WEBVTT

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Welcome back, listeners to Diplomacy and Discourse

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Podcast. I'm your host, AR, and I'm delighted

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to have you here for part two of our discussion

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on global dynamics and the evolving geopolitical

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landscape. If you missed part one, we explored

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Samuel Huntington's Clash of Civilizations and

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the tug of war between culture and power. Today,

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we pivot to the present and the near future.

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Regional unions, China's Belt and Road Initiative,

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Central Asia's strategic crossroads, Africa's

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growing leverage, and China's expanding footprint

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in Latin America. Before we get started, don't

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forget to like, subscribe, and follow the show.

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Your support helps us reach more curious minds.

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Send your thoughts and questions to diplomacyanddiscourseatgmail

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.com. Now, let's unravel the complex layers of

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Part 2. A quick reminder once again, I'm not

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going to state whether I agree or disagree with

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Huntington's thesis, but understanding its implications

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can help us frame how narratives about culture

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intersect with power politics and economics.

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The idea of Eurasia has gained traction as China

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and Russia deepen coordination across the world's

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largest landmass, with Central Asia at the heart

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of this vision. Geography makes the region a

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bridge between Europe and Asia and the Middle

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East, a stride historic and modern trade corridors.

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Its resources are formidable. Oil, gas, uranium,

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and critical minerals concentrated in states

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like Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.

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Security concerns also run through the region.

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given proximity to Afghanistan and China's Xinjiang,

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which makes stability a priority for Beijing,

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Moscow, and Western capitals alike. For Russia,

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Central Asia remains a traditional sphere of

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influence. For China, it is the linchpin of westward

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connectivity. China's Belt and Road Initiative,

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launched in 2013, is the connective tissue of

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this strategy. In Central Asia, its imprint spans

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pipelines, railways, roads, and power lines,

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from the China -Kazakhstan oil pipeline to the

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advancing China -Kyrgyzstan -Uzbekistan railway.

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Beyond steel and concrete, Beijing has expanded

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trade, invested in mining, agriculture, and manufacturing,

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and layered on cultural diplomacy through scholarships.

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exchanges, and educational initiatives. After

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the disruptions caused by the pandemic, as well

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as some debt distress and project delays across

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parts of Africa and Asia, Beijing has been recalibrating

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toward a BRI 2 .0, which involves fewer megaprojects

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and more targeted, lower -risk investments in

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greener infrastructure, digital corridors, and

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supply chain security. Rather than a single EU

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-style Eurasian Union, what is emerging is a

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looser web of overlapping frameworks. Russia's

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Eurasian Economic Union, the EAEU, China's BRI

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Belt and Road Initiative Corridors, and the Shanghai

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Cooperation Organization, a deeper trade and

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energy interdependence. For the United States

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and the European Union, that web functions as

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a counterweight to Western standards and finance,

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especially as BRICS expands and conversations

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about de -dollarization gain visibility. For

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the Middle Eastern states, it offers options,

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Chinese capital and technology, Russian energy

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and security links, without abandoning ties to

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Washington and Europe. While some rhetoric tilt

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towards civilizational identity, The drivers

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here are largely geopolitical and economic, like

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logistics, energy, security, and markets. Africa

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is central to the next phase of global competition.

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The continent's role in energy transition is

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unmatched, with cobalt, lithium, manganese, and

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rare earths are crucial for electric vehicles

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and renewable grids. A fast -growing workforce

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and rapid urbanization are reshaping markets

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and governance, while new corridors like ports,

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rail, and fiber, including Chinese -built digital

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infrastructure, are rerouting trade and data

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flows. This has prompted competing offers. Western

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initiatives like the Partnership for Global Infrastructure

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and Investment, China's recalibrated VRI, and

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growing Gulf foreign wealth. In practice, African

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governments are hedging, blending partnerships

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to maximize leverage. Meanwhile, China's presence

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in Latin America has deepened. Beijing is now

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a top trading partner for Brazil, Chile, and

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Peru, with expanding ties to Argentina and Uruguay.

