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Hello and welcome to the So What podcast in which political economic analyst JP Landman

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discusses the issues uppermost in the minds of South Africans. You can find a written

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version of this content on JP's website jplandman.co.za. I am Ruda Landman and I am your host.

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Hello and as always a very warm welcome to this podcast which accompanies JP's latest

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newsletter dated the 17th of June 2024. And if you look at that date then of course it

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has to be elections. But the subtitle is interesting, a historic shift to the middle. JP you start

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with a whole list of things that you say did not happen and which are almost as important

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as what did happen. Yes absolutely. I identified six things that people predicted beforehand

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with great intensity and certainty will happen in this election and it did not happen. And

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you know Winston Churchill said if you want to look forward all you have to do is look

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backwards. And so if we look a little bit backwards to what did not happen in this election campaign

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over the last two or three months and particularly in the last month then we learn quite a few

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things. And the first thing that we learn is that all the predictions about violence

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did not materialise. We had all manner of threats being made from all sides. The commentary

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art joined in and predicted how bad will it be. Security groups released all kinds of

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cautionaries on how people must defend their properties and themselves and so on and so

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forth. And in the end the violence did not really materialise. Also if you go a little

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bit deeper and you look at political assassinations, so far this year, and it is now June so it's

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only half a year, but so far this year 11 people have been killed in political assassinations.

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Last year that number was 30 and the year before that was 41. Now our 11 political murders

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11 too many? Absolutely. Is it less than 30 and 41? Absolutely. So the violence thing

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that did not occur and a reduced level of political assassinations I think is something

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to note and to celebrate. The second thing that did not happen was the threat of huge

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disruptions either on election day or on a day that the results were announced. Well

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again none of that happened. Quite apart from violence, if we just talk old fashioned disruption,

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it did not happen. And once again it tells us that our institutions are holding that

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the majority of our people are actually not the radical kind of rabble rousers that people

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predict them to be. The third thing and probably the most important thing is the fear that

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if the ANC loses power it will cling to power and will not let go. Well that was proved

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and wrong in quite a spectacular way. Within two weeks the ANC moved from being a majority

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party to a minority party dependent on other people, other smaller parties and doing that

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transition in two weeks. It was absolutely quite astonishing. The results were announced

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on the 2nd of June and 12 days later on the 14th of June the DA and other opposition parties

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signed the coalition agreement. I think it is something that again we take for granted.

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We think that's the way it should be. But of course it's not necessarily the way it

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should be as we saw in the United States in the presidential election of 2020. The fourth

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thing that did not happen was that Cyril Ramaphosa was not kicked out by the ANC when the ANC

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support dropped to 40%. This was widely predicted by a number of analysts and members of the

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commentary art. It did not happen. The fifth thing that did not happen was that load shedding

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did not start or recommence the day after the votes were counted. Now of course load

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shedding can come back. I think that's a given. But give credit where it's due. For 80 days

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we haven't had load shedding and it's not because we burned more diesel. The diesel

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numbers have been made public. They're well known. They're out there. No we did not or

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ESCOM did not burn more diesel. Yet in fact they've burned about a tenth of what they

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burned last year this time. It was a dramatic reduction in diesel burning and in spite of

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that load shedding did not return. So maybe time to take our default cynicism and temperate

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a bit. And then the last observation I want to make is the polls were not wrong. As polls

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were published in the election period and results came out and people saw different

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trends and so on. There were a variety of people that you would expect. They're actually

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a bit more better informed. That's a better formulation. Dismissed the polls and said

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it's not, you know, it can't be. It's probably wrong and so on. And in the end no poll got

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the numbers 100% correct. No poll did that. But the polls did tell us about the big trends.

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It did tell us about the big breaks coming and it has transpired in that way. So Ruda

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you can make of these six non-happenings as I call them. You can make of these six non-happenings

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whatever you want, whatever you wish. But for me what stands out is the point I've already

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made. Most sub-africans are not radical. They do not sit on the extremes. They sit in the

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middle and all they want to see is a peaceful at ease country with itself and I think we

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saw that. And the second thing that came out is our institutions are robust. They were

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attacked. They were threatened. They were put under pressure. They came through with

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flying colors. And the third thing I think which is quite clear is that we have the capacity

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in the country to conduct world quality, global quality polls and also after the first election

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results come in global quality projections of what the final result would be. Most of

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the projections were absolutely spot on and even those that were a little bit shaky in

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the beginning corrected themselves and gave us a projection very early on in the counting

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phase which gave us the final result. And I think that's something that we as sub-africans

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can be proud of.

