has been forecast

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to be lower. Also South Africa's growth, more

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or less by half a percent. The budget is made

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at 1 .9. We can now work with a budget of say

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1 .4, half a percent lower. If you have half

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a percent less economic growth, obviously you

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will have less tax income. And then the third

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thing that has happened is that Trump has cut

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all the direct transfers or grants that he has

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given to South Africa for AIDS treatment, for

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health research and so on. All that has been

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cut and that amount adds up to just under 10

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billion, about 9 .5 billion. So if you take those

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three numbers you lose that, you lose economic

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growth and you've lost the cash grant that came

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into the country every year. You're looking at

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billions and billions of a shortfall. It's really

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a huge amount of money that has now been covered.

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You say we are faced with a fundamental question.

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What do you mean? The fundamental question is

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now, given this huge shortfall in both income

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and extra expenditure, what will our parliamentarians

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who now have the ability to change the numbers

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in the budget, what will they do? Will they be

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willing to cut back expenditure or will they

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simply ignore the fact that there's a huge deficit?

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and simply borrow more money. That is really

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the essence. We know there will be an income

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shortfall. We know that expenditure is much more

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than income. So where do you go now? Now the

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important point here is in the last three years

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under the under minister Gordon Gwana, there's

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been a concerted effort to stabilize debt. How

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do you stabilize debt? You run a primary surplus.

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A primary surplus is simply your income is more

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than your expenditure before you pay interest.

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Once you've made interest, of course, you're

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still down. There's a deficit. You must borrow

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money. But at least it is the beginning of a

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process of working down your debt. Now, for this

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year, in the first budget, he had a number of

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$71 billion round as a primary surplus. That's

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a big number. That's a big number. If you can

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run with $70 billion a year for a couple of years'

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primary surplus, you will stabilize your debt

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and you will start working that down. So the

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critical issue now, the critical decision that

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parliament must take, is will they stick with

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a primary surplus of roughly $71 billion? It

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can be a bit lower, it's not a strange motion.

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Or will they simply ignore that run with the

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expenditure which is there and run up more debt?

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That is the question that's now facing parliament.

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Why shouldn't we just borrow more? All those

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expenditure items are incredibly important. No,

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absolutely. Whether it's education or health

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or AIDS or capital expenditure on infrastructure,

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indeed. And that is the point about the budget.

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There are a huge number of very important items

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that nobody wants to cut. But you don't have

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enough money. We don't have a money tree. We're

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still looking to plant that. So you've got to

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cut your cloak according to your cloth. And so

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the cost of borrowing is what is important. Now,

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let's just look at the numbers that the minister

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had in his Swiss budget, which are the numbers

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that we now have before his new budget. He was

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penciling into borrow 394 .6 billion rand. It's

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an enormous amount of money. That was after the

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VAT increase. That was after the VAT increase.

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Now he's lost the VAT increase, so that number

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will obviously go up. The difference that it

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makes Runa is for every 0 .01 % or as it is called

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in the jargon one basis point. A percentage consists

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of 100 basis points. Every one basis point increase

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in the interest rate increases the actual interest

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payment by an enormous amount. This 394 billion

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that the minister wants to borrow it means he

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will pay with 0 .01 % extra, you will pay an

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extra 39 million rand a year in interest or to

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put it more graphically, more than 100 ,000 rand

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per day for every day of the week. So you're

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talking big money here. You can employ a lot

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of teachers and doctors for 100 ,000 rand a day.

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Absolutely. So that's why it matters. You cannot

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just borrow more because the more you borrow,

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the more interest you have to pay and you lose

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control of your situation. So what we've seen

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when the budget was not approved and we had the

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whole budget kerfuffle in February is that that

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has already led to an increase in the interest

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payable. And that increase will cost us more.

