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Hello and welcome to the So What podcast in which political economic analyst JP Landman

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discusses the issues uppermost in the minds of South Africans. You can find a written

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version of this content on JP's website jplantman.co.za. I am Ruda Landman and I am your host.

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In this conversation, a company's JP's newsletter dated the 18th of October 2024, titled Some

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You Win, Some You Lose. It has been a busy two weeks.

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Yes, indeed it has been. You know the old saying that there are weeks where nothing

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happens and then there are days when weeks happen. And certainly in the first two weeks

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of October, a lot of things have happened, both in the policy space and in the political

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space.

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Let's begin with policy.

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Well, first of all, we got a new visa regime and it's a new visa regime that has long been

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in the making, but at last it has now been gazetted in the government gazette. So this

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is now the law of the land, so to speak, and it provides for two things. It provides for

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a point based system when you apply for a South African visa. So that takes care of

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a lot of the subjectivity and discretion because there are points for this, points for that

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and that is clear and unambiguous. And secondly, it provides for a remote work visa so people

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can come to South Africa and live here, but work elsewhere. And of course, that is also

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enormously beneficial. We offer it, we have a lot to offer in terms of facilities and

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climate and personal services and so on. So for people to work elsewhere, but come and

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live here, spend the money here, buy goods and services here is clearly a big plus. So

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those two changes give us a much easier and much more modern visa regime.

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And that was only the latest in the project Wollend-Lehler's priority list.

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Yes, indeed. Project Wollend-Lehler had as its priorities water, electricity, water licenses

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really, electricity and a few other items and visas were one of them. Visas can now

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be ticked. The other items that can be ticked is spectrum release that was done and achieved

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and has unleashed a lot of investment. The electricity regulation reform that was done,

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Mr. Ramaphosa signed the bill, facilitating private sector investment into renewables.

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So far about 500 billion rand has been unlocked and counting that number keeps on going up.

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So that was done. Breaking up ESCOM, transmission has been separated out of ESCOM, distribution

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still remains to be done. Ensuring electricity supply, we are now over 200 days of no load

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shedding and again counting. It seems as if it's holding and water licenses had to be

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fixed and that was done. The bigger problems of water of which we in Gauteng are very well

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aware of that will be tackled in Wollend-Lehler 2. Wollend-Lehler 2 has not been announced

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yet but it will probably be coming out in the next couple of weeks and it will cover

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water security as opposed to water licenses, water security, logistics, more electricity

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reform, local government, spatial inequality and digital transformation. Now water, spatial

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inequality and local government, those are big and important issues. They are tough nuts

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to crack and it will be interesting to see how Wollend-Lehler 2 deals with that.

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Since you start with, you captioned this, some you win, some you lose, Transnet's loss

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in the court last week was also was a setback. Yes, it was a setback for project Wollend-Lehler.

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The port reform is part of logistics reform and what happened there was Transnet has under

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government pressure, government guidance, policy guidance, issued a 25-year concession

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to an international Philippine company to come and run the Durban port but also to invest

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11 billion rand to modernize the new equipment and so on. That went out on tender. There

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were about I think 22 people or 22 entities interested in the license. It was then awarded

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to the Philippine company. One other international logistics company, Maersk, who is quite well

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known in South Africa, one sees the name all over, objected and said Transnet did not apply

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the tender conditions correctly and they went to the high court to interdict the concessioning.

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The judge agreed with Maersk and Transnet was interdicted. Temporarily, there will now

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be a second phase where the case will be heard on the merits and we will then see what the

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judge decides. I hope the courts do not take a final decision on this because I don't think

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that's the way these things should be handled. You may remember that we've had a similar

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situation of spectrum release. When everything was set and gun ready to go, three companies

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three big ICT companies brought applications against spectrum release, claiming that it

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was prejudicing their particular business model. That issue in the end was resolved

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outside the courtroom. Executive decisions were taken, compromises were made and spectrum

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release was not only done but was done and dusted. So I'm looking to that example to

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be pursued in the case of this port concessioning. That's the way to resolve it, not via the

