WEBVTT

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In the early months of his return to power, President

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Donald Trump has made a series of provocative

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declarations that raise serious concerns about

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his approach to international norms. He has floated

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the idea of employing military force to take

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control of Greenland and the Panama Canal, entertained

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the notion of the United States assuming authority

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over Gaza following the removal of its Palestinian

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population, and urged Ukraine to surrender territory

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to Russia as a condition for peace. While such

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statements might initially be dismissed as part

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of Trump's familiar pattern of theoretically

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an incendiary rhetoric, they in fact reflect

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a more deliberate pattern, one that challenges

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a core tenet of international law, the prohibition

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against using or threatening force to resolve

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conflicts between states. Welcome back to Diplomacy

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and Discourse, where we break down the global

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currents shaping our world. I'm your host, AR,

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and today's episode dives into a topic that sits

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at the crossroads of history, law, and power.

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The unraveling of post -World War II legal order,

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specifically the prohibition on war and conquest.

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This episode will explore how recent political

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shifts, especially in the United States, threatening

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the fragile system that kept great powers in

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check and preserved peace for nearly eight decades.

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I want to be clear, what you'll hear today is

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a mix of researched facts and personal analysis.

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My goal isn't to preach, but to spark dialogue.

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So if you agree, disagree, or have your own take,

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I'd love to hear your thoughts in the comments.

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Let's keep the conversation going. Before the

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20th century, legal theorists believed not only

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that countries could wage war to seize others'

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land and resources, but also that in some circumstances,

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they should. War was considered legal, the primary

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way to enforce national rights and resolve disputes

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between states. That all changed in 1928, when

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nearly every country in the world at the time

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joined the Kellogg -Briand Pact. agreeing that

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wars of aggression should be illegal and territorial

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conquests prohibited. The 1945 UN Charter reaffirmed

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and expanded that commitment, putting at its

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core a prohibition on the, quote, threat or use

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of force against a territorial integrity or political

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independence of another state, end quote. Having

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discovered that merely agreeing to prohibit war

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was not by itself enough, states then went to

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extraordinary lengths to design frameworks and

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institutions to cement this essential rule, leading

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to the establishment of a new legal order that

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elevated economic tools over military might to

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ensure peace. As a result, wars between states

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became far less common. In the 65 years after

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the last settlements of World War II, the amount

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of territory conquered by foreign states each

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year plummeted to less than 6 % of what it had

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been for just over a century before the World

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First Outlawed War. The number of countries tripled

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from 1945 to today, as states no longer feared

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that they would be gobbled up by more powerful

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neighbors. And countries traded more freely with

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one another. knowing that the wealth they accumulated

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was less likely to be plundered by other states.

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The world became more peaceful and prosperous.

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The influence of the prohibition on the use of

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force had already eroded somewhat before Trump

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returned to office. In 2003, the United States

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invaded Iraq, justifying the war by claiming

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that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction that

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it did not possess. China has spent the last

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decade building military bases in contested areas

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of the South China Sea, and Russia's full -scale

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invasion of Ukraine in 2022 set off the largest

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land war in Europe since World War II. But Trump

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is shredding what is left of the norm against

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using force. Until now, the United States had

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played a critical, if imperfect, role in maintaining

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and defending the post -war legal order. The

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resilience of that order depended less on total

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compliance with international law than on shared

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set of expectations about how other countries

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would behave, even if a country was not itself

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committed to the UN Charter's prohibition on

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the use of force. It knew that violating the

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norm would likely trigger condemnation, sanctions,

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and perhaps even lawful intervention from the

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United States and its allies. The old assumption

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that the United States was served as a guardian

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of the international norm against war and territorial

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conquest has unraveled. Trump is not simply stepping

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back from that historic responsibility. He appears

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to be actively dismantling it. His posture suggests

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a desire to re -legitimize war, or at least the

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credible threat of it. as a routine instrument

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for resolving international disputes and securing

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economic advantage. Around the world, other leaders

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are beginning to adjust to this new, more volatile

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reality. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu

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offered tactic support for Trump's comments about

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Gaza. In a gesture seemingly aimed at appeasement,

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Panama agreed to accept U .S. deportation flights

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of non -citizens and approved the stationing

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of American military forces near the Panama Canal.