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In Paraguay, recognition of Taiwan intersects

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directly with access to Chinese markets for soy

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and beef. Investments in ports, power, transmission,

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rail upgrades, and renewables have been accompanied

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by technology exports, from telecom gear to cloud

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services, which fuel U .S. concerns about security

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and dependence. Financial tools like currency

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swap lines and increased RMB settlements provide

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an alternative to dollar exposure for some partners.

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Results are mixed. Certain projects face delays,

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renegotiation, or political pushback. Yet, the

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overall direction is clear. Latin American governments

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are increasingly hedging, embracing Chinese capital,

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while sustaining US and EU ties. So, to keep

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us honest here, it helps to step outside Huntington's

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frame. Realists like John Mearsheimer would argue

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that what we are seeing isn't a civilizational

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confrontation at all. but a classic struggle

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for influence shaped by geography and power.

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The BRI, the EAEU, the SCO, these are instruments

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of state strategy. Joseph Nye, by contrast, reminds

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us that influence also flows through interdependence

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and soft power, universities, cultural exports,

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standards, and technology. Even rivals remain

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connected. and development critics point to debt

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risks, transparency gaps, and environmental impacts

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that are forcing Beijing and host countries to

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tighten governance and rethink project pipelines.

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From here, we can move in a few critical directions.

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We could follow the Eurasian story to the maritime

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choke points that now shape global commerce,

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like the Red Sea, the Suez, and the Indian Ocean.

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In a moment of attacks and rerouted shipping,

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we could trace BRI's logic into the technology

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arena, where the chip war, rare earths, and AI

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standards define the next layer of power. Or

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we could jump to financial architecture, where

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BRICS expansion and alternative payment systems

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test the edges of dollar dominance. Wherever

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we go, The through line is the same. The balance

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between culture and power is being renegotiated

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through infrastructure, technology, and economics,

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not just rhetoric. China's influence in South

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America has grown rapidly on the back of economic

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engagements. Beijing is now a major trading partner

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for several South American economies, like importing

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soybeans, oil, copper, and lithium, while exporting

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manufactured goods. Chinese state banks and companies

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have financed and built infrastructure, invested

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in energy and agriculture, and extended credit

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in ways that have stimulated growth and diversified

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funding options for governments long reliant

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on Western lenders. Diplomatically, China has

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layered high -level visits, bilateral agreements,

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and cooperation mechanisms on top of this commerce.

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Platforms like CELAC and the China CELAC Forum

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give Beijing a regional stage for dialogue and

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deal -making that complements country -by -country

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outreach. That said, the China playbook faces

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pushback and limits. Economists warn that heavy

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exposure to Chinese commodity demand can create

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dependency and vulnerability to price wings.

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Environmental and social concerns around mining,

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dams, and transport corridors have triggered

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protests and regulatory scrutiny. Politically,

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Washington views part of this expansion through

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a strategic lens, especially when it touches

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5G networks, ports, critical minerals, or defense

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-adjacent infrastructure, reviving a quiet competition

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reminiscent of earlier eras. South America's

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longstanding ties to the United States and the

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EU, along with domestic debates over transparency

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and debt sustainability, complicate Beijing's

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path. The results is not a clean swing into China's

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orbit, but a hedging posture. Many governments

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seek Chinese capital and markets while maintaining

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Western relationships. Zooming out. The question

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of whether China is overtaking the United States

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depends on which dimensions of power you watch.

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Economically, China is the world's second largest

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economy and has expanded trade and investment

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across Asia, Africa, and the Americas with the

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Belt and Road Initiative connecting infrastructure

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and supply chains at scale. Yet, the U .S. still

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anchors the global financial system sets key

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standards through its multinationals and markets,

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and retains deep trade relationships across continents.

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Militarily, the United States remains unmatched

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in global reach, alliances, and force projection.

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China's modernization and expanding presence,

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especially in the South China Sea and the Indian

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Ocean, are significant, but its ability to operate

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globally at U .S. scale is still developing.

