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Hello and welcome to the So What podcast, in which political economic analyst JP Landman

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discusses the issues uppermost in the minds of South Africans. You can find a written

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version of this content on JP's website, jplandman.co.za. I am Ruda Landman and I am your host.

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These first few recordings were done at our dining room table, but we will soon be moving

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into a studio.

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Hello and welcome once again to a recording to accompany JP's newsletter. This one dated

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the 26th of April 2022 under the title Connecting the Dots. It is going to be slightly longer

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than usual because the newsletter is slightly longer than usual. Maybe you want to listen

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to it in a few sessions, maybe you want to pour yourself a glass of wine and settle in.

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Why use the metaphor of dots and connecting the dots?

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It was Steve Jobs who said you can only connect the dots backwards, you cannot connect it

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forward. I think that is absolutely applicable to where we are in South Africa in terms of

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political analysis. There are a lot of forecasts going around, a lot of predictions going around,

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a lot of comment going around. What I do in this newsletter is simply to focus on things

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that actually have happened. The dots are already on the page. We don't want to speculate

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about what the page will look like. The dots are on the page. So it's a backward looking

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methodology if you want. We connect the dots and then we see what the dots tell us. That's

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basically what I do in this newsletter.

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The first group of dots, if I can put it that way, concern macroeconomic policy, macroeconomic

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framework. What exactly does that mean?

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Macroeconomic policy refers to two things. First of all, monetary policy or interest

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rates, independent reserve bank, inflation, fighting inflation and so on. That's all monetary

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policy. Fiscal policy is the second leg, second part of macro policy and that refers to government

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finances. Now, in the most up-to-date growth theory that we have in the world, that is

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one of the five critical elements of an economy that would like to grow. That is you've got

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to have stable macroeconomic policy. In other words, stable monetary policy and stable fiscal

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policy. Now, I think what has been done in South Africa in the last couple of years,

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if we connect the dots, are quite remarkable. If I can go to monetary policy first, let's

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go back to the ANC's conference in December 2017 at NASFEC. There was a resolution adopted

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that the South African Reserve Bank must be nationalized and it must become part of the

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public sector or it must be in government ownership. Also at that conference, there

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were all kinds of noises made about changing the inflation targeting regime in South Africa.

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Eighteen months after the conference in June 2019, Ismail Shula, who was then still Secretary

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General of the ANC, pushed the envelope a bit further. He issued a press statement to

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say that the government should pursue quantity easing. He didn't get a quantitative, but

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he got to quantity easing and he said that should be government policy. Also in that

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time, ex-President Zuma issued a tweet in which he said that quantity easing is indeed

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government policy and if a government doesn't implement that, the government can be recalled.

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He clearly made a threat there. He would recall that at the same time, the public protector

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in her infinite wisdom issued a report in which he said the inflation targeting regime

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in the country must be recalled and the mandate of the Reserve Bank must be changed. There

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was a huge amount of political pressure on the bank. If you connect those dots in 2017,

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2018, 2019, you can see to what extent there was a total onslaught on the South African

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Reserve Bank and by implication on independent monetary policy. In June 2019, on precisely

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Tuesday, the 4th of June 2019, Ismail Shula issued that statement of his, which prompted

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Mr. Zuma's tweet and so on. 48 hours later, on Thursday, the 6th of June, the top six

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of the ANC issued a statement from the Tully House to say, this is not the policy of the

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ANC. The position of the bank remains unchanged. The authority of the Minister of Finance to

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decide on the inflation target was reconfirmed and that was put out as official government

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policy. Ismail Shula then find himself in a terrible position that 48 hours after he

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issued a statement, he now had to issue another statement on behalf of the organization and

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he is one of the top six have to sign it, committing the ANC to the opposite of what

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he propagated. There was a clear, clear, clear victory for Mr. Ramaphosa for sound monetary

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policy and I think we can put June 2019 down as the month on which the tide was turned