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And if we look at where we are now which looked so impossible just a day before the election

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results were announced, you did write about the possibility of a Toenadring, a moving

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closer between the DA and the ANC, twice in 2023. Remind us.

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Yes, a year ago, 13 months ago in May 2023, I did a note where I said exactly that that

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I think we need in the country a grand coalition. I define the grand coalition as the big parties

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of the middle, the ANC and the DA coming together reinforcing the middle ground. Of course, there

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were people who didn't like the suggestion. But a couple of months later in August 2023,

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I did a follow-up note in which I pointed out the developments that are taking place

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at that stage have taken place in our body politic, which pointed clearly that we're

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moving towards coalition territory. So that was in May and in August. And then of course,

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in May this year, the actual election result, the fact that the ANC was pushed to 40% pushed

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us very firmly into coalition territory. So that is where we are now.

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Why the government of national unity rather than a coalition?

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I think that was a very sophisticated finesse, if I can use breach terms, that was played

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by the ANC. What did the ANC achieve by talking about the government of national unity? First

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of all, they avoided a binary choice between either the DA or the EFF MK. The entire world,

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South Africa, the global media, everybody, when the election results became clear, bought

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into this binary choice. It'll have to be either this one or that one. And the ANC,

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which have always been good political operators, sidestepped that binary choice by introducing

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the notion of a government of national unity. With that, they got the initiative back, they

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avoided the binary choice, and they were sort of in charge of the process. And that brought

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the second consequence of the ANC doing that by inviting people to join the government

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of national unity based on common values. And then they made predominant, the common

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values are adherence to the constitution, adherence to the rule of law. By putting that

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upfront very strongly, they effectively sidelined or marginalized the EFF and MK because both

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those two parties cannot meet those preconditions.

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Well, especially MK.

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They're in favor of replacing the entire constitution. But the ANC didn't have to make a song and

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dance about it. They just put up the precondition and the other two parties then walked away.

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So they marginalized themselves, which puts the ANC in a better political position.

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You also make an interesting point about how our electoral system actually gave rise to

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where we're at now.

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Yeah, I feel very strongly about that. In 1994, our forefathers and mothers gave us

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an electoral system which is based on proportional representation or also called party lists.

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Now we did a bit of a survey and what we found is there are 87 countries in the world with

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proportional representation electoral systems. And two-thirds of those countries, two-thirds

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of those 87 countries do not have a majority party. They all run along the lines of coalitions.

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In a proportional system, unlike a constituency system, every vote counts the same. It's very

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different from a constituency first, past, or post system. So if you live in Ruda in

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Bupumalanga in a rural area or you live in a city in Cape Town, your vote counts exactly

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the same. And those votes are all, doesn't matter who you vote for in different part

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of the countries, it all gets added together for one party or one movement. So everybody

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is represented in parliament on a basis of equal weighting of the votes. You cannot get

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a situation that we had in the UK, for example, as recently as 2019, when the Tories won an

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election were 45% of the popular vote, but 55% of the seats in parliament. It's a nonsense

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situation. And so what did the Tories do with their 55% parliamentary majority? They rammed

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through Brexit. We had a similar thing in South Africa in 1948, when the National Party

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came into power and started apartheid legislation. The National Party didn't have a majority

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of votes in 48. They were sitting somewhere in the 40%, but they got more than 50% of

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the seats in parliament. In fact, the National Party only got a majority of the popular vote

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10 years later in 1958. For 10 years, they ruled on a minority of votes, but a majority

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of seats. Now that's the nonsense that you end up with in the constituency system. A

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proportional system is much more representative. That's the point. And everybody gets a bite

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at the apple, so to speak. So that is the system our founding fathers and mothers gave

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us. I think it works well for this country. And what it also means, if we look at other

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countries in the world, I don't think we will soon, I don't think in my lifetime, maybe

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in young people's lifetimes, we may again see a party with 50% plus one of the vote.

