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Hello and welcome to the So What podcast, in which political economic analyst JP Landman

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discusses the issues uppermost in the minds of South Africans. You can find a written

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version of this content on JP's website, jplandman.co.za. I am Ruda Landman
 and I am your host.

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These first few recordings were done at our dining room table, but we will soon be moving

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into a studio. Hello and a very warm welcome, as always, to this recording, which accompanies

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JP's latest research note. It's dated 27 June 2023 and the title is Integrating Economics

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and Foreign Policy. JP, you quote a biographer who wrote a biography of Zbigniew Brzezinski,

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Jimmy Carter's national security advisor. He said, the ignorance of geopolitical minds

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about economics is matched only by the economics profession's ignorance about foreign policy.

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And then you say that's a very apt description of the current debate in South Africa. What

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do you mean? Well, what the biographer said was that Brzezinski and other foreign affairs

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luminaries like Henry Kissinger and Marlene Albrecht, the names he used, were all people

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that were not really very much interested in economics. They were interested in geopolitical

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maneuvers. But economics are extremely important in any country. And if you're the world's

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number one economy like America, you can probably afford not to worry too much about economics.

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When you're a smaller country like South Africa, you actually have to. And what struck me about

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that remark by the biographer is simply that in the debate that we currently have in South

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Africa about our foreign policy, the relationship with the US, the relationship with Russia

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and so on, there is almost a Chinese wall, dare I say, between economics and diplomacy

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or foreign policy. And it is as if the two are totally disconnected and not talking to

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each other and not the one reinforcing the other. And you believe they should be integrated?

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Absolutely. It should absolutely be integrated. And it is just noticeable that even the US

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now is moving to a much more integrated economic and foreign policy approach. So I think we

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also have to do that. And now the question then arises, well, how do you integrate them?

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What in economics is important in foreign relations and the other way around? Now, thankfully,

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the Minister of Finance, Inokwa Nungwana, answered this question in parliament. And

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he said there are four transmission channels, that's what he called them, determining the

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influence of foreign policy on our domestic economy. And those four transmission channels

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or four areas is basically the currency, trade and supply chains, investment and liquidity.

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And what I do in Inokwa is to take each of these four areas or each of these four transmission

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channels, and we look at to what extent foreign policy decisions affect the local economy

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via that transmission channel. Now, the first one, if I can just plunge into it, is the

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currency. And we saw it immediately when the Lady R fracas, based in the open and became

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a hot topic. What happened to the currency? What happened to the round? Well, it depreciated

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immediately. It is recovered, then recovered a little bit, but it is still very, very weak.

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What was the impact of that depreciating currency? Well, the Reserve Bank increased interest

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rates by 50 basis points, while everybody up till that point expected the bank to increase

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by 25 basis points. Now, you can say 25 basis points, a quarter of a percent is not a lot.

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But if you think that you levy that interest rate charge across the entire economy, individuals,

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households, businesses, government itself, and so on, it adds up to a huge amount of

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money. So, the transmission channel worked very immediately. The currency depreciated

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when there was a foreign policy dispute, and sub-Africans are paying the price through

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high interest rates. Simple. So, it was better, it would have been better for us to have a

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foreign policy stance that would not have precipitated that kind of currency depreciation.

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The second one is the trade and supply chain. This is where the whole AGOA thing, African

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Growth and Opportunity Act, where that debate comes in. But of course, it's about much more

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than just AGOA. As the minister pointed out in parliament, it's not just trade, which

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is AGOA, it's also supply chain. We cannot by any stretch of the imagination produce

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everything that we need in the country ourselves. It's not possible. We're using cell phones,

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which were imported, we're using software, which are imported, we're using oil, we run

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our motor cars, which are imported and so on. So, it's about much more than just AGOA,

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it's also trade. And what we did was to look at the trade, comparing the trade of two blocks.

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The one is four main Western countries, and those countries are the US, Germany, Japan,

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and the United Kingdom. They are our main trading partners.

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Japan is an interesting case, because it's not physically in the West, or geographically

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in the West, but it's part of the G7 and part of that whole economic block.

