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Hello and welcome to the So What podcast in which political economic analyst JP Landman

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discusses the issues uppermost in the minds of South Africans.

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You can find a written version of this content on JP's website jplandman.co.au.

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I am Ruda Landman and I am your host.

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These first few recordings were done at our dining room table but we will soon be moving

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into a studio.

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Hello and welcome to another recording to go with JP's latest newsletter.

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This one is dated the 20th of October 2022, corruption and consequences.

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It is your annual corruption update if I can put it that way.

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It's a bit later than usual, why?

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Yes, normally I do it in August.

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You're quite right.

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This year I delayed it because in May the National Director of Public Prosecution, some

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Shomina Bartoy and the head of the Hawks committed in parliament that they will bring nine high

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profile arrests, nine high profile cases to the courts by the end of September.

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So I delayed this note to see what the status was at the end of September.

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And we start with the Gupta brothers.

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Absolutely, a month after Ms. Bartoy made that commitment to parliament, the two Gupta

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brothers were arrested in Dubai on a red notice from Interpol, of course initiated by South

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Africa.

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They are kept in jail.

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They've applied for bail a number of times but they didn't get it.

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Their extradition to South Africa is now dependent on the court decision in that country in Dubai.

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The other case, the second case, the big one is the Freda Dairy Project, also known as

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Estina.

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They're 17 accused, including a former cabinet minister.

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Mr. Zwane appeared as accused.

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They appeared next to two Gupta companies as well as a host of other people.

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One of the nice juicy parts of this was that Iqbal Sharma, an associate of Mr. Gupta's,

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who had a very, very high lavish lifestyle in Pretoria, had to spend a few nights in

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jail before he could get his bail.

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That must have been uncomfortable.

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So they've been prosecuted.

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Zwane stepped aside from his positions in ANC, where he was a senior person, he was a member

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of ANC, being a former cabinet minister and he's now out of the game, so to speak.

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Then the other big free state case is the asbestos case, which involves Esh Mahashuleh

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and 18 other accused.

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Now the aronical thing here is Mr. Mahashuleh and some of his accused wanted to take the

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prosecutor on appeal before the court started on certain technical points.

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They lost in a high court and they're now appealing for those technical points to the

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appeal court in Blumenbeet.

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The aronical outcome of that is, as long as the court case is not settled, that takes

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Mr. Mahashuleh out of any ANC elections, which will happen in December.

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Then there are three other cases which are interesting because they go back a long time

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and they're relatively small in state capture terms.

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Money is still at stake, but the amounts are fairly small.

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The one is the South African Express case, where people eight years ago in 2014 defrauded

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the North West government of a 158 million round.

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The NPA said they specifically took that case, or is bringing that case to court and arrested

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the people concerned because it has all the elements of a typical state capture case.

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Then another one, case number five.

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Sorry, but how did SA Express get involved in North West?

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Well it was about landing rights for SA Express from, I presume, where I'm able to be important

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of West, I presume, in my king.

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I don't know the details of the case.

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Then a case that goes back even further, 12 years to 2010, is the case of the Winnie

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Mardikis, the Zellam and the Elam Museum, which was built.

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A number of people, including two firms of architects, have been arrested and are accused

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by the NPA of defrauding the state.

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The amount of money is not a lot, again in the context of state capture, only 700,000,

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but the symbolic value of the Winnie Mardikis, Elam and Elam Museum speaks for itself.

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Then the last one, which is case number eight, is quite interesting.

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It's a former commissioner of police and three former generals in the police force in crime

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intelligence who have been accused with a number of private sector business people for

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procurement fraud.

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The amounts were 33 and 54 million.

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Aside from the criminal prosecution, what is really interesting is that the SIU, the

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official investigating unit, have confiscated the assets of these police generals.

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You will be interested to know that 19 immovable properties in Sant and Pretoria, Boxburg,

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Springs and Sesselberg were confiscated, as well as 115 vehicles.

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I can't imagine how one drives around in 115 vehicles.

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Clearly the high life of the previous police commissioners, as well as those private business

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people.

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Clearly their high life is now over.

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So that gives us six court cases of the nine that the director promised.

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At Transnet there were some fairly big developments.

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In total, 10 people that were previously headhunters like Brian Mulafi, who is the CEO and like

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Anoy Singh, who is the chief financial officer, have been arrested and the 10 of them are

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appearing caught on a number of corruption charges related to the purchase of locomotives

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from a Chinese company.

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We'll have to see how that case goes on the criminal side.