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Meanwhile, as Trump dangled the prospects of

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permitting Russia to absorb parts of Ukraine,

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Kiev moved to solidify its relationship with

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Washington by granting U .S. access to its valuable

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mineral reserves. Should this unraveling of legal

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norms go unchallenged, the result could be a

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dangerous regression. a return to an era when

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brute force dictated international affairs. The

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ripple effects would be severe, a resurgence

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in global militarization, a spike in wars of

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expansion, the contraction of global trade, and

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a breakdown in the collective cooperation essential

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for tackling common existential challenges. For

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much of history prior to World War I, War was

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not seen as a failure of diplomacy or international

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order. It was the recognized mechanism by which

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that order functioned. Without a central authority

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or global court to resolve disputes between sovereign

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nations, states relied on armed conflict as a

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legitimate tool to assert their rights. War,

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in this sense, was governed not by moral outrage,

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but by legal reasoning. Governments routinely

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issued formal war manifestos that outlined the

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justifications for military action, which could

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range from damage to national property, such

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as attacks on ships, to unpaid debts, violations

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of treaties, or self -defense. The use of force,

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when backed by a legal rationale, was not only

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accepted, but expected. As Hugo Grotius, the

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17th century Dutch jurist widely regarded as

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a foundational figure in international law, argued

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in his Commentary on the Law of Prize and Booty,

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a war was deemed just, quote, if it consists

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in the execution of a right, end quote. Because

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war was traditionally viewed as a legitimate

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way to enforce legal rights, the doctrine of

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conquest held a recognized place within the framework

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of international law. Victorious states could

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lawfully claim territory or resources as compensation

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for the wrongs that justified the war in the

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first place. As Hugo Grotius noted, in securing

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prize or booty, a state acquires, quote, through

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war that which is rightfully its own." Of course,

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in practice, powerful nations often stretched

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or fabricated claims to justify territorial expansion.

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Yet, in a world without a higher legal authority

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to arbitrate such matters, these justifications

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were rarely challenged in any binding way. As

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a result, The international system operated on

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the assumption that conquests were lawful by

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default. In essence, might conferred legitimacy.

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A case in point is the US war against Mexico

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in 1846, which was formally justified on the

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grounds of unpaid Mexican debt. When the dust

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settled, the United States compelled Mexico to

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sign a treaty that transferred over half a million

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square miles of territory. land that would become

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much of the American Southwest, in exchange for

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$15 million and the cancellation of those debts.

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This pattern was by no means an anomaly. Throughout

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the 19th century, powerful nations frequently

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resorted to what became known as gunboat diplomacy,

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the strategic use of military intimidation to

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extract political or economic concessions from

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weaker states. The logic was straightforward.

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If going to war was considered a lawful means

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of defending national rights, then threatening

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war could likewise be deemed legitimate. A striking

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example occurred in early 1854, when U .S. Commodore

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Matthew Perry arrived in Edo Bay, modern -day

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Tokyo, with a fleet of warships, asserting that

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the United States had illegal entitlement to

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trade with Japan. Perry made it unmistakably

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clear that refusal to open Japanese ports would

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be met with force. The implied threat proved

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effective. On March 31st, 1854, the Treaty of

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Kanagawa was signed, granting American vessels

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access to two Japanese ports and marking the

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beginning of Japan's forced integration into

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the global trade system. Because war was historically

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understood as a legitimate tool for upholding

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legal rights, engaging in warfare was considered

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an exercise in law enforcement, not an act of

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criminality. States that waged war were not seen

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as violating international norms, but rather

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asserting them by force. This perspective helps

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explain why After Napoleon Bonaparte's defeat

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in the War of the Sixth Coalition in 1814, the

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allied European powers did not prosecute him

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as a war criminal. Instead, they exiled him to

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the island of Elba, granting him the title of

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emperor and allowing him to govern the island

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with a degree of sovereign authority. Even after

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his dramatic return to France and ultimate defeat

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at Waterloo, Napoleon's fate was exiled once

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again, not as punishment for wrongdoing, but

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as a precautionary move. His removal to the remote

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island of St. Helena in the South Atlantic was

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intended to prevent any further destabilization

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of Europe, not to hold him accountable under

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any concept of international criminal justice.

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In addition to the accepted right of conquest

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and the widespread use of gunboat diplomacy,

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states that engaged in war were shielded from

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criminal accountability. But the legal framework

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of the time also placed firm constraints on neutral

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parties. Countries that remained outside the

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conflict were expected to observe strict neutrality,

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refraining from actions such as imposing sanctions.

