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Hello and welcome to the So What podcast in which political economic analyst JP Landman

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discusses the issues uppermost in the minds of South Africans.

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You can find a written version of this content on JP's website jplundmann.co.au.

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I am Ruda Landman and I am your host.

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These first few recordings were done at our dining room table but we will soon be moving

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into a studio.

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Hello and welcome to a recording to go with JP's latest newsletter.

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It's dated the 19th of May 2023 and the title is Coalitions.

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I suppose it's unnecessary to ask why this is such a hot topic at the moment.

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Well if Johannesburg elects its 8th mayor in about 7 or 8 years and you look at the

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dysfunctionality of municipalities all over the country, our experience of coalitions

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have not been a successful one, not at all.

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We've had coalitions since 2021, 2016 in Jo’burg but 2021 in other parts of the country and

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it hasn't been an epic experience.

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There's a lot of volatility, a lot of change in leadership all the time and the bottom

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line is that the argument goes about who, not about how.

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It is just the different digits giving us two very different words and two very different

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outcomes.

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It's about who occupies position of power and not about how we're going to exercise

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power.

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And now we've got to have a national election in the years time, in May 2024, 12 months

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from now if the election is not postponed and a lot of people are filled with the anxiety

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that one party will not get 50% of the vote and that we will then be forced into coalitions

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at the national level and that is why it's a pertinent issue.

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There's much excitement at the moment around the DA's moonshot pact and a series of small

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new parties starting up.

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If you look at the numbers what do they tell you?

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Well the numbers tell me that the DA will really have a hard time to get to 50% through

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a moonshot pact.

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There are 14 political parties currently in parliament, four parties of which the DA

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is one, command 92.5% of the vote.

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The other 10 parties share 7.5%.

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So it's not that we don't have small parties in the South African politics or parliament,

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we have them.

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They're just not that important.

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Now the premise of the moonshot pact is that the DA can replace the ANC as the biggest

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single party and that I think is wishful thinking.

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It is quite possible, it may happen, that the ANC drops below 50% but it's very far

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from probable that they will drop to a level lower than the democratic alliance.

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Now if you take the small parties in parliament, the parties making up that 7.5% plus the

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IFP that the DA is talking to, you can get to a maximum, really a big maximum of 40%

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and that is not going to be a game changer.

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So I'm not excited about the moonshot.

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When it comes to smaller political parties, just remember one statistic from the last

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election, the 2019 national elections.

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48 political parties registered to participate.

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They made it into parliament.

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4 commanded 92.5% of the vote.

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48, 14, 4.

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So they are always in all elections in South African new parties, generating a lot of excitement

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and in the end they do not upset the apple card.

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And I think it will take quite a huge shift in our politics for the DA to become the biggest

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party and therefore for the moonshot to have a chance and for any of the smaller parties

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to come in and upset the apple card.

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They can do well, they can get 4, 5% of the vote, which is a good number for a party that's

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starting out.

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But it's not a number that determines power.

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What about the stay-away vote?

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That is the big uncertainty.

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You put your finger on it.

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The big question in our electoral politics is the millions of people who over the years

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have decided to withhold their vote and not to vote for any party.

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That is the big uncertainty.

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Will there this time in 2024 step up and vote?

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And if they step up and vote, who will they vote for?

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And we simply just know we'll have to wait for the votes to be counted.

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But you do believe that it is possible for the ANC to actually make it, to get 50 plus

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one or a bit more?

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Well I think we should not treat it as a forgotten conclusion that they will drop below 50.

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I think that would be as reckless as saying that they will get 50.

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Why do I feel they have a chance to get 50%?

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Two factors.

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The first one is that load shedding is probably the single most important factor now in our

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national political life.

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People are really angry about it.

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People are really upset about it.

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Now the research that we've done and which we've shared with clients, proprietary work

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we've done, indicate quite clearly that enough renewable power will be installed over the

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next 18 to 24 months to alleviate load shedding substantially.

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You know there's research out not by us but by other people that if as little as 5,000

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megawatts of renewables are installed, you can cut load shedding by 60%.

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Now our numbers indicate that we're going to get 20,000 megawatts over the next two

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years.

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The election is going to be in a year's time, not two years so be aware of that.

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The point I'm trying to make is the more load shedding gets alleviated after this winter

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and the more it gets better, which in due course it will because new capacity is installed,

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the more the ANC will get the credit or there's a chance that the ANC will get the credit.

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They will also claim it I'm sure.

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They will also claim it.

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So that's the, now there's of course a big idea at play here.

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All these projects that I'm talking about are being driven by the private sector.

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They keen to get the job done.

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They keen to connect to the grid.

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They keen to get the show on the road so to speak.

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And the keener they are and the more successful they are, the more the ANC will get the credit.

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It's one of those ironies that play out in life.

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But I think that is something one must be aware of.

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The second thing is simply the social grant system.

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At a moment there are 10 million people in South Africa who receive 350 around a month

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from the government.

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It's a social distress relief grant, the so-called SDR.