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On the civil side, we can take comfort from the fact that Transnet and the SIU again were

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successful in having a contract of 54 billion ram for those 1000 locomotives set aside.

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The four companies involved in the case, one was Canadian, one American and two Chinese

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companies refused to provide spare parts to the current Transnet locomotive fleet, as long

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as there was a dispute about the 54 billion ram.

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That dispute is now over because the contract was set aside and according to news reports,

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Transnet is close to finalizing a deal with those four original equipment manufacturers

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to supply spare parts.

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The lack of spare parts is one of the reasons why Transnet is performing so poorly.

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Hopefully, that will help to improve their performance.

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Then I can just say for the sake of Transnet pensioners that the two Transnet pension funds,

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the Transnet pension fund as well as the second defined benefit fund have both reclaimed more

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than a billion ram that were paid to them from Regiments Capital.

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The Regiments Capital you will know is a good associated company that creamed a lot of the

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state capture funds.

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Well it's actually not the only problem that is facing Regiments Capital, not so.

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Absolutely.

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Regiments Capital was put into liquidation.

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They're fighting to get it out, but as they were getting out of liquidation, SARS brought

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a 700 million ram claim against them and they're not out of it yet.

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What I find interesting about the SIU Transnet on the one hand and SARS on the other hand,

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the actions is that it indicates a degree of coordination between different state agencies.

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I suspect, but I don't know this, Rida, that the Fusion Center, which was created 18 months,

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two years ago, is playing a very big role in organizing this coordination.

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That is exactly why this called the Fusion Center.

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They bring together different law agencies, law enforcement agencies to pursue corrupt

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people.

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And there's also been action against another company, Bain.

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Yeah.

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Now Bain, way back in 2018, repaid the 164 million ram in fees that they got from SARS

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for the rubbish advice that they gave there.

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So that is done and dusted.

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But what has happened this September is that Bain was banned by the National Treasury from

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participating in any public sector contracts in South Africa for a decade.

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Now private companies, of course, can still use Bain if they want to, but they're excluded

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from all public sector work and that must be quite a blow.

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Then we turn to Escom and here you say no recent high profile arrests, but one arrest

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which did catch your eye.

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Absolutely.

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Two people that previously worked for the Swiss company ABP, Asiaban Bavieri, were arrested

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together with their wives, so it's four people and they appeared in court.

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Apparently what happened is there was a contract between ABP and Escom for 25 million and over

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time that contract was increased from 25 million to 520 million through what is called variation

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orders.

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Now variation orders is a fairly standard thing, but the idea is that it must be justified.

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And this was clearly not the case.

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ABP is cooperating with the South African authorities, but they've already repaid 1.6 billion grand

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to Escom and they've made provision in their latest set of accounts for another 6 billion

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grand as possible damages for costs related to corruption at the Kusilip Power Station.

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So we're talking really big money here.

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Now ABP is a very big international company, been around for a long time and even they

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were snared in this.

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And it's very gratifying that they're working with the South African government, but like

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Payne and like McKinsey and like other companies who had to repay money, well they also had

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to do that.

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Now the interesting thing about this case is although the two people that worked at ABP

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and their wives are not high-profile individuals, they are now in court, they have been charged

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and the rumors have it or reports have it rather that this contract could be linked to other

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senior people that used to work at Escom.

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And you can think of who the names are and hopefully we will see more arrests.

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So that was a race number 8, not high-profile, but certainly in the race that was being done.

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Escom is the big area of state capture.

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I mean the Hawks and the SIU just this week have or gave an overview to parliament of their

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work, the criminal work and the civil work on Escom corruption and it's a horrifying

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picture of networks and plain old-fashioned stealing and looting, bomb threatening people

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and so on.

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The Hawks are working on something like 55 cases, they already have some 18 cases in

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court.

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The SIU on the civil side succeeded in setting aside two contracts for coal supply to Escom

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worth 10.2 billion a round.

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These were long-term contracts and they were found to be invalid and set aside.

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The SIU is also claiming 3.8 billion round from former directors and managers that used

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to be with Escom as well as a number of private companies.

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So there's a lot going on at Escom, now they're by proper debt.

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It just sounds, it was corrupt at every level.

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It's not only the major big contracts.

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It's also at individual power stations.

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Oh no, absolutely, absolutely.

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And to Tuka power station for example is fingered very prominently but it's not the only one.

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Yeah, as you say, big fish and small fish.

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There's one guy who was an Escom employee.