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In soft power, American advantages endure, like

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universities, entertainment, open research ecosystems,

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and the dominance of English continues to attract

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talent and shape culture. China invests in cultural

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diplomacy, like Confucius Institutes, media,

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and scholarships. But whether that closes the

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gap is uncertain. The bottom line is that influence

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is multifaceted. Economic, military, technological,

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financial, and cultural, and the US and China

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are competing, overlapping, and interdependent

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all at once. Declaring a winner misses how dynamic

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and domain -specific this competition is. So

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looking ahead, the world of 2050 may rhyme with

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decades since 2015. like multipolar, networked,

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and competitive, yet more organized around regional

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blocks. Eurasia may cohere through overlapping

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frameworks like the Eurasian Economic Union,

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the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and China's

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BRI corridors. In the Americas, Mercosur and

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the legacy of Unasur shape trade and politics,

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while in Africa, the African Union deepens coordination

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on markets, mobility, and security. These regional

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architectures could evolve into what some might

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call civilizational systems, though that term

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obscures the pragmatic economics and security

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interests driving them. Whether this constitutes

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an end of history or simply a new equilibrium

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is very much an open question. West Africa illustrates

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how regional institutions can matter in practice.

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ECOWAS, E -C -O -W -A -S, was founded in 1975,

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aims to promote integration, trade, and macroeconomic

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coordination while serving as a platform for

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conflict prevention and crisis response. The

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blocks strategic geography, Atlantic access,

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resource endowments, and position along key maritime

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and air routes, gives it weight beyond its borders.

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When ECOWAS works, it can stabilize politics,

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harmonize regulations, and attract investment

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by lowering cross -border frictions. When it

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falters, the region's security and economic prospects

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suffer, reminding us that the effectiveness of

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regional unions depends not only on treaties,

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but on member states' political will and administrative

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capacity. The recent military takeovers in Niger,

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Guinea, Burkina Faso, and Mali have shaken West

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Africa's political order. ECOWAS has condemned

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these groups and responded with sanctions, diplomatic

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pressure, and mediation aimed at restoring constitutional

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rule. The bloc has a track record of crisis management,

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sometimes successfully shepherding transitions

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back to civilian governance. but persistent coups

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strain its credibility and slow regional integration.

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Even so, ECOWAS is unlikely to collapse. Its

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value as a platform for trade, migration management,

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and collective security remains clear, and member

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states have strong incentives to keep it functioning.

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The risk is not ECOWAS's demise, but a prolonged

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period of uneven norms, where some capitals drift

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from democratic commitments and integration stalls.

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Africa is not a monolith. It is 54 diverse states

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shaped by pre -colonial complexity, colonial

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borders, and post -colonial experiments in governance.

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Those legacies still influence politics and economics

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today, from cross -border ethnic ties to administrative

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systems and legal frameworks. Yet, the continent's

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agency is growing. A young population. Rapid

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urbanization. and critical resources for the

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energy transition give African governments leverage

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in global negotiations. Philosophies like Ubuntu,

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emphasizing shared humanity and communal responsibility,

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offer a homegrown ethical frame for regional

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cooperation. The African Union's agenda, from

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the Africa Continental Free Trade Area to peace

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and security missions, points towards deeper

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integration. Africa's relative geographic islandness

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can be a constraint on connectivity, but it also

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strengthens the case for regional self -determination

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and coordinated infrastructure, education, health,

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and tech investments. The more effectively African

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institutions deliver, on roads and ports, power

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and broadband, schools and clinics, the more

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the continent will shape not just its own future,

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but global markets, migration, and diplomacy.