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But it is the exception. In a proportional system, many parties get votes and they have

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to come together to form a coalition government. So I think it's quite a big change that took

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place in the governments that we elect.

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Many South Africans will be quite worried about this because coalitions at local government

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level have been disastrous.

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Absolutely. You're quite right. After 2016 and 2021 local government elections, when

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we started getting coalition governments at local government level, things have not worked

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out well. It was a terrible experience. Why? And I think the answer is that those coalition

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parties that formed coalition governments in various municipalities focused on the who,

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not on the how.

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In other words, who gets the job?

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Who gets the job? Who gets the salary? Who's the mayor? Who's the speaker? Who's the chairman

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of committees? Who's getting the bigger package? Instead of focusing on how, how are we going

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to govern? What are we going to try and do? And how are we going to try and achieve those

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goals? It's a very big difference. It's a switching of the same letters, who and how,

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but it's a very different outcome.

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Now there's an interesting thing that happened in KZN about a year ago. The DA and IFP, in

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Qatar freedom party, signed a coalition agreement for the 13 municipalities in which they had

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coalition majorities. They ruled the municipality. It's a unique document in South Africa because

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what did they do or what does it do? They started out by saying what their values are.

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What are the things that they believe in? Constitution, rule of law, merit-based appointments,

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evidence-based policymaking, items like that.

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Secondly, what did they want to achieve in the five years that they formed the coalition

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government in the municipality? And it's basic things like water, basic services, upgrading

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our facilities and so on. And then thirdly, how are they going to do it? And for example,

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one item in the how to do list is that 8% of municipal budgets will be spent on maintenance.

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Now that may sound like a very sort of minor point, but in South Africa our big problem

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is maintenance. And the fact that these two parties put that into their agreement and

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it's part of how they're going to govern, I think is important. So we've got this agreement

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encased in and by all accounts it is working reasonably well.

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Now the national agreement which was signed by the ANC and the DA on the 14th of June

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follow exactly the same pattern. They start with a preamble of where the country is and

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I think we can all relate to those descriptions. Then they've got 10 foundational values and

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that includes the constitution, rule of law, merit-based appointments, evidence-based policymaking

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and so forth. And then thirdly, what they want to achieve. And there they talk about

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nine priorities. So this agreement which has now been signed by smaller parties as well

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is about 10 foundational values, nine priorities. So this coalition government has to work towards

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that. And that's what they will do over the next five years. And I think that's an important

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break with the chaos that we've seen in the past with local government coalitions.

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I think it's important to note that you attached that as an addendum to the newsletter so people

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can go to the website and find it.

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Yes, they can. Absolutely. It's at the end, it's an addendum. It's quite interesting just

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to look at those foundational values and priorities. And it gives you a feel that it's not just

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airy-fairy stuff. It's very practical. It's very real.

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But we all thought that those two parties, those two main parties were so far apart ideologically

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that they could never sit around the same fire. And the rhetoric on both sides was fiery

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to call it that.

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Yeah, you're quite right. There's the perception, very widely spread and very widely held, that

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the ANC and the DA are poles apart. As you know, I've never bought into that. I've always

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thought that the commonalities between those two parties, they both broadly parties to

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the middle. They both have their radicals. The ANC has got RDT people. Thanks to Mr.

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Zuma, a lot of them have left, but they are still RDT people in the ANC. And the DA has

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got its radicals. But the big critical mass of both parties are sitting in the middle.

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And I've always held that view about them.

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So you don't think that the ANC and the MK-EFF combination are better bedfellows?

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No, absolutely not. If you look at policy and you're concerned about policy, then there

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are bigger differences between the ANC and MK-ANC-EFF than ANC-DA. Let me give you a

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few examples. MK is very clear. They want to abolish the current constitution. They

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want to go back to the old South Africa arrangement where parliament is the sovereign authority

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in the state. Parliament makes a law, then that is the sovereign authority. Under our

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constitution and Bill of Rights, the constitution is the sovereign authority and it's applied

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by the constitutional court. It's two very different positions. And it's clear where

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the ANC is coming from. It's equally clear where MK is coming from. They're very much,

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much further apart than the ANC and the DA on that point. If you look at the EFF, you

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find a similar thing. The EFF is in favour of all land in the country. All property must

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belong to the state and the state will then dish out property, houses, buildings, farms

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and so on to whoever they deem appropriate. The ANC's position is exactly the opposite.