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that might hinder either side's ability to pursue

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its perceived legal claims through war. Economic

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penalties against warring states were viewed

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not as legitimate diplomatic tools, but as unlawful

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interference. In fact, if a neutral state breached

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its duty of impartiality, it risksed being considered

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a legitimate target of war itself. Ironically,

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under this legal logic, Territorial conquest

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was permissible, but economic sanctions aimed

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at discouraging war could be seen as provocations

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that justified it. Within this legal framework,

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which prevailed well into the early 20th century,

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military force was a routine tool for powerful

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states to assert their interests, while weaker

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nations were left with few choices, comply or

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face destruction. The absence of legal restrictions

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on conquest meant that borders were constantly

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redrawn through violence and empires expanded

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through brute force, deepening global power imbalances.

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Trade routes were not negotiated but secured

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through the presence of warships and colonial

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territories were treated as spoils of legal disputes,

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transferred through treaties signed under duress

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or after defeat. In such a system, Warfare was

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not an aberration, but a feature of international

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life. And the perpetual threat of conflict cast

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a long shadow over global economic development,

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stalling progress and reinforcing inequality.

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World War I introduced a scale of destruction

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the world had never seen, fueled by unprecedented

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technologies of warfare and the involvement of

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over 20 nations. The death toll reached an estimated

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20 million, with civilians making up nearly half

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the casualties. As the guns fell silent, the

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international community was left grappling with

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how to prevent such mass devastation from reoccurring.

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One of the first major efforts to address this

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came with the creation of the League of Nations

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in 1920, envisioned as a body that would maintain

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global peace through collective security. Yet

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its potential was severely undermined from the

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outset. The US Senate, deeply cautious about

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entangling the country in further European conflicts,

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refused to ratify membership, crippling the League's

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authority and diminishing its capacity to enforce

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its ideals. Amid the global reckoning that followed

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World War I, an ambitious new vision took shape.

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The idea that war itself could be outlawed. In

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late 1927, U .S. Secretary of State Frank Kellogg

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advanced this bold proposal to French Prime Minister

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Aristide Bryan, suggesting a formal international

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agreement to renounce war as a tool of statecraft.

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Remarkably, the idea gained rapid traction. By

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1928, the resulting Kellogg -Bryan pact officially

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known as the General Treaty for Renunciation

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of War as an instrument of national policy, had

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been signed by 58 nations, encompassing the vast

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majority of the global community at the time.

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The treaty marked a watershed moment in international

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law, declaring that states would no longer resort

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to war to resolve their disputes. Signatories

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pledged to condemn recourse to war for the solution

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of international controversies," end quote, and

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to resolve their differences by, quote, passive

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means, end quote, signaling a collective commitment

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to a new era of diplomacy over violence. Although

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the Kellogg -Briand Pact is often dismissed as

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an idealistic failure, especially in light of

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its inability to prevent World War II, it quietly

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laid the groundwork for a transformative shift

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in international law. Critics have long viewed

00:16:53.470 --> 00:16:57.370
the pact as toothless, but its deeper impact

00:16:57.370 --> 00:17:00.950
was more profound than even its creators likely

00:17:00.950 --> 00:17:04.829
anticipated. By formally declaring war illegal,

00:17:05.410 --> 00:17:08.289
the treaty forced a fundamental rethinking of

00:17:08.289 --> 00:17:11.490
nearly every aspect of international legal practice.

00:17:12.009 --> 00:17:16.619
When Japan invaded Manchuria in 1931, U .S. Secretary

00:17:16.619 --> 00:17:19.960
of State Henry Stimson faced the challenge of

00:17:19.960 --> 00:17:23.140
responding in a way that upheld the PAC's principles.

00:17:24.079 --> 00:17:27.079
After months of deliberation, he announced that

00:17:27.079 --> 00:17:29.880
the United States would not recognize territorial

00:17:29.880 --> 00:17:34.240
acquisitions made through aggression. This stance,

00:17:34.420 --> 00:17:38.019
which became known as the Stimson Doctrine, marked

00:17:38.019 --> 00:17:41.920
a pivotal moment. It signaled the end of the

00:17:41.920 --> 00:17:46.299
age in which conquest was legally accepted. Under

00:17:46.299 --> 00:17:49.799
this emerging norm, even if Japan coerced China

00:17:49.799 --> 00:17:52.339
into formalizing its gains through a treaty,

00:17:53.059 --> 00:17:56.259
such agreements would carry no legal legitimacy.

00:17:57.339 --> 00:18:01.259
The message was clear. Military might would no

00:18:01.259 --> 00:18:05.140
longer validate legal claims, and gunboat diplomacy

00:18:05.140 --> 00:18:08.420
would no longer produce binding obligations.