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South America's regional projects reflect similar

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goals of bargaining power and reliance. Mercosur,

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M -E -R -C -O -S -U -R, founded in 1991 by Argentina,

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Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay, promotes trade

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integration through tariff reductions and common

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rules. Unasur, UNA -SUR, launched in 2008 to

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foster political coordination and cooperation

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on infrastructure, social policy, and security,

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has had a more uneven trajectory amid shifting

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domestic politics and regional alignments. Neither

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Bloc aims to threaten global powers. Rather,

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they seek to amplify South American interests

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and reduce external vulnerability. Their effectiveness

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rises and falls with member commitment bureaucratic

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capacity, and macroeconomic conditions. The pandemic

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and subsequent geopolitical strains tested these

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institutions, forcing adjustments in trade, health,

00:17:49.519 --> 00:17:53.680
cooperation and supply chains. What endures is

00:17:53.680 --> 00:17:57.440
the logic. Regional coordination can lower transaction

00:17:57.440 --> 00:18:01.259
costs, stabilize expectations, and strengthen

00:18:01.259 --> 00:18:06.339
each country's hand in a volatile world. Across

00:18:06.339 --> 00:18:09.500
these regions, China's influence has grown through

00:18:09.500 --> 00:18:12.779
trade, infrastructure, finance, and diplomatic

00:18:12.779 --> 00:18:16.500
forums. China and the China Sea -like forum included,

00:18:16.779 --> 00:18:19.119
while the United States retains deep economic,

00:18:19.480 --> 00:18:23.920
military, and cultural reach. Who is ahead depends

00:18:23.920 --> 00:18:27.299
on the domain. The US still leads in global military

00:18:27.299 --> 00:18:30.259
projection, alliance networks, and soft power.

00:18:30.759 --> 00:18:33.960
China leads in trade volumes with many commodity

00:18:33.960 --> 00:18:37.380
exporters, and in targeted infrastructure finance.

00:18:38.180 --> 00:18:41.440
Both face limits. Beijing contends with debt

00:18:41.440 --> 00:18:45.019
concerns and political pushback. Washington faces

00:18:45.019 --> 00:18:48.640
domestic polarization and policy swings. The

00:18:48.640 --> 00:18:51.799
likely outcome is not a single winner, but a

00:18:51.799 --> 00:18:55.299
long competition across economic, technology,

00:18:55.839 --> 00:18:59.680
standards, and narratives. Interdependent, even

00:18:59.680 --> 00:19:04.059
when adversarial. Do these regional developments

00:19:04.059 --> 00:19:07.720
herald civilizational blocs? Perhaps in rhetoric,

00:19:08.119 --> 00:19:10.599
but in practice, they are driven by pragmatic

00:19:10.599 --> 00:19:13.839
economics and security. Eurasian frameworks,

00:19:14.400 --> 00:19:18.059
Mercasur, Unasur, ECOWAS, and the African Union

00:19:18.059 --> 00:19:21.140
can stabilize neighborhoods, pool bargaining

00:19:21.140 --> 00:19:25.059
power, and smooth trade. They can also stall

00:19:25.059 --> 00:19:29.759
when politics shift or when costs rise. A future

00:19:29.759 --> 00:19:33.319
supercivilization feels more like an analytical

00:19:33.319 --> 00:19:38.220
metaphor than a policy reality. History doesn't

00:19:38.220 --> 00:19:42.819
culminate, it compounds. Technology shocks, climate

00:19:42.819 --> 00:19:46.299
stress, demographic change, and financial cycles

00:19:46.299 --> 00:19:49.319
will keep reshaping how these regions cooperate

00:19:49.319 --> 00:19:54.140
and compete. The Clash of Civilizations framework

00:19:54.140 --> 00:19:57.099
argues that future conflicts will fall along

00:19:57.099 --> 00:20:00.220
cultural and civilizational fault lines. Yet,

00:20:00.480 --> 00:20:03.299
even when we see projects that knit together

00:20:03.299 --> 00:20:06.039
different cultures, like Eurasia's overlapping

00:20:06.039 --> 00:20:09.779
integration schemes, their drivers are more geopolitical

