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Hello and welcome to the So What podcast in which political economic analyst JP Landman

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discusses the issues uppermost in the minds of South Africans. You can find a written

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version of this content on JP's website, jplantman.co.za. I am Ruda Landman and I am your host.

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Hello and welcome to this podcast which accompanies JP's newsletter dated 8 April 2024. It's titled

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Simply Election Update. So we have 51, 52 parties?

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Yes, indeed. In 2019, the last general election, national election, we had 48, so it's a few

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more. Plus the independents that joined the fray this time.

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And the new kid on the block is Mr Zuma's Umqonto We Siswe party, the MK party. How

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do you see their impact?

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Well, so far the impact is very, very interesting. We don't have that many opinion polls to go

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on. We only have three, but if we take the average of the three polls, then they're polling

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at the moment about 11% nationally. In the KwaZiDuna Tal province, they poll about 20

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to 24%. So they're clearly very strong there, but it also gives them a national footprint.

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Does that mean that they are the biggest party at the moment according to the polls in UKZN?

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It does suggest that, yes. It does suggest that. We can talk about the provinces later,

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but yes, they are the biggest at the moment. Now, I think what one must discount here is

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that they're having quite a nice bounce because of all the publicity surrounding the formation

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of the party. And we must see to what extent that will last. And of course, one must also

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see to what extent the party can survive the other party's machinery coming into action,

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election machinery coming into action. So, you know, one must treat these numbers with

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a little bit of caution, but clearly they're having an impact.

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Where do they find their support? Where does it come from?

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It's very interesting. It comes from the ANC. It also comes a little bit from the AFP, but

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it also looks as if they have, well, it doesn't look, they have certainly put a lid on the

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support of the EFF. So, people who in theory would have voted EFF or should vote EFF, if

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you look at profile, it looks as if they're not going to the EFF. They're rather going

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to MK. And in that sense, they're putting a lid on what the EFF can achieve. So, so

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far, we can say there are two consequences from MK entering the fray. The one is they're

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taking support away from the ANC, which I think will tilt the ANC decisively below 50%.

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And secondly, they're putting a lid on what the EFF can do. And that must make Mr. Malema

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very, very unhappy. So, if we just compare what we have now to our previous election

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note, in the previous election note, we had the average for the ANC sitting at about 45.

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It's now sitting at 40. The average for the ANC sitting, for the DA rather, sitting at

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23. It's now sitting at 24, basically the same. For the EFF, it was 13%. It's now 11.

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On counter, of course, there was nothing because they were not there yet. They also now poll

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11. So, if you take the 11 of EFF and 11 of MK, you get 22. And that sort of intuitively

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feels right. And then the IFP, according to these polls, have lost a little bit of support.

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They went from 5% to 3%. So, to answer your question, where does this support comes from?

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It comes from the ANC. It comes from the IFP. And it comes from a pool of voters that probably

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would have voted EFF, but is now preferring MK.

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Each voter will get three ballot papers this time, as opposed to two the last time. How

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exactly does it work?

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It's complicated. The change is because of independence. You will recall that there was

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a big hullabaloo, constitutional court applications and agitation and so on. And the legislation

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was changed. And now independence can stand for the national parliament and they can stand

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for provincial parliament. Now, in order to accommodate the independence, there will now

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be three ballot papers. The first one, which will elect 200 members of the National Assembly,

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you simply vote for political parties. So, the 50 odd parties will be on the list and

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you choose who's your favourite and that's it. The second ballot paper will be the same.

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It will be the list of parties participating and you choose your party. Or on the second

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list there will also be independence. So, you have to decide. Do you choose a party

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or do you choose an independent? You'll have one vote only and you'll make your choice.

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And that is the, if I can put it like that, the second 200 members.

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Correct. That's the remainder of the 400 members for the National Assembly. So, the second

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200, as you put it, that will be elected there. And then the third ballot paper is to elect

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the provincial parliament or the provincial legislature. That is a combination of political

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parties and independence and you choose who you want to have there. Now, I think I was

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just pointing out that at the moment, although we have more than 50 political parties participating,

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there are on the national list only six independents and on the various provincial lists another

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five. So, you're looking at a total of 11 independents and you must ask yourself the

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question was all this hullabaloo now really worth it? It's a very meager harvest, but

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that's a different point.

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Then of course, one of the main worries for the country as a whole, what happens if no

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one gets 50% in the first place? How will parliament then elect a president? What if

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there's a deadlock?

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Okay. The procedure is fairly straightforward. Within 14 days after the election results

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are declared. Now, the election is on Wednesday the 29th. It'll probably be the voting and

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the verification and the auditing was normally completed by Saturday. So, by Saturday the

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second of June, the electoral commission will announce the results. Then 14 days from that

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date, parliament must meet and they have to choose a president. That's their first order

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of business.

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And the chairman in that case is the Chief Justice.

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Chief Justice. Yeah. And he doesn't vote, of course. So, it's the 400 members of the

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National Assembly. You will need 201 votes to become president. If you don't get 201

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votes on the first round of voting, then the candidate with the least number of votes will

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fall away and you vote again. Candidate with the least number of votes fall away, vote

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again and you carry on until somebody has got 201. In the unlikely event after a number

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of voting rounds that nobody gets a majority, but they get the same number of votes, say

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190 each or 185 votes each. Then parliament has to adjourn for the week and then come

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back and try again. Now, obviously in that week there will then be horse trading and

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deal making and negotiation and so on. Come back after a week, vote again and hopefully

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you get somebody that'll have 201 votes and then you have a president. If again parliament

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cannot elect a president, then parliament has to be dissolved and the country must have

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new elections. Now, I don't think there's anybody that'll have the stomach for that,

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all the energy, all the money. So, the pressure on political parties will be enormous to come

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to some kind of a consensus, some kind of an agreement and elect a president.