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The ANC's position is that land is a, individual citizens have the right to own their own land

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directly, i.e. they can have title deeds. And that's why you see a constant effort,

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particularly at election time, where the ANC dishes out title deeds. Very different from

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the EFF. So no, those two parties, MK and EFF, are both offspring of the ANC. That doesn't

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mean they're the same as the ANC. COPE was an offspring of the ANC and look where that

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is. Bantu Hulamisa's UDM is an offspring. Look where that is policy-wise. No, I think

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the reality is if you look beyond race and you say it's not just about where the parties

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are black, whether they come from a black constituency, if you actually look at policy,

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those parties are further away from the ANC than what the DA is.

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What do you make of talk about a national dialogue in the near future?

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That is one of the elements covered in the agreement that all the parties to the coalition

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agreement commit themselves to have such a dialogue. So I suspect we will see action

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over the next year. It's an idea that was launched by Talbot Mbeki just before the election.

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And the idea is that you try and develop a national consensus between everybody, white,

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black, old, young, business, labor, employed, unemployed, small business, big business,

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on where the country must go. It's really an issue of social capital, social cohesion,

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unity of purpose. Now, this is a noisy country. It's a noisy democracy. We've got many, many

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old players, many of them punching way above their small weight. So whether you can pull

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off such a national dialogue, we'll have to see. But that is future music.

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So what do you see happening when it comes to appointment to who gets the jobs?

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Well, the president must be in terms of the constitution section 87, I think, must be

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must take office within five days of his election. He was elected on Friday night. So it's Saturday,

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Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday. So Wednesday the 19th, he must be inaugurated, assume office,

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that'll take place at the Union building since Rwany. And then there's no stipulation on

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by when he must appoint a cabinet, but obviously he must then appoint a cabinet.

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And that's his prerogative.

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That's his prerogative. There's no time stipulation in the constitution. But I think the expectation

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and the political pressure is such that he will move. And there are some suggestions

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that he will do it by Friday the 21st. Let's see. Let's see. So that is as far as appointments

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go.

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Indications of who will be in that cabinet?

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No, no, I have no idea.

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So I can't

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Not even party affiliations?

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Well, party affiliations will certainly play a role. In fact, it is in the agreement that

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although it's the president's prerogative to appoint, he has to give due consideration

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to the seats that parties got in the national parliament. So it will follow more or less

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the party composition. I think you can say that the president can appoint two ministers

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and two deputy ministers from outside parliament. And we'll have to see whether he makes use

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of that freedom.

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Economic policy? Do you see any changes?

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No, I don't see any changes. I think on economic policy, you can summarize it in one word.

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The word is vulandlela. Vulandlela means opened away. And this was started way back by the

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president and way back when Titumu Buwini was minister of finance. This unit, vulandlela,

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has become a permanent unit inside the presidency. And they've scored significant policy victories.

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For example, spectrum release, which was delayed for 10 years under the previous president.

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Eventually they pulled that off and spectrum was released and we've got a new, as you know,

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a new dispensation. Secondly, energy, electricity. Electricity has been turned on its head, driven

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partly by the crisis with load shedding years. But you know, it's not good enough just to

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have a crisis. You must also have a way out of the crisis. And that's what vulandlela

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gave in electricity. In visa reform, we have seen recently announcements around making

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visas easier. So, vulandlela scored a number of important victories. It's an important

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institution, informal as it is. Now they focused on water, ports, railways, railway infrastructure.

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Those are the three main areas now where they're focusing. Now, the president has made it clear

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in a letter which he published after the election, but before his election in that two week period,

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he made it clear that it is absolutely imperative that this program of vulandlela carries on.

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It's a program of deep structural reform that will change the country quite fundamentally.

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And the DA has also expressed their support, not so?