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courts. What's happening in the relationship between government and business? Well, they're

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quite interesting. The first phase of government business cooperation, which goes back about

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a year or so, has now been concluded with projects finalized and now on the 1st of October

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they signed what one can call a phase two agreement where they will carry on working

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together and they specialize in three areas particularly. The three areas are energy,

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ongoing energy reform, transport and logistics and crime and corruption. Since then, since

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the 1st of October, it has become clear that there's a fourth item that has been added

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to the list and that is water, particularly in Gauteng. So big companies have stepped

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forward and say they would like to play a role or they're capable of playing a role

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in resolving the water crisis. So those are the four areas on which business and government

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are cooperating and you will notice that it dovetails Willem Lela 1 and 2 almost perfectly.

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So the business government cooperation fits into making these reforms of Willem Lela

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1 and 2 work. That's really where they fit in. How can business help when it comes to

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water because water is becoming an enormous problem? Indeed, absolutely, particularly

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in Gauteng. There are two ways. The first way is by way of seconding people and getting

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management expertise into the various water bodies, helping with planning and execution.

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But secondly, and in a sense more important, investment. Water is underinvested in South

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Africa. I'm not just referring to the big capital projects. The private sector is already

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involved but we're talking about distribution at local government level. In Johannesburg

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something- So pipes next to the road.

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That kind of thing. I mean the water infrastructure in Johannesburg, in Gauteng in general, is

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old and it has to be replaced and that is quite a member of task. You've got to figure

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out new ways of doing that on the construction side but also on the financing side. And that's

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where business could play a role.

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And to jump to a completely different thing, how do you see our international relationships

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at the moment? Is it possible really to be non-aligned?

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Yeah, absolutely. There are a number of very successful countries that are very successfully

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non-aligned. Think of India. They are probably the prime example. Brazil. Brazil is a very

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good example. They're close to the US. US is a big market but they retain a separate

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identity. India, as I've already said, is a past master in that. So yes, it is possible.

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What we saw in October is that President Ramaphosa went to China to attend the Africa-China Cooperation

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Summit but he was received by Xi Jinping on a state visit, which is quite an honour or

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a compliment. And it's quite clear that the Chinese are very keen on closer relations

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with South Africa. At the same time, last week, the United States Embassy in South Africa

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released a statement to say that they will have a bosporat with the South African government

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on future relations and they wanted to develop quote unquote a strategic relationship with

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South Africa. Now, if you take this US embassy statement and you compare it to the US embassy

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allegations around Lady R, all unsubstantiated allegations I must say.

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Was that only last December? That was very recent, yeah. Then you can see

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how far things have moved. So I think it's quite clear that the Americans would like

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to have a better relationship. We're having a good relationship with China. So let's see

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where this goes. But I think the fact that the US embassy is participating in this process

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and want to create a strategic relationship answers your question that yes, it is possible

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to be non-aligned. But you have to be very clever and you must box very cleverly.

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We might refer our listeners to a Netflix series we watched last night. It's called

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History 101. It's not new. It's been there for a while. But last night we watched a chapter

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called The Rise of China. It's 21 minutes and it's fascinating. It's a condensed overview,

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very worth watching. Oh yes, absolutely. We misunderstand China

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a lot. I think China also misunderstands the West a lot. But it is a reality. You can't

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ignore it. And yes, the listeners would benefit from watching it.

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Coming back to Home Ground, once again we have to talk about Gauteng. China was a disaster,

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is a disaster, as far as Johannesburg can see. What does it mean locally and nationally?

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Gauteng has always been a bit of an outlier in the sense that there are or were two centers

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of powers in ANC that would have preferred to make a coalition, not with the DA and the

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other parties that we currently have in the coalition, but with the EFF and nowadays with

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MK. This goes back quite a while. What happened in the election in May was that the ANC and

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KwaZuna Natal got thrashed. So they were taken out as a serious player. They only got 17%

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of the vote. And well, you know, in politics if you don't have votes, you have nothing.