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That is just the reality. Why is the bond market

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part of what you're writing about? Where does

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that fit in? The bond market is the place where

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politics and economics meet. That's the place

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where those two forces come together and they

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result in a particular thing and that particular

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thing is the interest rate. So the bond market

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or the capital market is simply a market where

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people with money come, pension fund, insurance

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companies and so on, banks. They come there and

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they offer money to the government which government

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wants to borrow. Capital market is where governments

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go worldwide to finance their deficits. It's

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a standard institution worldwide. So you've got

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people of money and you've got a government who

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wants to borrow money. They come together. There's

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an auction where people bid. This happens in

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South Africa every Tuesday. And an interest rate

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is set at which the government then can borrow

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money from the investors. Now that rate is called

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the long rate. Why the long rate? Because normally

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the duration is for 10 years. It can also be

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a little bit shorter, five years, seven years.

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It can also be 20 years or 30 years. But the

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average standard that we use worldwide is the

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10 -year yield, which is the product of that

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auction that takes place at the bond market.

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So the bond market is really a very substantial

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institution and an important institution. Without

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that, the government will struggle to finance

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itself and to finance particularly its deficit.

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But it's also the place, as I say, where politics

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and economics meet. political decisions impact

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on a bond market. When, for example, we had the

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Karfuful around the budget, the long raid went

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up, because people were saying there's more risk

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now. And because there's more risk and we don't

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know whether we will be repaid, therefore we

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have to charge more for our money. So politics

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affect the bond market. There's no question about

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that. And if you want to keep the long raid down,

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you want to keep your long... interest rates

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as low as possible. You need sensible politics,

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but you also need sensible fiscal policies. We

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actually saw this play out when the GNU was formed.

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Absolutely. Since the formation of the GNU about

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11 months ago, the long rate has dropped by as

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much as 80 basis points. It reduces the amount

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of interest that we have to pay substantially.

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Since we've had the budget car full full, that

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being reversed again and so on, Trump's tariffs

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influenced that Many things play a role. The

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big thing is to try and keep that number as low

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as possible. And it's not just really because

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it's about what the government pays in interest.

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It also sets the cost of capital in the economy.

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Everybody looks at the 10 -year yield. Companies

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who want to expand, who want to invest, who want

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to buy machinery. they look at the long yield

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and they calculate the cost of capital from that.

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So if that number goes up, your cost of capital

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rises, investment becomes more difficult. That

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number goes down, cost of capital goes down,

00:14:40.259 --> 00:14:43.480
investment becomes easier. So it's a really important

00:14:43.480 --> 00:14:46.279
number to manage in the national economy. In

00:14:46.279 --> 00:14:48.820
fact, I want to go so far as to say that that

00:14:48.820 --> 00:14:52.679
number, the long rate, is more important than

00:14:52.679 --> 00:14:55.179
what the vet rate is. It's more important than

00:14:55.179 --> 00:15:00.019
the vet rate. We saw the impact in America recently.

00:15:00.259 --> 00:15:03.940
Even President Trump is not... What's the word?

00:15:04.179 --> 00:15:07.360
Immune. Absolutely. We saw two big U -turns by

00:15:07.360 --> 00:15:10.720
Trump. The first one was when he announced these

00:15:10.720 --> 00:15:13.139
tariffs on Liberation Day, the 2nd of April.

00:15:13.919 --> 00:15:15.879
There was a violent reaction from the financial

00:15:15.879 --> 00:15:18.580
markets, including the bond market, three, four

00:15:18.580 --> 00:15:21.299
days later he capitulated. And he said, OK, he's

00:15:21.299 --> 00:15:24.350
suspending them for 90 days. Now we will have

00:15:24.350 --> 00:15:26.289
to see whether those tariffs come back after

00:15:26.289 --> 00:15:29.230
90 days. There's increasingly a view that they

00:15:29.230 --> 00:15:31.250
won't. But that's not the point, the point is

00:15:31.250 --> 00:15:34.129
he made a U -turn. His other U -turn was when

00:15:34.129 --> 00:15:36.669
he after he threatened to fire Jerome Powell,

00:15:37.309 --> 00:15:39.450
the chairman of the American Central Bank, Federal

00:15:39.450 --> 00:15:43.169
Reserve. Once again, a huge reaction from the

00:15:43.169 --> 00:15:46.470
bond market, Trump retreated. So much so that

00:15:46.470 --> 00:15:50.649
the Financial Times talk about Tarco, Trump again

00:15:50.649 --> 00:15:54.740
chickens out. Now he chickens out before the

00:15:54.740 --> 00:15:57.539
power of the bond marker. We've also seen it

00:15:57.539 --> 00:16:01.740
in the UK where less trust in 2022 became the

00:16:01.740 --> 00:16:03.919
shortest -serving Prime Minister in British history,