00:20:09.779 --> 00:20:15.000
and economic than civilizational. Scholars are

00:20:15.000 --> 00:20:18.220
divided for good reason. Civilizations are not

00:20:18.220 --> 00:20:21.180
fixed. They are living, changing collections

00:20:21.180 --> 00:20:24.619
of people shaped by politics, markets, technology,

00:20:25.140 --> 00:20:28.759
and ideas. History offers examples of both bitter

00:20:28.759 --> 00:20:31.700
conflict and deep cooperation along cultural

00:20:31.700 --> 00:20:35.339
lines. In our globalized era, interdependence,

00:20:35.619 --> 00:20:38.359
technology, and constant people -to -people contact

00:20:38.359 --> 00:20:41.440
create channels for understanding that can temper

00:20:41.440 --> 00:20:45.359
division, though they can also amplify grievances

00:20:45.359 --> 00:20:50.339
when misused. If a civilizational clash were

00:20:50.339 --> 00:20:54.240
to occur, predicting its geography would be guesswork.

00:20:54.519 --> 00:20:58.019
Flashpoints emerge where geopolitics, identity,

00:20:58.480 --> 00:21:01.579
and economic intersect. Straits and borders,

00:21:02.059 --> 00:21:05.339
resource basin and megacities, regions under

00:21:05.339 --> 00:21:08.640
stress from climate or migration. That uncertainty

00:21:08.640 --> 00:21:12.940
underscores a practical imperative. Individuals,

00:21:13.019 --> 00:21:16.539
communities, and nations can reduce risk by cultivating

00:21:16.539 --> 00:21:19.779
dialogue, building institutions that manage diversity,

00:21:20.259 --> 00:21:23.960
and cooperating on shared problems. Culture matters.

00:21:27.100 --> 00:21:30.859
When discussing why some individuals prefer to

00:21:30.859 --> 00:21:34.180
remain within ethnic, religious, cultural, or

00:21:34.180 --> 00:21:38.220
racial communities, nuance is essential. Politics,

00:21:38.559 --> 00:21:41.960
history, and psychology all play roles. Communities

00:21:41.960 --> 00:21:44.680
that have faced discrimination or rapid change

00:21:44.680 --> 00:21:47.660
may prioritize preserving heritage and social

00:21:47.660 --> 00:21:51.160
cohesion. People also naturally gravitate towards

00:21:51.160 --> 00:21:54.349
shared language, faith, or customs. which can

00:21:54.349 --> 00:21:57.829
provide comfort and mutual support. At the same

00:21:57.829 --> 00:22:01.450
time, many actively seek integration, valuing

00:22:01.450 --> 00:22:05.809
the creativity, opportunity, and resilience that

00:22:05.809 --> 00:22:09.170
come from diverse networks. The task for policymakers

00:22:09.170 --> 00:22:12.569
and civic leaders is not to force a single model,

00:22:13.029 --> 00:22:16.849
but to make inclusion real. Equal opportunities,

00:22:17.349 --> 00:22:20.390
protection of rights, space for cultural expression,

00:22:20.690 --> 00:22:25.490
and sustained dialogue between groups. Done well,

00:22:25.829 --> 00:22:28.930
societies can honor cultural preservation and

00:22:28.930 --> 00:22:34.109
promote integration at once. As we navigate today's

00:22:34.109 --> 00:22:36.769
shifting landscape, the most useful stance is

00:22:36.769 --> 00:22:40.009
a layered one, attending to historical legacies,

00:22:40.809 --> 00:22:43.930
recognizing geopolitical incentives, and keeping

00:22:43.930 --> 00:22:47.589
faith with the human capacity to cooperate. A

00:22:47.589 --> 00:22:51.700
fully unified humanity, may remain aspirational,

00:22:52.119 --> 00:22:54.960
yet the world is unmistakably tilting toward

00:22:54.960 --> 00:22:59.180
a system of regions. North America, the Caribbean,

00:22:59.740 --> 00:23:03.039
South America, an Islamic arc from North Africa

00:23:03.039 --> 00:23:06.200
to Southeast Asia, and a more coordinated Africa

00:23:06.200 --> 00:23:09.420
are all asserting distinct interests and identities.