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This grant goes as I've said to 10 million people.

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It was instituted during COVID, right?

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It was instituted during and just after COVID to try and alleviate COVID distress.

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It is scheduled to end at the end of March 2024.

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Now the chances of that grant being terminated in March, which is two months before the election,

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must be absolutely null.

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I can't see that happening.

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What I can see happening is that the grant will be renamed.

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It won't be called the social distress grant.

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It will be called the basic income grant or something.

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It will be made permanent.

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It will probably be increased a little bit within what the fiscus fines it can afford.

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And the government will say, look what we've done for you.

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We've given a permanent grant, permanent social relief to 10 million people.

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We've taken away the uncertainty that the grant may end and they even may increase the

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budget.

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I think they will increase it.

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So that will have a huge impact.

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Many of those people may be part of the stay away group, if I can call it that.

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Absolutely.

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And that move may encourage them to actually go out and stand up and vote and then vote

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for the ANC again.

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It'll also solidify ANC support.

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Many people are wavering.

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We'll then say, okay, you know what the party is looking after us.

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Let's give our vote to them again.

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So I think these two factors can add up to pushing the ANC over the line.

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But of course, against that, you've got a couple of factors.

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You've got the anger about load shedding, which may carry on and keep on damaging the

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ANC.

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The ANC itself admits that it's damaging them.

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Secondly, there's the utter dysfunctionality at the municipal level, which is getting worse

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by the day.

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Potholes, sanitation works, water supply, that sort of thing.

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And thirdly, there is just the ongoing reports on corruption that keeps on dropping, dropping,

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dropping like water dropping through the roof.

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And I think, so where is the balance?

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Where is the balance?

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Will it be over 50 or below 50?

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I honestly don't know.

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None of us know.

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We will have to wait for the votes to be counted again.

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Okay.

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So let's turn to the possibility that the ANC does not get 50 plus one.

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What do you think will happen?

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What do we know of the major parties and the attitude to coalitions?

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Well, in that sense, April was a very, very interesting month because the three big parties,

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the ANC, the DA and the IFP, three of the four big parties, have shown their hands.

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And if I can just take them in sort of cronological order.

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On the 2nd of April, John Steenhuizen made his acceptance speech when he was re-elected,

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his leader of the DA.

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It was a speech of 1,440 something words.

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He used the word values once.

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What he emphasized in the speech was not values, but who is excluded from his moonshot coalition.

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Not so much who is included, but who is excluded.

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And he made two points very strongly.

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The first was that he is absolutely against the EFF.

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Okay.

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Fine.

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There's no news there.

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But then secondly, he said that anybody, any organization, any political party who has

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tethered themselves to the ANC will also not be welcome.

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Now in my view, that is clearly painting the DA and himself into a corner.

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By emphasizing those who are excluded and not those who can be included, you're limiting

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your spatial vulnerability.

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So that was the DA.

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Not so much emphasis on values, a very strong emphasis on who's in and who's out.

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Then a few days later, on the 8th of April, and maybe it wasn't in response, I don't

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know, the IFP showed their hand.

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And Mr. Hlengwa, who was a chair of the parliamentary committee on public accounts,

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SCOPA, and a very strong IFP leader, came out with a clear statement with five succinct

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values, emphasizing the importance of values, saying that the IFP can't go with parties,

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that they do not agree basic values on.

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And those five values are very straightforward.

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It's democracy, it's social equity, it's ethical leadership, really things that most

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of Africans certainly will be able to relate to.

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But then he made a second point.

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And the second point was the way in which parties conduct themselves in a run up to

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the election in 12 months time.

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That's being such a way that you can include other people in a possible coalition.

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Should, and that's the way you put it, should it happen that the electorate doesn't give

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one party 50% plus one?

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So not only was it emphasizing values and talking about values, which I think is a critical

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foundation, but it was also talking process and our politics should be conducted.

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And I find those two pillars quite useful.

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A couple of days later, towards the end of April, the ANC at the National Executive Committee

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meeting adopted a framework on local government coalitions.

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It talks about local government coalitions.

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Presumably the framework will also apply to a national government coalition.

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And essentially they made the same point as the IFP.

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They must agree on basic values.

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Just as the IFP has said.

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They then listed 12 of those values and again it's stuff that everybody can agree with.

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There's nothing there which is objectionable.

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And they then listed a number of other principles as well.

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Important principles for a coalition.

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They've clearly given some thought to it.

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However, less than a week or so later, a new mayor was elected in Johannesburg, as I've

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said, the 8th mayor and the ANC just basically ignored all those guidelines.

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So yes, they do have a framework, but yes, they didn't apply the framework.

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And that tells us something about the ruling party.

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So all three parties, all three major parties have shown their hand.

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And if you look at it and you assume for the moment that most DA members can go along with

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the values as articulated by the IFP and as articulated by the ANC, then it seems to me

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values is not a stumbling block.

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And it's possible for the three main parties to come together.

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And that raises the very intriguing possibility that we can move into a politics where the

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three, what I want to call the three parties of the center, where they come together and

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form a grand coalition.