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on the Reserve Bank. Not the only important developments, there were also court cases,

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but that's a different set of dots and that has to do with a legal fight. I'm focusing

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here on the political dots. Also in that statement of the 6th of June 2019, the top six said,

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look, it is the policy of the ANC that the bank should be in public ownership, but we

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realize that there's a cost involved in it, in other words, you would have to pay shareholders

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out. In our current fiscal situation, we do not have the money for that and it's not prudent

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to pursue that option. So that put the whole Reserve Bank thing to bed, so to speak. Now

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note the dates here. We're talking June 2019, but it was long before a thing called COVID.

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It was long before that disaster hit us. It was quite clear which way the political wing

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was blowing. So if you look back since that time, since June 2019, it's now almost three

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years later, the status of the bank has grown further. Its independence is more assured.

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We've really deflected or defeated that attack that we saw on the sub-African Reserve Bank.

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So that's what the dots and monetary policy tell me. If you look at fiscal policy, it's

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much the same story. And there the turning point for me was in February 2019, more than

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three years ago, when the president in the state of the nation speech that February said

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very, very clearly, quote, we will not spend our way out of our economic troubles, unquote.

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Again, that was before COVID. So that was not on the table at all, where he said, we

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cannot carry on in the way that we've been going. We've got to curb our spending. And

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that has been stuck to. Now in 2020, of course, we got COVID and government expenditure, including

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at least considerably. But here is the benchmark. The economy shrank by about six and a half

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percent. We now know looking back. At the time, government stimulation measures to try

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and keep the economy going came to about 5.5 percent. And that is within the rule of thumb.

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The rule of thumb is if the economy contracts by five or 10 percent, then you must stimulate

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by five or 10 percent. And that's precisely what we've done. In fact, the one criticism

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many people make against the government on this particular dot is that we should have

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spent a bit more. Five point five percent was not enough. We should have spent six or

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seven percent. Whatever that is, that is what the dot tells us. In 2019 also, when the president

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made that speech, it was three months before the election. And the chatteling classes were

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going ballistic about how we're going to see a splurge of spending. Looking back, what

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does the dot tell us? The dot tells us that in that election here, spending was only 0.3

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percent more than the ceiling which was set by Treasury. I really don't think that's

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a catastrophe. In fact, I think it's quite an achievement. So if you look back at the

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COVID, you look back at the Natal unrest that we had in 2021, you look back at the load

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shedding that we had on top of COVID, then I think the fact that government succeeded

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in staying the course of expenditure is no mean achievement. Now, how did that come about?

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People immediately want to say, oh, it's because there was a commodity boom and we got extra

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money from there and that helped us. That's quite right. There was a commodity boom, but

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before the commodity boom, in other words, in the first half of 2021, two other things

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happened. First, government took a very firm stance on civil service increases and broke

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their negotiated agreement with the unions on three years of guaranteed increases. Now,

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the political significance of this mustn't escape one. Ramaphosa was brought into power

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with the support of Kusato, also others, but definitely Kusato. Now he goes and he breaks

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an agreement which was negotiated with them. His government breaks it and he says, we can't

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give that to you. That is not a sign of political weakness. That is not a sign of not looking

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after your fiscal expenditure. So that year, the increases were null. In the following

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year, the increases were kept to a minimum and we will see what happens in 2022. But

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certainly the tough decisions to tackle civil service increases have been made and the consequences

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are working through. How do we know that? Because in April, Moody's changed their outlook

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for South Africa from negative to stable. So clearly they can see that the dots are lining

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up behind prudent fiscal policy. Then we had the lucky break of extra money from the commodity

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boom and again, government didn't squander it. It was used to reduce the deficit and

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of course, part of it was used to subsidize people after the Natal unrest. So I'm very

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happy if we look back, that fiscal and monetary policy that we're meeting the requirements

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of what has to be done in that area. And that's what I think what the dots tell us.