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Absolutely. Yeah, you're quite right. It's located in the East, but it's part of the

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West. One of the things one must remember. And it is very clear that we export much more

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to the four Western countries than what we export to the BRICS. So, in terms of bringing

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money into the country by selling our goods, our main clients are sitting in the West,

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not in BRICS. In fact, the relationship is about two times. We export twice as much to

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the four Western countries than what we export to the four BRICS countries.

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If you move to the import side or the supply side, you find much the same thing. We import

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much more from the BRICS countries than what we import from the four Western countries.

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And 70% of the BRICS imports really come from China. I must just put that as a sub note.

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So it's not so much Russia, Brazil, even India. China is the main provider of imports into

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South Africa. But here is the point. We run a trade surplus with the four Western countries.

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We run a huge trade deficit with the BRICS countries, which basically means a deficit

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with China. Now, if you're a capital scarce country like South Africa, it is better to

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have a surplus than a deficit. Deficit has to be paid for. So we run a deficit with BRICS

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and we run a surplus with the West. You can clearly see that the surplus of the West is

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helping to pay for the deficit with the BRICS countries. And again, if that is where your

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clients are, if that is where the people are who buy your goods, it is appropriate, I think,

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to treat them with respect and maintain good relationships.

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I just want to point out to the listeners that those of you who are interested in the

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hard data do go to the written note. There are very clear figures which illustrate everything

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that you have just said.

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Yes, indeed. And that may be very useful. We're just talking conceptually. And while

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we're on it, can I recognize the contribution that was made by Peter Roo in the research

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for this note? He's the one who worked on the numbers and compiled the numbers. So there

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are four transmission channels, so four areas of impact. There's the currency. We talked

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about that. There is trade and supply chain. We talked about that.

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Just before we move off trade and supply chain, it is quite clear if you look at the fact

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that we export about twice as much to Europe or to those four countries rather than what

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we export to BRICS. It is quite clear that it is much easier for sub-African exporters

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to get their products into those countries than to get their products into the BRICS

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countries. So there's clearly a whole area of work that needs to be done.

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And one who would like to see the Department of Foreign Affairs, instead of embarrassing

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us internationally, rather help our exporters to get their exports into countries like China

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and the other BRICS countries.

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The third transmission channel is investment. And here we're talking about foreign direct

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investment. And again, the numbers, which are in the written piece, are simply overwhelming.

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We get three times as much investment from the four Western countries that we refer to

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than what we get from BRICS. And that would make sense. The BRICS countries, even China,

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are developing countries and they would have less capital available. China may be the outlier,

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while the developed countries, the four countries that we're looking at, are mature economies

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and they have more capital that they can disperse.

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So we get three...

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They look for investment opportunities outside of their own borders.

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They do. And increasingly, Indian and Chinese companies are also doing it, but there are

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many more European countries or companies from those four countries investing in South

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Africa than they are from the BRICS countries. But the bottom line of this paragraph, for

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purposes of the audio, is three times more. We get three times more investment from those

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four Western countries than what we get from the four BRICS countries.

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And the last one is liquidity. And liquidity is an interesting one, because liquidity is

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a little bit like your bank account. Sometimes you are overdrawn because you have to pay

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medical expenses or you buy furniture or you buy a car or whatever, and you need credit.

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You need a bank overdraft. Now, the same goes for the country. When the country runs a current

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account deficit, it needs to finance that deficit in one way or another. You need a

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positive inflow on your capital account to pay for a deficit on the trade account.

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Now, South Africa, generally speaking, is a current account deficit country. We're not

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there every year, and there are now in COVID and so on times where we were not a deficit

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country. But generally speaking, we are. We're a capital scarce country. And when you need

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that overdraft, when you don't have capital to finance your needs, that's when you need

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liquidity. Now, where does the liquidity come from? It comes from essentially international

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private sector companies like pension funds, like insurance companies, like banks, who

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advance money to two countries. They make what is called portfolio investments, or they

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can also make direct loans in the case of a bank. Into South Africa, that is how money

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comes in, and you use that money to finance your deficit. Now, these are not governments

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providing the money. I think that's very important to say. It's private companies that provide

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the money. And funds, pension funds. And pension funds.