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That's the president, but then we're back to the question of coalitions because if no

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party has 50% and for the first time really now JP, you are saying you don't think the

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ANC is going to get there. So, how do you see it?

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Yeah, if MK does as well as the polls suggest they will do, then the ANC cannot get to 50.

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I think that's just mathematically not possible. So, what will then have to happen, they will

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have to invite coalition partners. Now again, it depends by how much they miss 50. If they

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miss 50 by 2%, let's say they get 48, well then it will be very easy to make a coalition

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of the IFP. They will have 3 or 4% of the vote and you can run. And in fact, the leader

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of the IFP, Mr. Slavisa said that he is willing to do what he calls a government of national

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unity, i.e. code language for I will make a deal with the ANC because that's what we

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did in 1994. So, that door is certainly open. If they miss it by a bigger margin, say 10%,

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so the ANC only gets 40%. Now they are 10 short of 50. Then the IFP and other small

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parties won't help them. Then they will have to look at a bigger party and then their choice

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will be either the DA on the one side or the EFF and MK on the other side. I think it's

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highly unlikely that you will see a coalition with the EFF and MK at national level. I think

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it's very, very unlikely. What makes you say that?

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Well, a number of things. First of all, the fight between MK and ANC is a blood feud.

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It's a brutal threat and we all know how vicious that can be and how people just don't count

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work together around that. If you look at the EFF, a number of signals are coming from

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the political arena telling us that they are struggling to give substance to the coalition

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agreements that they have. I think the majority of people in the ANC do not want to go with

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the EFF. As I said in the last note, your support for the ANC EFF coalition is mainly

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located in the Gauteng and KwaZulu Natal provinces. That's where the push for the EFF is. The

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rest of the country, not so much. I mean the rest of the ANC in the country. So I don't

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think that will happen. I think if it comes down to a choice between EFF on the one hand

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or DA on the other hand, I think the ANC will go with the DA. Then you have a broad coalition

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of the middle. That coalition will enjoy the support of at least two thirds of South Africans.

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That can then have interesting consequences in the longer term, medium to longer term,

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largely around a reconfiguration of our politics. What I think we're going to see in the short

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term after the election is that the parties on the left, that's the EFF, it's Mr. Zuma's

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party, it's ACMK, it's Ace Machashula's party, ACT, African Congress of Transformation, and

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a few other, call them left-wing parties. I think they will come together in some kind

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of an arrangement. What we have at the moment is the MPC, the multi-party charter or the

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Moonshot coalition. You have them on the right of the ANC. I think you're going to see a

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similar Moonshot developing on the left of the ANC, quite soon after the election. If

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they're excluded from power, they're excluded from government, these left-wing parties will

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have an incentive to come together. Mr. Zuma has already alluded to that. You'll then have

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a left-wing Moonshot coalition. You will have a right-wing Moonshot coalition. You will

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have the ANC and the DA in the middle. Then you can have over a period of time, five years

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or more, you can have a reconfiguration. That reconfiguration, I think, conceptually will

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come down to the following. You will have on the right, people with free market thinking.

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That's the DA and that group of people. In the middle, you will have the ANC and parts

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of the DA working with what I would call a social democratic value system. On the left,

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you will have RET, radical economic transformation. That's a nice little division, certainly in

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terms of ideas between the main political groupings.

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You've described that as a healthy development. I think it's very healthy. In South Africa

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and in the Anglo-Saxon world where our political tradition was formed, we're not used to coalitions

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or the idea of social democracy. Americans, for example, don't understand it at all. Neither

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do the English. In Europe, it's a standard thing. It's a very, very standard thing. Germany,

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most successful economy on the continent, has been run by a social democratic value

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system ever since the Second World War. I think for South Africa, in our circumstances,

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a social democratic solution is quite a good one and appealing one. You will then have

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free markets, social democratic, radical economic transformation.

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That can be, I'm now really going speculating wild here and I'm talking long term, but that

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can help to replace identity politics. Then you move from the current regime of identity

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politics to a regime where you have identity politics, but also a value based system that

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underlies your choice. That's why I think it will be a healthy development.

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In summary, so what? First, the MK Party?

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Yeah, first, the MK Party is affecting the ANC quite clearly. If they survive the ANC's

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counter campaign, they can get the numbers that the polls suggest and they will take

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4 or 5% away nationally from the ANC. Paradoxically, the second impact of the MK is that they are

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putting a lid on the growth of the EFF. I think that'll be a bitter pill for Mr. Malema

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to swallow and he'll be very disappointed, but that's the way the cookie is scrambling

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at the moment.

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So what for the multi-party charter?

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The multi-party charter has got no chance of realizing their ambition, their public

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ambition of replacing the government. They're polling at about 34% at the moment, 33, 34.

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Even if they go up to 40% by election day, there's still a hell of a distance from 40%

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to 50%. So they're not going to replace the new government, not going to happen. The fact

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that people claim that I think is a bit of a misrepresentation. But constituents of the

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multi-party charter can indeed join up with the ANC. The DA, for example, the IFP, those

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are very real possibilities. Yeah, and I think what we're going to see, as I've said, is

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a national, on a national level, the ANC-IFP coalition. And you may also see that in the

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provinces, but the provincial situation becomes more difficult, more interests, more parties.

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So let's see what the final vote count is before we pronounce.

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So then the only thing to say is happy voting.

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Absolutely. Go and vote and happy voting.

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Thank you very much. Goodbye.

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Thank you.

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Thank you for listening to the So What podcast. If you enjoy this content, please don't forget

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