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Something that your newsletter also points out and that I think we must actually remember

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is how close we came to a very rough edge with the attacks on treasury.

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A very important point and one which was confirmed this last week by the release of the fourth

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part of the Zondo Commission's report where Mr. Zondo detailed the attacks on treasury.

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If you remember that weekend special, Des Van Rohean as Minister of Finance, if you

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remember that about 15 months later, a year later, both the Minister of Finance, Gordon

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and the Deputy Minister, Deputy Minister Jonas were both just summarily dismissed. Zuma was

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really going for the treasury. In the end, he failed. He may have come with any whisker,

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but the fact is he failed. And that's the important point to bring across. And I think

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what we are now as the statue of the Reserve Bank has risen and become really unassailable,

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I think inside government, the statue of treasury has likewise risen. And we can talk about

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that under structural reform to indicate to what extent that has happened. So I'm really

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very happy with what I said that I think if you look back and you connect the dots on

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fiscal and monetary policy, we've done well.

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Your next heading is structural reform. And that's the next group of dots, if we can put

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it that way. Yes. But structural reform seems to me can mean almost anything to anyone.

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What do you mean? What do you think the government means when they talk about structural reform?

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Yeah, it's a very good point. Structural reform means different things to different people.

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On the left of our politics, it means take away the independence of the Reserve Bank,

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push up the budget deficit, print money to cover it and so on. On the right hand side

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of our political spectrum, it deals with deregulate labor markets, ban unions, there mustn't be

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minimum wages and all that kind of nonsense. What does government mean? Government has

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put down a very simple eight points or eight bullets, eight point framework. The first

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one, which is monetary and fiscal policy, which we've already discussed. And the other

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remaining six, there are eight in total fiscal monetary policy. The remaining six basically

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deal with introducing the private sector into what is called the network industries. And

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the network industries is telecommunications, internet, that whole area, spectrum. It's transport,

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railways and harbors. And it is infrastructure. There is an eighth element which we can talk

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about and that is what you can call social employment. So those are the eight things

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that government understands under their policy. That's how I read their policy. And we can

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take them one by one. The most important one, because it's happened already, is spectrum

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release. As you know, spectrum release was delayed for 10 years. For the first eight

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of the 10 years, because of political ineptitude and fighting between the minister and the

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regulator and so on, a U-turns that was made by the Zuma government, that was eventually

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sorted out after the mapporza came into power. The last two years, it was delayed by private

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sector opposition to the proposals for spectrum release. That has now also been overcome.

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The auction has taken place and 14.4 billion rand came into the treasury in payment for

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that. So that's, I think, a huge dot. Just by the way, Rudha, we must just note that

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when it comes to telecommunications and internet connection and so on, it's not just the government.

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It's also players outside government who've put down important dots. Think of the Facebook

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consortium that's building a cable linking the whole African continent with the world.

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And there's the Google cable, which is also supposed to be finished at the end of this

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year, which will increase by 10 times all the current capacity linking South Africa

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to the international internet world. Nothing to do with government, but also happening.

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So I think that the new spectrum release and so on, you look at quite big changes. Inside

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South Africa, MTN, Vodacom, and Remgrove subsidiary are working very hard to extend cheaper fiber

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connection into townships and rural areas at lower prices. All that will help to put

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South Africa on the front foot in terms of telecommunication.