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At the end of the day, the differences between the DA, the IFP and the ANC are really not

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that fundamental.

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Yes, there are people in each party who hate people from another party.

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There are people in each party who are ideological about certain points and they wouldn't like

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to go with other parties.

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Surely that's more true of the ANC.

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If you say the ANC agree about most values with the DA and the IFP, I don't think so.

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Not the whole of the ANC.

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No, not the whole of the ANC, but certainly majority, certainly the majority.

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The ANC who accepted that framework and the values in that framework, the RET faction that

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supports the coalition of the EFF can be found in Gauteng and they can be found in KZN, but

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not necessarily in the rest of the party.

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So they are there, they are important, but I think you can undercut the KZN faction with

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the IFP coalition and in Gauteng, well, in the N numbers we'll talk and I doubt whether

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they can get the numbers.

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So I think it's possible for the three parties of the center to come together.

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This is a different kind of moonshot idea.

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I think that's a real moonshot.

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What do we know about South Africans?

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We know that the majority of South Africans, three quarters at least, 80%, are not radical

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in their outlook or the way they live and relate to other South Africans.

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They're not extremists.

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But our politics does not reflect that.

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Our political party makeup does not reflect that.

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So I think it's time for the central forces to come together.

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At the end of the day, the differences between the non-RET faction of the ANC, the IFP and

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the DA, the non-ideological part of the DA are not that big.

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And if the Germans can work together in a grand coalition where there are very clear

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differences delineated between parties, I can't see why we can't do it.

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But if the ANC gets a 46 or 47% and the IFP gets what, 5?

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4 or 5%.

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4 or 5, then won't they just get together and run the country?

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Yes, I think that's what will happen.

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And then you can throw in a small party like Good and you can probably throw in a small

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party like Aljamar.

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They have consistently voted with ANC in the lifetime of this parliament, the current

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parliament.

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So those small parties will come together with the IFP and ANC in their life more than

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50%.

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But the question we have to ask is, can the big problems of South Africa really be solved

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by a government that is supported by only 50, 51, 52% of the people?

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Don't we have a better chance of solving the problems of the country with a government

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that's supported by 70% of the citizens?

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And what are the big problems of the country?

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Well, it's the issues we know.

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It's poverty.

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It's unemployment.

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It's our education system.

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It's housing.

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To summarise it in one sentence, it is to restore the dignity of all South Africans in their

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daily existence.

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Not just in theory, not just in terms of access to the right to vote or the right to mobilise

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all the rights that our constitution gives us, but it's to fulfil the promise of the

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constitution that the dignity of all South Africans in their daily existence will be

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restored or at least be installed.

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And I think that is a mammoth task.

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That is not something that one party can do in its own, not in a democracy.

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You can try to do it under the dictatorship, but that's not where we are.

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So I think it is better to have a democracy supported by 70% of the people that can have

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this national goal of let's uplift all South Africans.

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And that's why I think even if the ANC gets 51% of the vote, it may be better for everybody

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the ANC included to pursue a route of a 70-75% government with healthy differences and so

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on between them, but not so healthy that you can't govern.

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I think it's a possibility and you're quite right, that is the real moonshot.

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In summary, so what?

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Look I think if you look at the mess with loadshedding, you look at the stagnant economy, you look

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at the dysfunctionality of municipalities, you look at the potholes, you look at the

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general discontent of the population, then I think we run a real risk that the South

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African democracy will become delegitimised.

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And we see in several countries around the world where democracy is being delegitimised.

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We run that risk too if we cannot fulfil the promise of our constitution of a quarter

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of a century ago.

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And that's really what is at stake here.

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The failure not just of local government and particular departments and so on, but the

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failure to live up to the promise of our constitution can delegitimize our constitutional project,

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our democracy project.

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In other words, that people simply think it wasn't worth it?

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It wasn't worth it.

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It's time to turn to some kind of the data.

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It's time to yield power to a populace to make all kinds of warm promises.

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Developments that we see elsewhere in the world, that's the risk we run.

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And I think it's a risk that can be avoided by having a strong 70% government in charge.

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Also, I think the countries in many ways now, where it was in the 1980s, there are obvious

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lift differences.

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Of course, we then had a semi-civil war.

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We don't have that now.

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We then had apartheid.

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We don't have that now.

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We then had a huge degree of repression.

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We don't have that now.

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Yes, there are obvious differences.

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What are the similarities?

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Well, the similarities is a stagnant economy, huge poverty and deprivation, the politics

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that is stagnant and not bringing hope to people.

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Those are the similarities of the 80s.

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And what happened in the 80s?

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We now know that today we've got the benefit of hindsight.

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What we got was a political initiative that unlocked what we had in South Africa and we

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moved towards a democracy.

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And I think we need a similar kind of initiative that bring together the parties of the center

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to form a government that is supported by 70, 75% of the people.

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You're surely leaving us with much food for thought.

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Thank you very much.

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My pleasure.

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Thank you for listening to the So What podcast.

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