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The DA is absolutely on side. It fits into what they also would like to see. So yeah,

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I think the two main parties are not going to jeopardize the implementation of railway

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reform, ports reform, water reform, and so on.

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And then in the last two weeks, there was a report from the Bureau for Economic Research

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at Stellenbosch. Very interesting.

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Yeah, very interesting. Also interesting politically in the fact that the president quoted it by

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name in his letter and what the Bureau for Economic Research do. The researchers there

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asked themselves the question, what needs to be done to change South Africa from a one

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and a half percent growth economy? One percent, if it's going well, we grow at one and a half.

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What can we do to change from a one and a half percent growth economy to a three and

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a half percent growth economy? And the relevance of those numbers are simply that population

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growth is 1.8. If you grow at one and a half, you're getting poorer. You're making more

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babies than what you're creating economy. On the other hand, if you grow at three and

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a half percent, that's almost double 1.8 percent population growth. Now you're cooking with

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gas. If you can carry on with three and a half percent versus 1.8 percent for five years

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or 10 years, you really change the country. That's what South Africa did in the first

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20 years of democracy. Economic growth far exceeded population growth and that gave you

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a substantial period of progress. So what the Bureau for Economic Research found in

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their work is that if you want to change from a one and a half percent to a three and a

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half percent economy, you don't have to do anything new. You don't have to do anything

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different. We don't need new policies. All we need is an energetic implementation of

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the Voluntary Lela program. So that's where economic policy will be after the election.

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It was also interesting to hear the references to the National Development Plan over the

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last while, because the National Development Plan was first published in what, 2012? And

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it seemed to have faded for a while, but it's now being brought. And as you say, the BER

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now came to the conclusion, we don't need new plans and new policies. We must just do

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what we said we were going to do.

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Yeah. I wouldn't put that much status on the National Development Plan. You're quite right.

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It has been referred to. It has been referenced more. But I don't think, as you know from

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the work that I've done at the National Planning Commission, I don't think there's a government-wide

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commitment and embracing of the National Development Plan. So I think Voluntary Lela is much more

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concrete. It's much more measurable. It's much more definite. And that's where I'm going

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to focus my work over the next year or so.

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What do you see happening as far as the budget's concerned?

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On the budget, I think it's quite clear. I hope, I don't know, but I hope that the current

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Minister of Finance, Eno Konugwana, will be reappointed. He's made it quite clear that

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he's not going to step away from bringing down South Africa's debt to GDP load. In fact,

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in this current year's budget, the year in which we are now, which will end on 31 March

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next year, he has penciled in an amount of more than $60 billion as a primary surplus.

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Now, a primary surplus simply means government has more income than expenditure if you exclude

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interest expense. And it's a vital tool that you need if you want to start breaking down

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or moving down your debt to GDP ratio. We had a primary surplus in this past year for

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the first time in 15 years. So the minister has done it. If you look back, he's penciled

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it in for this year, and I think he will stick to that policy. And as the debt to GDP ratio

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comes down, interest rate pressure will come down, and in general, things will improve.

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Now, currently, debt to GDP is sitting at about 74%, and the DAE has formally proposed

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to the coalition government that they would like to see a level of 67%. So that's clear

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where they're standing. So I think there's broad agreement, and that's the way the budget

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will go.

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What happens when there are disagreements, as surely there will be?

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Then there are mechanisms written into that agreement between the DAE and the ANC, well,

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all parties to the government of national unity, on what must be done to solve disagreements.

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There's a process of talking, and then eventually, the final step is sufficient consensus, and

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sufficient consensus is defined as 60% of 60% support in parliament. Now, of course,

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the two big parties, DA and ANC, make 60%. So that's the way you will move forward. And

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I think, Ruda, what we have to accept, we must now get out of the mindset of having

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a majority party who can decide alone, and that's the end of the story. But we must also

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accept that if you're the minority party in a coalition, that doesn't mean you can dictate

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what must happen. Everybody will have to compromise. And that's when I think one of the foundational

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values of evidence-based policymaking is an important point, because when you then have

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disagreements, you can say, right, let's get in the experts, let's get in the hard data,

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and see what should shape the decision that we have to make.