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The second area is transport, and they're basically railways and harbors. Now, again,

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just look back and get the long term perspective. Portia Darby, the MD of Transnet, tells us

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his own words from mine that two years ago, two years ago, the model was a state run monopoly,

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a state owned monopoly in railways and harbors. Now the policy is to allow the private sector

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in. It's a big change. The fact that it was brought about by circumstances, brought about

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by pressure, well, that is how life works. And there's two ways that you can deal with

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pressure. You can ignore it and try to stumble through, or you can change direction. Clearly,

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there's a big change in direction. Again, one must have a feeling here for the practical

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difficulties. Before you can allow the private sector into ports or railways, two things

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had to happen. You had to separate the operations of Transnet and Portnet from the regulatory

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function. They were basically judge and prosecutor, if I can use that analogy, and you had to

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split those ropes. Secondly, you had to split infrastructure from operations so that you

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can get a true measurement of what cost is. Then you know what to charge people who come

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and use the infrastructure. Those two things took about 18 months, two years. They've now

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basically been completed. And what has happened in the last couple of months is a request

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for proposals was put out for a big new pier in the Durban Harbour. A request was put out

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for Kucha. And over the Easter weekend, just before the Easter weekend, a request was put

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out for a liquid gas terminal in Richards Bay. So you can clearly see which way Transnet

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is moving or Portnet is moving. As far as railway lines go, at the beginning of April,

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that freight rail opened up slots in the Gauteng Durban corridor for private operators to use.

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Now here, I just want to make a point. There's a huge amount of public discourse going on

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about the fact that Transnet and private operators are very far apart under conditions and so

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on. Let's just stand back a little bit here. South Africa has got a long history. It's

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a 100 year old history, more than 100 years of state monopolies in the network industries.

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It goes back to the days of South African railways and harbours. It goes back to the

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days of the South African post office long before Telcom. So we have a centuries old

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approach to these matters. Now you change it over from a state monopoly to private sector

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players participating. You've got to make new rules. You've got to develop new practices.

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What are those rules? Who must carry the risk? Who must pay for maintenance? Who carries

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the depreciation charge? What return will be a feasible return? Over what period? Two

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years, 20 years, 200 years? You've got to work these things out. They don't descend

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to you from heaven. We've worked them out in the case of toll roads. And how did some

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rail work at else? Well, Nazir Ali at the time brought everybody into the same room.

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The lawyers, the engineers, the builders, the government regulators, the bankers who

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must finance everything. And between them, they sorted out the toll road model, which

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is working fairly well for South Africa. Now you'll have to go through a similar process

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now with railway lines. You'll have to go through a similar process with ports. And

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that's part of developing, moving over from a state run monopoly to one in which the private

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sector participates. And I think this hysteria that we get from the chattering classes every

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time there's a kind of a disagreement is also really an area that asks for us to grow up.

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I think you need a little bit of empathy with people's frustration because things are announced

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and then it takes two years before anything happens. So it is human to get frustrated.

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It may be human, but you should also know why it is taking two years. If you have to

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separate the regulator from the operator and you have to separate infrastructure out that

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kind of thing, you know, we also need empathy for that. The reality is that it takes time

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to develop new practices. And that's where we are. We don't live in a Mary Poppins world.

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No, we don't. The next thing on your list of patterns of dots is energy reform. You

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have spoken about this quite often and there is a lot of information, a lot of there are

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a lot of numbers in this section. So I'm going to ask you to try and just very broad strokes

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and then we refer the listeners to a graph which is on the website.

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Yeah, absolutely. Look, in the last two years, I counted, I've written about energy seven

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times explaining what I think is going to happen and what indeed is now happening. Everything

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that we said will occur is proceeding. So it's quite gratifying from that point of view.

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I don't want to repeat any of that today. So all I do in my note is to focus on the

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recent load shedding. And here is the focus. We have load shedding in South Africa because

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we produce between 4000 and 6000 megawatts too little power. That's why we have load

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shedding. If we can wave a Harry Potter wand and tomorrow morning have 6000 megawatts of

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extra power, there'll be no load shedding. So it is now very simple. Just look at what

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is being done. Just connect the dots on what is being done to produce that 6000 megawatts.

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And as you say, there's a lovely graph which you have developed, which is in the text.

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And it basically tells us that that 6000 deficit that we've got is at the moment being covered

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by 11 and a half thousand megawatts of new capacity that's being installed. There is

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the last open window fall, which is being connected to the grid this year, 500 megawatts.