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He then resigned, he became a supplier and Escom took action against him, fingered him

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and within a couple of hours after he was fingered he repaid Escom 1.2 million.

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Now it's not big money and if only all people were that cooperative but it proves your point

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that some people were small fry.

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So there's big fry, there's small fry and everybody is frying the consumer.

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But there is one arrest that you say is puzzlingly going nowhere.

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Yeah, that is in the first half of 2021, so it's about 15 months ago.

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Four people were arrested for 1.2 billion a round and each wrote a kusili.

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It included Mike Lomas who was a prominent South African businessman.

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He was arrested in the UK along with three people in South Africa.

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The four of them have been charged last year already and this case is constantly being

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postponed.

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It's not progressing.

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Now part of the postponement was because the defense lawyers, some of them are pulling

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all kinds of tricks but also because Lomas is still in the UK.

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He was released by the UK court on a £100,000 bail.

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It's quite a hefty bail and he's now claiming that he's in ill health and he cannot be extradited

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to South Africa.

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So there's a court case about that as well.

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But the case has again been put on the roll for three November, two weeks down or so and

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we will have to see whether it actually proceeds.

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But it's puzzling that an arrest that was made, as I've said, about a year and a half

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ago, 15 months ago, that that case is not proceeding.

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And then apart from these high profile cases, the NPA is just generally getting on with

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the job it sounds like.

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Absolutely.

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If you look at the annual report for the last year, which is the year to March 2022, and

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dealing specifically with corruption, they brought 388 cases to court and they won 344

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convictions.

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That's a 90% conviction rate, which is quite good.

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Interestingly enough, the number of government officials convicted of corruption increased

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from 86 to 119, 38% increase.

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But the conviction of people in the private sector for corruption increased by nearly

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40% from 147 to more than 205.

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Using all this to the value of 5.5 billion round were obtained by the NPA against many

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of these accused.

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Criminal conviction is one thing, getting the money back is a second objective.

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And it's also, I mean, I think they're doing quite well.

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And it's interesting to note that in June last year, just after the start of the financial

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year, more than 800 posts at the NPA were filled.

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Now that's a lot of people to a point in one go, and clearly the capacity will grow and

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the ability to prosecute cases will grow.

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So I think with these, the director promised, of which we have now seen eight of nine, well,

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I think things are moving also on the criminal case side in the right direction.

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And the special investigating unit, how's it going there?

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Very good.

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They've been on a roll now for about two years, most of the action against corruption

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came from them.

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I've written about this before and I've set up their role and their position.

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In essence, the SIU can only reclaim money via civil action.

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They cannot prosecute people.

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They must bring a civil claim and in that way recover money.

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And their work has been spread out quite a lot via a special tribunal which was created

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by President Homo Horsan 2019.

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Now the special tribunal are simply eight judges of the High Court, of the South African

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High Court in the various provinces.

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And when the SIU wants to bring a case before them, they act as the special tribunal presiding

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officer.

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So the big benefit of the special tribunal is you don't have to go the laborious route

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of going through the courts.

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As you know, our court system is very clogged and courts are just bureaucratic, slow and

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time consuming.

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This special investigating unit with its special tribunal is capable of hitting much quicker

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and much faster.

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Just to bring things together, Zverey McKeezy, the previous Minister of Health, was fingered

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in the SIU investigation in the digital vibes scandal, 159 million.

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There was no criminal charges there because of civil claim.

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Now Mr. McKeezy wants to object to that finding and he has brought the case to the High Court

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but there's been no finding in the High Court yet.

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But that's a side issue.

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The fact remains, the SIU is very active, they're very successful in reclaiming money

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and although they can't put people in orange overalls, they are reclaiming money, public

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money for the state.

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And then leaving the state and the state employees aside for a moment, Stinoff, the big news.

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Yes, I started writing about Stinoff simply because I think it is such a big story and

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what's going on there.

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And just as I finished it and as I send this note off, the news broke that the Reserve

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Bank got in order to attach 1.4 billion round in assets, that's apparently all the assets

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the Yoster family has for claims of more than 4 billion.

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So the Reserve Bank is claiming much more than what is available but it's quite a substantial

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amount.

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And this was granted by the High Court in the Cape in September.

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But that's on the civil side.

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It's quite interesting to look at what's happening on the criminal side.

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In June 2020, about two and a bit years ago, the Hawks asked the auditing firm PWC to do

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a forensic report on the Stinoff case.

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Apparently the report, according to the head of the Hawks, comprised 31 leverage files.

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Now they were prosecuted that must work through that.