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I'm quite sure the one thing that South Africans are good at, we make a hell of a noise, but

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once we're in the room, we actually compromise. We've got an ability to make deals. That's

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how the new South Africa was built. So I'm not too worried about that. There are processes,

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you work through the processes, you overcome your differences.

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Doesn't the phrase sufficient consensus come from 94?

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Exactly, exactly. And now the phrase is back. It gave us the constitution, it gave us the

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democracy, and it will play its role now as well in the coalition government.

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Might we see movement in local governments before the next local government election,

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which is what, 2026?

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Oh, absolutely. You'll see that before this podcast goes out. We've already seen it. The

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ANC has recalled that rather suboptimal mayor that was in Durban, he's been kicked upstairs

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to the National Council of Provinces. You can go sit there and it's Hillary. He's been removed.

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The ANC mayor of Ekorilei has also fired the EFF council responsible for finance. He was

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only appointed a few weeks ago when there was a temporary coalition agreement.

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Just for the weekend, no?

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Yeah, it was more or less two weekends. So, and I think you're going to see them much

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more. I think what's going to happen in the next couple of weeks is that coalition governments

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across the country, where the ANC and the DA are not working together, but they are

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in partnership of all kinds of funny small parties, that will be cleared up. You will

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get coalition agreements between the people who serve in the government of national unity.

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That means it'll affect Nelson Mandela Bay, it'll affect Johannesburg, it'll affect Ekorilei,

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it'll affect Twane, probably Tehkwini as well. A number of municipalities, I think, will

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get onto a new trajectory and that should make a difference, at least in some local

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governments.

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So, in summary, so what?

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I think, first of all, it is quite a thing that happened, that the ANC lost the majority

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that they had for 30 years, that they accepted it and that they moved to a new dispensation,

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a new governance dispensation within two weeks. I think that's a phenomenal performance. As

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I've said, it didn't even happen in America in 2020. We will see what happens this year

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in America, but for the South Africans, it's a point of pride and something we can feel

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very good about. On matters economic, it is quite clear that the middle has been strengthened

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considerably. This pseudo warfare, this phony war that we had between the DA and the ANC,

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which I never bought into, as I've said, that can now be set aside and you can, like

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adults, talk about what needs to be done to grow the economy.

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The third, so what, is it would be wrong to say that the DA will stop transformation in

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the country. That is the general accusation which is against the DA. But if you look at

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the foundational principles which were signed by the DA, those foundational principles are

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very clear that we have a particular legacy in this country, that we have to overcome

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that legacy and that that requires specific proactive measures. That's also, by the way,

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not just in this national agreement, it is also in the agreement which the DA signed

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to the IFP in KwaZulu-Natal a year ago in respect of local government. So it's not a

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new idea. I don't see any stop to the process of making the economy more inclusive to black

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people taking steps necessary to overcome our past. And I think those two things, much

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higher economic growth, much more inclusion, that will dominate for the next five years.

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And then I think the big so what is that we've seen a substantial move to the middle. Yes,

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MK did quite well and kudos to them, but Julius Malema was cut down and he moved from an 11%

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party to a 9.5% party. He must be terribly disappointed. He's been repudiated clearly

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by the country. MK did only did well in KZN. I think they've got a little bit of support

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in Mpumalanga and they've got one member of parliament in the free state. So for me, the

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majority of people in this country actually do not want radicalism. They don't want right

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wing radicalism and they don't want RET radicalism. So there's a coming together in the middle,

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which I think is absolutely great. And your last point is there's hope for local governments,

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which makes me very happy. Yeah, I think we will see a reorganization of local government,

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a political reorganization, whether that then feeds through quickly into better bureaucratic

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performance, better service delivery that we will have to see. But at least as a businessman

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has remarked in this case of Johannesburg, fix the politics and then you can start fixing

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the city. And at least now we're busy fixing the politics. So we may see improvement in

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the city service delivery as well. Thank you very much to the listeners. Thank you for

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your time, for your attention. Enjoy this breath of fresh air that is blowing through

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the country and stay warm. Indeed. Thank you very much. Thank you for listening to the

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So What podcast. If you enjoy this content, please don't forget to leave a review and

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a rating and please consider subscribing so you don't miss any future episodes. Also

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