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There is the emergency power procurement, which is dominated by car power ship. Forget

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about car power ship. It doesn't look as if that deal will happen, but that was only 1200

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of 2000 megawatts. There's 800 megawatts left over. So you can add that in. Then there is

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the announcement of October 2020 that municipalities can generate their own power. So far only

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two municipalities have made use of it. Johannesburg was the first. Cape Town has done it recently.

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That adds up to about 300 or 500 megawatts. More municipalities will follow, I'm quite

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sure. But again, it takes time to work through these processes. You know, you don't wave

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your hand and then you have a municipality procuring power.

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The big, big game changer was in June 2021, when the president announced that you no longer

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need a license if you generate power up to 100 megawatts. The ceiling used to be one

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megawatt. Now from one to 100 is an enormous jump. And not only that, the president also

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announced in that announcement that you can generate the power below 100 for yourself

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or anybody else and you can sell it to anybody. This is a huge, huge change that took place.

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Something that we did predict in the seven times that I read about energy, but it has

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now happened. Now you can look at the graph in the piece. I'm not going to repeat it all,

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but all these changes that has already been announced, the decisions have been taken.

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We're busy with implementation. We'll add up to about 11 and a half thousand megawatts

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versus a four to six thousand deficit. Now just be careful. One megawatt of renewable

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power is not the same as one megawatt of base power. But again, be careful. Two things are

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shifting that. That is if your deficit is six and you get 11 and a half, you're covered

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to a large extent. And technology is also changing it. New storage technologies are

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coming in, which is making it possible for renewable operators to provide power 24 hours

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a day, even if they make use of renewable power. Near Postmasberg in the Northern Cape,

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there's a plant that is now run for, I think, 12 months. A solar plant run for 12 months,

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providing power 24 hours a day because of storage technologies that they've got. But

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I think you must make the point that this will be connected by 2025. It has been procured,

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but it is still being installed, as you say. Absolutely. Because it takes time to build

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a plant, then you've got to connect it to the grid. Then you've got problems in the

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grid. You've got to sort that out. In general, you can talk about 24 months, but in some

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cases even a bit longer from the date that you start until you actually connect to the

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grid. So this 11 and a half thousand on my cigarette box analysis will be connected to

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the grid by 2025. Now that's still three years out. So that to me implies, unless something

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else changes, that we will have load shedding for another three years. But it also makes

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it very clear that load shedding will not be a permanent feature of our landscape. I

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think one should say that as well. I don't think we're looking at a situation like Nigeria,

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for example, where they've now had load shedding for many, many years and people have just

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given up on the national system. Here the national system is changing quite dramatically.

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And it's changing from one which is dominated by a state utility, a state monopoly to one

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in which the private sector will operate. And by the way, talking about that, all the

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money needed for this 11 and a half thousand megawatts will come from private sector players.

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So you're talking massive investments that will take place in the economy already has

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taken place and will carry on taking place, pushing our investment numbers probably higher

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than what they were before COVID struck us.

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The next group of dots concern infrastructure. You've always been quite cautious about infrastructure

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because you said so many people had to agree on so many things. Is that shifting?

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Yeah, I think it is shifting. It's precisely right. Doing infrastructure where you mix

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public and private money and you've got private operators coming in, the kind of thing that

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we saw with toll roads, is quite a difficult thing to do. You need contracts, you need

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banking agreements, you need financial arrangements. Now in the case of roads, we've worked it

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out in other areas we haven't worked it out. And some areas don't lend themselves to it.

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I don't think you can use, for example, private finance to do a school in a poor area. It

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just doesn't lend itself to it. But a couple of things have happened. The first is when

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the president became president, he pushed the idea of the infrastructure fund. It took

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three years to get that going. He started with it in 2018. By 2021, the thing was established

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and operational. In this year's budget, Treshtree has allocated quite a few billion rand to

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it. I think the total for the period for the three years that the budget rolls is 13 billion

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or more. And they've committed themselves to a hundred, Treshtree has committed itself

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to a hundred billion over 10 years. And the idea is that you mix in the infrastructure

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fund, money from Treshtree, from the taxpayer and from the private sector. Now what has

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changed now is that the first seven projects have been approved by the infrastructure fund.