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Yeah, that's what I mean by private. Pension funds, insurance companies, banks, and so

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on. Rich individuals, family offices, that sort of thing. Now, these people operate much

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more on optics. They obviously do their fundamental research, but optics affect them. And if you

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do silly things that make them risk averse, that is the term, and they become risk averse,

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then they don't supply you with the money. And you don't have liquidity. Now, what happens

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if you don't have liquidity? Well, you absolutely slow down the functioning of the economy.

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That is what happened in South Africa after 1985, or in 1985, when P.W. Borda made his

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famous or infamous Rubicon speech. Just before they made the speech, Citibank said they're

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no longer going to supply South Africa with liquidity. They stopped our credit lines,

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and we were forced into a dead standstill. Other banks, of course, other institutions

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followed Citibank. And from 1985 to 1993, basically a period of eight years, we struggled

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with liquidity, and you see it in our economic growth numbers. Growth simply slumped, because

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what normally happens when you don't have the capital available to finance a deficit,

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it's like a household as well, you're forced to go into a surplus. You're forced to lower

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your expenditure so that you generate a surplus. Now, in economic terms, the way you do it

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is you force down GDP growth, you make the economy smaller, literally, so that it needs

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less capital, and then you are in a position where you're not dependent on foreign capital.

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We were there for eight years, 1985 to 1993. It's not a comfortable place to be. And what

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we must understand is not just about foreign direct investment, which is the third transmission

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channel. It is also about this fourth transmission channel, which is liquidity, or think of it

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as a bank overdraft. So these are the four areas where the Minister of Finance said there

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are clear avenues, or as he called it, channels through which the economy gets affected. And

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I find it a very useful frame through which to look at our foreign policy.

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But if one listens to that, it just really sounds as if our Department of Foreign Affairs

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is, it is almost not understandable what they do. But then you put the other side on the

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piece of paper, and that is geopolitics, and you say, no, we have to also look at South

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Africa's position in the world. And there is a rationality to their actions.

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No, absolutely. That is what Brzezinski's biographer said. He said the ignorance of

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the geopolitical minds about economics is matched only by the economics profession's

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ignorance of foreign policy. And I think it's a beautiful summary, because if you now look

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at South Africa's foreign policy stance, what is it? Well, the first point to factor in

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is that South Africa accepts that the world is busy breaking up into three blocks. There

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is the Western Bloc, which is led by the US, and one can basically say the G7 countries,

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plus some smaller players like Australia and New Zealand and so on. And it's not the West,

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because it includes, as you've pointed out, Japan. It includes Australia, which sits in

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the East. That's the G7 Bloc. The second Bloc that's forming in the world is China, and

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the country is very dependent on China, very much in the influence sphere of China. Now,

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the China Bloc is not as cohesive and as strong at this stage as the G7, but it's forming.

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There's no question about it. And the third block is what is loosely referred to as the

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Global South. Now, who is the Global South? Well, it includes South America, the continent

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of South America. It includes Africa. It includes the Middle East. It includes India and even

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China. So you can see that that is by far the biggest block in the world. It's also

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the least cohesive. Now, South Africa is part of the Global South. We are there by way of

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tradition. We follow the principles of the Bandung Conference of 1955, the non-alignment

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conference that was held there. And we basically say the world cannot be unipolar. South Africa

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is very much against the unipolar world. And we would like to see a multipolar world where

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everybody is treated with respect and dignity. And this Global South position that South

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Africa have will not be abandoned and it will not move over into the G7 Bloc simply because

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the G7 Bloc is South Africa's most important economic partners, more important than the

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BRICS partners. So economically, we belong with the G7. Politically, we belong with the

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Global South. We want to stay clear of China. I think that is very clear. South Africa is

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one of the few countries in Africa where there are no Belt and Road Initiative projects. The

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same logic. If you're against a unipolar American world, you're also against the unipolar Chinese