00:23:10.759 --> 00:23:13.960
Africa, in particular, is poised for greater

00:23:13.960 --> 00:23:17.440
prominence, with a young population strategic

00:23:17.440 --> 00:23:21.839
resources for the energy transition, and a widening

00:23:21.839 --> 00:23:25.200
set of partnerships from China and the Gulf to

00:23:25.200 --> 00:23:29.019
Europe and the United States, amplifying its

00:23:29.019 --> 00:23:33.759
leverage. Russia and China's connective push

00:23:33.759 --> 00:23:37.759
into Europe via rail links, ports, and industrial

00:23:37.759 --> 00:23:41.220
corridors associated with the Belt and Road signals

00:23:41.220 --> 00:23:44.950
a new phase of continental integration. Freight

00:23:44.950 --> 00:23:47.950
trains now routinely run from Chinese hubs into

00:23:47.950 --> 00:23:50.990
Western Europe, symbolically binding the Eurasian

00:23:50.990 --> 00:23:54.130
landmass more tightly. This has real consequences,

00:23:54.470 --> 00:23:57.450
though. Supply chains adjust, standards compete,

00:23:57.910 --> 00:24:00.250
and political influence follows infrastructure.

00:24:01.069 --> 00:24:05.710
It is less a civilizational merger than a geopolitical

00:24:05.710 --> 00:24:08.849
and geoeconomic project, with cultural spillovers.

00:24:10.670 --> 00:24:14.589
All of this unfolds in a media environment that

00:24:14.589 --> 00:24:19.349
can inflame division as easily as in form. Modern

00:24:19.349 --> 00:24:23.309
outlets driven by attention economics often spotlight

00:24:23.309 --> 00:24:27.009
extremes, and states, as well as private actors,

00:24:27.349 --> 00:24:30.369
try to shape narratives to their advantage. Historical

00:24:30.369 --> 00:24:33.809
examples of influence operations remind us that

00:24:33.809 --> 00:24:36.950
media has long been a field of contestation.

00:24:37.740 --> 00:24:41.640
The practical response is not cynicism, but literacy,

00:24:42.440 --> 00:24:46.460
diverse sources, check facts, understand incentives,

00:24:47.119 --> 00:24:51.180
and resist reflective partisanship. Moving beyond

00:24:51.180 --> 00:24:55.140
rigid left -right frames can help audiences evaluate

00:24:55.140 --> 00:24:58.920
information on its quality and integrity rather

00:24:58.920 --> 00:25:02.740
than its ideological team. In polarized times,

00:25:03.119 --> 00:25:05.980
seeking common ground and practicing constructive

00:25:05.980 --> 00:25:09.960
debate is not just civic virtue. It is strategic.

00:25:11.960 --> 00:25:15.740
In short, Huntington's lens highlights identity's

00:25:15.740 --> 00:25:18.539
power. But today's world is better explained

00:25:18.539 --> 00:25:22.660
by a braid of forces. Culture and belief, yes,

00:25:22.720 --> 00:25:26.099
but also geography, economics, technology, and

00:25:26.099 --> 00:25:29.500
institutions. Whether regions collide or cooperate

00:25:29.500 --> 00:25:31.720
depends on the choices leaders and societies

00:25:31.720 --> 00:25:35.519
make. How they build connectivity share prosperity,

00:25:35.960 --> 00:25:39.539
and manage differences. That is the work ahead,

00:25:39.539 --> 00:25:42.460
and it's where the story of our evolving global

00:25:42.460 --> 00:25:47.359
order will actually be written. Thank you for

00:25:47.359 --> 00:25:50.539
joining this two -part exploration. If this sparked

00:25:50.539 --> 00:25:53.400
new ways of seeing the world, please like, subscribe,

00:25:53.640 --> 00:25:57.339
and share. Send your thoughts to diplomacyanddiscourseatgmail

00:25:57.339 --> 00:26:00.579
.com. This is AR, and you've been listening to

00:26:00.579 --> 00:26:03.339
Diplomacy and Discourse. Until next time.