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The total investment will be about 21 billion, of which only 2.6 billion, a little bit more

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than 10% is coming from the infrastructure fund or from the taxpayer. The rest is coming

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from private players and development institutions. Now that tells you something about the ability

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of the infrastructure fund to leverage. If you can do 21 billion with 2.6 billion, then

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you're clearly in a new game. That's the same story. You allowed the private sector to come

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in to help to finance infrastructure. So I think that that was quite an important shift

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that took place. The second shift that took place is that the budget for the year that

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just ended is 22% higher in terms of government infrastructure spending than what it was in

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the previous year. And in fact, we are now at the level where the rands being allocated

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are more than what it was before COVID. So there's clearly a comeback in terms of infrastructure

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spending. But I think the most important dot in this area of infrastructure, Rudha, is

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the dot where government last year said very clearly and unambiguously, the state cannot

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do infrastructure. They have to involve the private sector. They have to develop skills

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and capacity. Now that recognition is a little bit like when you're an alcoholic. The road

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to recovery begins with admitting that you're an alcoholic. And what is happening at the

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moment is you're both at the infrastructure fund and at the unit called Infrastructure

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SA, which is in particular the Laws Department, precisely through its technical advice team,

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is busy developing the capacity and skills of people to build project pipelines. And

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that's why I think the dial is beginning to move here. We are not nearly as far advanced

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as we are in energy, but I think the movement is clear.

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So let's do a so what in the middle. What does all this mean? Why is it so important?

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Why do you write about it in such detail? Well, common sense tells you that if you allow

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the private sector into previous state monopoly areas, you would expect in theory an increase

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in investment and you would expect in theory an increase in productivity. And that is exactly

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what Treasury modeling has indicated. Treasury modeling indicates that these changes that

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we've been talking about can add as much as 1.7% to annual GDP growth. Now our growth

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rate up till now has been around about 1.5%. So if you can add 1.7, you basically double

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growth rate. You take your growth rate from 1.5 to 3.2. 3.2% growth is double the population

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growth rate of 1.6%. So you're now getting back on track. You're now getting back to

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where we were in the first 10, 15 years after democracy, where the economy grew much faster

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than the population. And that generates extra resources that can be used to develop. Basically,

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I think we are busy going back to where we sort of ended, if I may use that word, in

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2008. South Africa had a lovely run, also economically and politically, until about

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2008, 2010. Then the Zuma era kicked in with full force and we all know what happened there.

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Now, I think we, with a growth rate of 3%, 3.25%, double your population growth rate.

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We're going back to where we were before the Zuma era struck us.

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One thing that comes to mind for me, it sounds as if the famous or infamous trust deficit

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between the government and business or the private sector is being closed.

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I wouldn't say that at this stage. Let's give it a little bit more time. The private

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sector, in my view, doesn't appreciate the fact that they've got, really for the first

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time since Mandela, they've got a business friendly president. I don't think that penny

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has dropped yet. If you look at some of the things that are being said by business leaders

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and so on, they're not there yet. The government, on the other hand, doesn't have a full understanding

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yet of what it means to have the private sector participating. What conditions, what payback

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periods, what return on capital, what carrying of risk is digestible and whatnot.

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You've got problems on both sides. Business people don't appreciate what they've got

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in a business friendly president and the administration doesn't yet quite appreciate what it takes

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to run a business. I think we'll have to slog a bit more to overcome that trust deficit.

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The last thing that worries the whole of South Africa, of course, is the unemployment. Is

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the government doing anything which will shift that?