00:16:04.220 --> 00:16:07.799
50 days. Why? She submitted a budget to parliament

00:16:07.799 --> 00:16:11.100
which was not funded at all, with no possibility

00:16:11.100 --> 00:16:13.600
of funding it. And the bond marker just said

00:16:13.600 --> 00:16:17.299
no, and she was out. We also saw it earlier here

00:16:17.299 --> 00:16:19.879
in South Africa when Des van Ruin was our Minister

00:16:19.879 --> 00:16:23.059
of Finance for four days. Why was he out after

00:16:23.059 --> 00:16:25.779
four days? Because of a violent reaction from

00:16:25.779 --> 00:16:28.159
the bond market. So the bond market is where

00:16:28.159 --> 00:16:31.059
politics and economics meet. It determines the

00:16:31.059 --> 00:16:33.620
long -rate and you cannot escape from that discipline.

00:16:34.559 --> 00:16:38.519
In summary, so what? I think the so what is first

00:16:38.519 --> 00:16:41.279
of all for the first time in our South Africa's

00:16:41.279 --> 00:16:44.320
history, not just our democratic history, but

00:16:44.320 --> 00:16:47.700
also before 1994, parliament now has the right

00:16:47.700 --> 00:16:51.159
to change a budget, not just approve it or reject

00:16:51.159 --> 00:16:54.100
it, not just vote it up or vote it down, but

00:16:54.100 --> 00:16:56.379
actually change the numbers inside the budget.

00:16:56.860 --> 00:17:00.240
They now have that ability. With that power of

00:17:00.240 --> 00:17:02.840
course comes a huge responsibility. Parliament

00:17:02.840 --> 00:17:06.019
now has the responsibility to exercise there

00:17:06.019 --> 00:17:10.380
we can change at discretion or we can change

00:17:10.380 --> 00:17:15.579
at power in a way which doesn't undermine the

00:17:15.579 --> 00:17:18.099
broader economy in a way which is reconcilable

00:17:18.099 --> 00:17:20.740
with what the constraints of the bond market.

00:17:21.700 --> 00:17:23.900
Our biggest challenge at the moment is a challenge

00:17:23.900 --> 00:17:26.000
that Gordon Gwana has been working on for three

00:17:26.000 --> 00:17:28.500
years now and that is to stabilize our debt.

00:17:28.970 --> 00:17:31.849
That you can only do if you run a primary surplus

00:17:31.849 --> 00:17:35.670
and the decision now before Parliament is not

00:17:35.670 --> 00:17:39.250
to take that surplus which is there and just

00:17:39.250 --> 00:17:41.190
throw it to the wind and run a bigger deficit

00:17:41.190 --> 00:17:43.809
because then we won't make it in the long run.

00:17:44.650 --> 00:17:47.970
So politics and economics meet in the bond market.

00:17:48.450 --> 00:17:51.109
Yes, the will of the people are important. We've

00:17:51.109 --> 00:17:53.069
seen the will of the people expressed around

00:17:53.069 --> 00:17:57.180
that debate. It's also now important to look

00:17:57.180 --> 00:17:59.680
at long -term fiscal stability and we've got

00:17:59.680 --> 00:18:02.259
to balance the will of the people with long -term

00:18:02.259 --> 00:18:04.859
fiscal stability. That is the challenge which

00:18:04.859 --> 00:18:09.299
is now before Parliament, before 21 May. Thank

00:18:09.299 --> 00:18:12.059
you very much. We will be watching that with

00:18:12.059 --> 00:18:14.579
great interest. Get the popcorn ready for 21

00:18:14.579 --> 00:18:21.049
May. Thank you for listening to the SoWhat podcast.

00:18:21.609 --> 00:18:24.230
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00:18:24.230 --> 00:18:27.130
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00:18:33.609 --> 00:18:37.269
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