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About a year later in July 2021, the Hawks reported to Parliament that they were in the

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process of collecting 14 witness statements from people in foreign countries, individuals

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living in Germany, France, Australia and the UK.

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And the Hawks started what is called mutual legal assistance processes to source 30 foreign

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bank accounts in foreign countries.

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And this evidence from the witnesses and the bank accounts and so on will be used to do

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a final forensic report.

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The PWC one was a preliminary report.

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In this July, three months ago, two, three months ago, the Minister of Justice reported

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in Parliament that the first leg of the Stinoff matter has been finalised.

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Now precisely what that means, I don't know.

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Presumably it means that the forensic report is completed and that they can now proceed

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to build a case on the basis of that.

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He also said that the South Africa is seeking mutual legal assistance.

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He didn't say with whom, but I presume it was the Germans, because that's where Stinoff

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was incorporated.

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Now it's worth remembering that the Stinoff officers in Germany were raided by the German

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authorities in December 2015, at the dates.

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Two years later, December 2017, the Stinoff bomb exploded.

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It took three and a half years from December 2017 when the bomb exploded for charges of

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balance sheet fraud to be brought against four people involved with Stinoff.

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Now the Germans in Germany, yes, the German authorities brought the charges in Germany.

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Now the Germans have a system in where a court conducts a pre-trial hearing to give an independent

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opinion on whether there's a good chance of getting a conviction or not.

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Normally in Germany too, that decision is taken by the prosecutor, but the Germans have

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got this extra layer of decision making if you want, where the independent court must

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also give an opinion on that.

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And the court ruled last year, now exactly a year ago, in October 2021, that the case

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must proceed against two of the four individuals, and those are two individuals living in Germany.

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The other two individuals are not identified, presumably Marcus Eustace is one, but that's

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just speculation, and they will appear in court later.

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Now at the time of writing this note, which is October 2022, note no further developments

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have taken place in Germany.

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So if you think about it, a raid in December 2015, the bomb explodes in 2017, charges

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brought in 2021, 2022 confirmation that four people must be charged, and then a year later

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October 2022, and nothing has yet happened in Germany.

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And I think that speaks to the fact that these cases are complicated, that legal processes

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take time, and you must either conclude that Marcus Eustace is not guilty, or you must

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conclude that the Germans are inefficient.

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And I think those two propositions are both a bit suspect.

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So legal processes take time, however impatient we may be for attribution.

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So with all of that said, so what?

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I think the big so what is, it's clear from the amount of detail that's in the note, that

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we've seen a step change in South Africa in both criminal and civil prosecution of state

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people, state capture, mass crimes.

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The public, the director of public prosecution promised nine cases, we got eight, and clearly

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a lot more is brewing and bubbling under the surface.

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Secondly, I think it's important to point out that people that were formerly untouchable,

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a cabinet minister, secretary general of the running of the ruling party, a commissioner

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of police, senior generals in crime intelligence, high flying CEOs like Brian Mulafay, these

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previously untouchable people are now in court as common accused.

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And it's not something that I think one should just tread lightly over.

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It is a very good thing that companies are being prosecuted as well, and that companies

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are also paying the price, some by being charged, others by having to repay money, some

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by being banned from public contracts.

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It's a refreshing development because corruption always involves two parties, not just one

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party.

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Of course, this does not mean that all the cases will be settled satisfactorily, that

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people will be found guilty.

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But if you can have a 70, 80% conviction rate, I think that would be very gratifying for

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the South African public.

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And then lastly, we mustn't forget, and Mr. Zuma is a prime example of that, that when

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you start in defending yourself in legal cases, it drains you.

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It takes money, it takes energy, it takes focus away, and the more you appear in court

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and have to go there and so on, the more your status diminishes.

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And as I've said, I think Mr. Zuma is a prime example.

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So the fact that people that actually is being taken against people mean that they are beginning

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to pay a price for what they did.

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Isn't there also a kind of sea change in the way corruption is viewed?

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That previously people may have thought, well, you just have to get a contract on the side

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and nothing will happen, you can just do it.

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But all of this now means that's not the way South Africa is going to work.

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I think that's a fair comment.

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Africa will still work like that for a long time to come, it's a different value system

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that must take hold.

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But the fact is these prosecutions help to conceive and give birth and grow that alternative

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value system.

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Yes, I think that's a fair comment.

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Yeah, how do you fight corruption?

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Well, by fighting it.

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There's no other way.

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Thank you for listening to the So What podcast.

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