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As I said earlier, one of the eight pillars, seven of them deal with the economy. The eighth

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pillar deals with what I call social employment. This is essentially employing people in all

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kinds of what you can call artificial ways. Not because that's a permanent solution, it's

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not, but because it brings temporary relief. Here, the most important one is public employment.

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In October 2020, when COVID was really at its most merciless, the government announced

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that 800,000 people will be employed in a public employment program. Now, these are

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not civil servants. Let's just be clear about that. When you say public employment people

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immediately jump to civil service positions, that's not what it is. It's positions which

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gets a stipend of about three to three and a half thousand grand a month. It's not a

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civil service job. It's usually temporary. Now, at the moment, there are 850,000 people

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in this program, more than the 800,000 target. There's money in the budget for the next three

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years to take that up to a million people. Now, if you have a million people in public

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employment, then have you shifted the numbers on the 12 million unemployed in the country?

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No, not really, but you are putting a lot of money through 3,500 grand a month. You're

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putting a lot of money into the poorest people of South Africa in an effort to help. Then

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there are a couple of other initiatives that was also launched under this program. The

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one is the SA Youth Mobi platform, which has got 2.3 million young South Africans registered

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on that platform and 600,000 of them, 25%, have been placed in jobs. Then the National

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Youth Service, which has been around for a long time, but has completely collapsed, has

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been revitalized and they will probably employ 50,000 people this year. That is what has

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been budgeted for and what is planned. Now, again, will 50,000 people change the 12 million

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unemployed? No, it won't, but it will help 50,000 households. It will help 50,000 people

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to start getting into the labor market. There are four or five of these initiatives, what

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I call artificial initiatives, but they help to get people into the labor market. That's

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the important point. In the end, there's no substitute. If you want to employ more people,

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if you want to bring that down, that 12 million unemployed, you need more economy. You're

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not going to employ 10 million more people in the same size economy. You need a bigger

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economy to employ more people. That is where the structural reform measures come in. Until

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such time as the structural reform measures have kicked in and start having an effect,

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you need these kinds of short-term relief measures to combat poverty and keep stability

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in the country. If you step back and you look at the big picture, what are the main things

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that these dots tell you? I think the main thing that it tells me is a point that I've

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already made, and that is that I think we're going back to where we were in 2008, 2009,

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at the end of the Mbeki period, when we had a long run, a successful run in our economy,

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where the economy grew faster than the population, where we increased incomes. Because we increased

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incomes more, money was available to be spent. I think we're going back there. We're leaving

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behind us the stagnation that we've had over the last couple of years. That's the first

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point. The second point is, it was Bill Emmett, who was the editor of The Economist. He's

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now retired in Italy, I believe, who said that the journalist, like the instant analyst,

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is constantly at the risk of over-interpreting the short term and under-rating the longer

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term. I think there's a lot of that in South Africa. We are so carried away by the news

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headlines of the morning, never mind what will come this evening, that we run the risk

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of instant analysis and coming to the wrong conclusions. That's when I think a longer

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term view, which you can get by connecting the dots, is such an important input. I think

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the other thing that I want to say is, it was at the second investment conference in

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2019, I think, where I was in the audience and I listened to the president, and he made

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a comment which, for me, summarized what he was busy with. It was the beginning of his

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tenure before COVID, but you can see that that's how he governs. He said, there's an

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old saying that a man who moves a mountain begins by carrying away the small stones.

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A man who moves the mountain begins by carrying away the small stones. I think that's what

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the Ramaphosa administration has been doing. They've been carrying away the small stones,

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which became bigger and bigger and bigger. You see it beautifully illustrated in energy.

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You're beginning to see it in transport, in ports and railways. You've seen it in

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spectrum. I have no question that the stones will get bigger through a process of structural

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reform, and eventually we will move the mountain.

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Thank you for listening to the So What Podcast. If you enjoy this content, please don't forget

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all JP's content at jplandman.co.za.