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In Gauteng, the ANC did a bit better here. They got 35% of the vote, still a minority

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government, but they do control the province and they're using that power base to shun

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the DA and to shun other moderate parties in the current government of national unity.

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They would prefer to go with the EFF and also MK. So there's clearly, that's where Gauteng

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is an outlier. Has been the case for a while and that is simply playing out in Swanee.

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And I think what we see in Swanee is the ANC, Panja Zalasufi, the ANC leader in Gauteng,

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is very proud that the ANC has reconquered, so to speak, metros in Gauteng, Johannesburg

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Metro, Toronto Metro, that used to be governed by different coalitions and are now governed

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by an ANC coalition. It's a political aim and they've succeeded in doing that.

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Whether that will pay off? Well, that we will have to see. What happened in Swanee is in

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a sense, unfortunate. Action SA withdrew from the ruling coalition, the one that they had

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with the DA and other small parties, and then went into coalition with the ANC. Now they

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haven't really explained that. They said Michael Beaumont, their national spokesman or national

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leader, not national leader, but an important leader, said the election in May created a

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new reality and they had to adjust to this new reality of coalitions. Now that's fine,

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but why then swap one coalition for another? They claim that it's because the DA coalition

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was not willing to spend money on the black townships. I think, well, the DA of course

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denies that, but I think more important, they haven't tabled this issue in the coalition

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and I think it's just an excuse that they're using afterwards. So Action SA has really

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pulled the plug there. That has now resulted in the mayor being removed. It has resulted

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in ANC led coalition. And then a further unfortunate thing happens, which shows you that we're

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not yet used to coalition politics in South Africa. Alan Zille then said, well, if Suleyya

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Brin cannot be a mayor in Twane, then the DA is not going to have any further talks

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with ANC about Ekorileini, Johannesburg and now Sommandela Bay. Now that's very unfortunate

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because Panjaza Lusufi scored a victory in Twane. By now walking away from Ekorileini,

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you in a sense solidify his victory. Why do I say that? Well, the ANC mayor of Ekorileini

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is on record that he would prefer to have the DA in his mayoral committee, not exclusively,

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but he wants them in his committee, in his mayoral management team. Why? In his words,

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we only have two years to go before the elections. It's not time for new ideas or talking. It's

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not time for service delivery. And he thought the DA could help with that or having the

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DA in his mayoral committee will help with that. That door has now been shut when the

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DA said they're not going to talk about further talks. The people in Nelsomandela Bay will

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know that the situation there has been precarious for a long time, leading to instability. And

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likewise, this statement now has closed that door. So, you know, I think we have a situation

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there where some people philosophically do not want to deal with the DA or do not want

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to promote the idea of the government of national unity at local level. But other people-

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Some people in the ANC.

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Yeah. But other people through their style. It's also jeopardizing the government of national

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unity or the idea of national unity at local level. So that's where we are. We'll have

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to see how this plays out over the next two years.

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So what?

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Well, I think the so what is that I do not for one moment think that the shenanigans

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in Kharteng and Chuanhe and so on, that they are going to affect the government of national

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unity. I think the government of national unity will carry on with their program, which

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is clearly summarized in the Volandela program of action. That structural reform will play

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out. And when that structural reform has taken its course, it will certainly lift the economic

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growth in the country. We've got research from the Barofa Economic Research in Sanabas

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telling us, showing us that it's quite possible to achieve a growth rate of three to three

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and a half percent versus the one maximum one and a half percent we currently have.

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Now if we move from a one and a half percent economy to a three and a half percent economy,

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that's really a game changer. And that can come out of the Volandela reforms. And that

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is firmly in place.

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That actually summarizes all the separate points you make in your so what paragraph.

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The formation of national unity is a win. Kharteng is unlikely to upset or derail that.

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Big win that the process of structural reform at national level is proceeding apace and

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it opens the possibility of a return to three percent plus growth over the next few years.

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Thank you for listening to the So What podcast. If you enjoy this content, please don't forget

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to leave a review and a rating and please consider subscribing so you don't miss any

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content at jplandman.co.za.