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world. So we very much see ourselves as part of the Global South and that position South

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Africa will not give up. So now the trick is to integrate these two things. Economically,

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you belong with the G7. Politically, you are part of the Global South. And then you want

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to maintain good relations with China because they're a huge export market, but they're

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also a US supplier of goods in your supply chain. So we want to be friends with everybody,

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which is a perfectly legitimate and laudable stance. But then your foreign policy must

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reflect the fact that you want to be more or less friends with everybody. And you say

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it is possible because Brazil and India have given us examples. Yes, that's the important

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learning point. What I've done in the note is to compare South Africa's behavior with

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Brazil and India. Why Brazil and India? They're both part of the Global South, like us. They're

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both democracies, just like we are. They're both against the unipolar world, just like

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we are. But they behaved very differently in the UN Security Council in votes and resolutions

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on the Ukraine war. They took a very different stance from what we did. We did not display

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the nuance of Brazil and India. India, by the way, played the game very cleverly and

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they have a very clear idea of what is their national interest. Why do I say that? Well,

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they refused to impose sanctions against Russia and in fact they went and they bought oil

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from Russia, but they bought it at a huge discount. When the market price was running

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at about $80 a barrel, they were buying for 45. Now that's a lovely discount to get for

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your country. More than that, they paid for it in rupees. To such an extent that Lavrov,

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the Russian Foreign Minister, had to travel to Delhi and he admitted, you can see the

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video on YouTube, he admitted that the rupees that the Russians now own, which sit in the

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Indian banking system, are of no use to the Russians. You know, what do you do with a

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rupee? Well, you can buy some Indian goods and then the surplus. So the Indians have

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got a very clear idea of what is in their own interest and they pursued it. They didn't

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impose sanctions, bought the oil, paid for it in rupees in terms of their own national

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interest. Now I don't detect that strong push for South Africa's national interest in our

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foreign policy. If you compare our position to Brazil, Lula from Brazil is very clear.

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He condemned the Russian invasion, but he also condemned the Western NATO specifically

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for stoking the war and by implication for supporting Ukraine. This was a while ago already.

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His foreign affairs advisor recently said, a lovely description, he said, you cannot

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judge the Ukraine war by the last one and a half years. It is a product of the Cold

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War. Ukraine is a victim of the Cold War. Now I haven't heard the South African government

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or Durko saying Ukraine is a victim here. We've bought into the binary position. It's

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either NATO and the US or Russia. My view from the beginning is what about the 43 million

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people who live in Ukraine? What about the 43 million Ukrainians? Do they not count?

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Are they of no relevance? It's not a binary story. It is much more complicated than just

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binary. Now the Brazilians clearly understand that and say it in public. We haven't said

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it in public. So if you compare our behavior to the behavior of India and to the behavior

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of Brazil, our diplomatic behavior that is, then clearly we're not as non-aligned as they

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are and not as firm in our own independent thinking and in our own independent search

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for what is in our national interest, like the Indians have done. It looks like people

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are thinking in terms of us and them. Yes. And that's not good enough in a tri-polar

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world where you want to have relationships with anybody. You cannot afford the luxury

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of us and them. That's lazy thinking as it is in normal life. Have we seen knock-on effects,

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for example, in the relationship with the G7? Yes, we have seen knock-on effects. This

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year for the first time since the time Thabo Mbeki was president, we're talking over 20

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years here in total, South Africa was not invited to the G7, annual G7 summit. Even

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President Zuma went to all the G7 summits. President Ramaphosa went. This year the invitation

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did not arrive. Now you can say that is just coincidence. You can say Japan, who was the

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host this year, preferred to have the chairman of the African Union there. And I'm not persuaded

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at all because the African Union has been around for a long time and other host countries

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do not invite the chairman only. But while we're on the point, inviting the chairman

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of the African Union is actually, I think, not in Africa's best interest. What happens

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when you go to these summits regularly? Well, you develop a relationship with the other

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leaders. You can build trust. They can understand where you come from. You can continuously

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clarify misunderstandings. You become part of a network. If you have a rotating chairman,

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every year there's a new EU chairman, and if you have a rotating chairman now coming

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in and disappearing and coming in and disappearing, how do you build a network from which Africa

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as a continent can benefit? So I will never know. We will never know whether there's a

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link between our foreign policy missteps and the non-invitation to the G7, but I think

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it is something to take note of, and I think it is we bluff ourselves if we say, oh, it's

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only because Japan wanted to invite the whole African Union and not just a particular African

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country. But on the other hand, you do say that the United States may be overplaying

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its hand. Absolutely. Look, this whole note is about balance. It's about integrating

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ostensibly opposing things. It's about doing what is right, but in a way which takes you

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forward. Now, what we've seen in the US in the way that they handled the Lady R story,

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in the way that they sanctioned a private flight school in Oudtsweren, I mean, Oudtsweren

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of all places, you know, I come from that part of the world. It is really deep rural.

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To now say that that flight school is a potential threat to the security of the United States

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is simply just rubbish. I'm sorry, but it's just rubbish. Now, the problem with this kind

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of overplaying your hand, it looks very arrogant. It looks very bossy, and bossiness and arrogance

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can have a political side effect, and the political side effect is us and them, exactly

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what you referred to earlier. Plays into the hand of the people who want to mobilize. In

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1977, a year after the Soweto riots, South Africa was also in dire straits. And what

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did John Foster do? The then Prime Minister, he led the National Party to its biggest election

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victory in nearly five decades that it ruled the country. How did he achieve that? Well,

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he just ran against Jimmy Carter. That's all. You know, the canvases went up the street

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and said, who do you vote for? John Foster or Jimmy Carter? And that's it. He wiped out

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the opposition. Same thing happened in Hungary more recently with the Prime Minister, Victor

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Orban. He ran against John Soros, who happened to be an Hungarian born citizen, but is now

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in the US. And he just ran against against George Soros. Mugabe ran against Tony Blair

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in several elections. So be careful for igniting us and them dynamic politics. It may really

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backfire against the things that you want to advance. In summary, so what? Well, I think

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the summary comes out very clearly. We are economically much more integrated with the

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West than what we are with BRICS. As the world shifts towards the BRICS, we will obviously

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also become more integrated with the BRICS. And we don't, we simply don't want to choose.

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We want to be part of both. But at the moment, we are much more part of the Western of BRICS.

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Economically, economically, economically, that's where we sit. Our foreign policy must reflect

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that. And if you take our foreign policy and you compare it with other countries from the

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global South, then you can see that we've made a couple of missteps that we we could

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have avoided. Just compare ourselves to India and compare ourselves to Brazil, those two

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other countries from the global South. As the world is breaking up into three blocks,

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it is our duty, it is our national interest, in my view, to maintain good relationships

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with all three blocks. We're not in favor of a unipolar world. We're in favor of a multipolar

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world. But then you must maintain relations with the multipolar world. You cannot say

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I will not deal with this one or deal with that one. I think we also, one of the so what's

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for me is that South Africa needs to have a much, much clearer idea of its own identity,

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what it stands, what it wants to say, and also its own national interest. And for me,

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the example remains India. You buy oil at a huge discount and you pay for it in your

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own currency. I mean, you know, it hardly can get better than that. But that's because

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the Indians pushed for it. They realized the Russians were in a weak position and they

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said, yes, we'll buy your oil, but at a discount, then you take our currency. And the Russians

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had to do that. So we can do, I really don't care what happens with Russia, but I do care

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about South Africa's national interest. And we must have a very clear idea what it is

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and then push for it aggressively in all the places where we interact. Essentially, it's

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about integrating own interest and international interest, own interest with our partners'

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interests, own identity of where you stand in the world. That is really what it comes

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down to. Thank you very much for a very clear and fresh look at the whole thing. And I think

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a more holistic view of the current international relations problem that we have.

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No, we must take our cue from the Brzezinski biographer. It is not just about geopolitics

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and it's not just about economics. It's about both. And it cannot be about either one. It

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must be about both. Yeah. Thank you very much. Thank you.

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