00:18:11.240 --> 00:18:15.559
While both Germany and Japan, despite being signatories

00:18:15.559 --> 00:18:18.880
to the Kellogg -Briant Pact, blatantly violated

00:18:18.880 --> 00:18:22.160
its principles by igniting World War II, they

00:18:22.160 --> 00:18:24.660
ultimately bore the weight of its legal and moral

00:18:24.660 --> 00:18:28.660
consequences. The territories they seized through

00:18:28.660 --> 00:18:32.160
military aggression were stripped away, and the

00:18:32.160 --> 00:18:34.359
highest ranking officials were brought before

00:18:34.359 --> 00:18:37.619
international tribunals to answer for their actions.

00:18:38.240 --> 00:18:41.599
At the Nuremberg trials, The very first charge

00:18:41.599 --> 00:18:45.019
leveled against the Nazi leadership was the deliberate

00:18:45.019 --> 00:18:48.420
planning and execution of an aggressive war,

00:18:49.059 --> 00:18:52.160
a direct violation of the Kellogg -Briant pact

00:18:52.160 --> 00:18:56.839
of 1928. The indictment made clear that their

00:18:56.839 --> 00:18:59.859
war making was not merely a geopolitical failure,

00:19:00.500 --> 00:19:03.559
but a prosecutable offense under emerging norms

00:19:03.559 --> 00:19:09.039
of international law. The principles enshrined

00:19:09.039 --> 00:19:12.359
in the Kellogg -Briand Pact reshaped not only

00:19:12.359 --> 00:19:15.339
the legality of war itself, but also the broader

00:19:15.339 --> 00:19:18.680
framework of international law. One key shift

00:19:18.680 --> 00:19:22.400
emerged in how neutrality was understood. In

00:19:22.400 --> 00:19:26.799
1941, U .S. Attorney General Robert Jackson defended

00:19:26.799 --> 00:19:30.119
the Lend -Lease Act, which allowed the United

00:19:30.119 --> 00:19:33.059
States to supply arms to nations resisting Nazi

00:19:33.059 --> 00:19:35.880
Germany without officially entering the war.

00:19:36.089 --> 00:19:39.710
by arguing that traditional neutrality laws had

00:19:39.710 --> 00:19:44.269
evolved. Since signatory states had pledged to

00:19:44.269 --> 00:19:47.490
renounce war as a tool of national policy, Jackson

00:19:47.490 --> 00:19:51.250
contended, a country that violated this agreement

00:19:51.250 --> 00:19:54.390
forfeited any claim to equal treatment under

00:19:54.390 --> 00:19:58.009
neutrality laws. As he put it, an aggressive

00:19:58.009 --> 00:20:01.529
state, quote, acquires no right to equality of

00:20:01.529 --> 00:20:04.859
treatment from other states, end quote. In this

00:20:04.859 --> 00:20:08.559
view, neutrality no longer required strict impartiality.

00:20:08.940 --> 00:20:11.700
Rather, it permitted states to support victims

00:20:11.700 --> 00:20:14.339
of aggression without breaching legal norms.

00:20:17.160 --> 00:20:19.680
In essence, the transformation of international

00:20:19.680 --> 00:20:22.859
norms began with the signing of the Kellogg -Briant

00:20:22.859 --> 00:20:27.740
Pact in 1928. But ideals alone proved insufficient.

00:20:28.359 --> 00:20:31.220
Global leaders soon recognized that lasting change

00:20:31.220 --> 00:20:34.539
required more than declarations. It demanded

00:20:34.539 --> 00:20:38.319
enforceable rules and durable institutions. In

00:20:38.319 --> 00:20:41.220
the aftermath of World War II, the Allied powers

00:20:41.220 --> 00:20:44.680
took concrete steps to solidify this shift by

00:20:44.680 --> 00:20:48.119
establishing the United Nations, which enshrined

00:20:48.119 --> 00:20:50.880
the rejection of aggressive war into binding

00:20:50.880 --> 00:20:55.019
international law. The UN Charter explicitly

00:20:55.019 --> 00:21:03.079
forbids, quote, or political independence of

00:21:03.079 --> 00:21:08.819
any state," turning the pact's moral vision into

00:21:08.819 --> 00:21:12.579
legal obligation. Treaties obtained through coercion

00:21:12.579 --> 00:21:15.859
were now deemed invalid. The traditional requirement

00:21:15.859 --> 00:21:19.279
of neutrality gave way to a more principled stance

00:21:19.279 --> 00:21:22.819
against aggression, and individuals who initiated

00:21:22.819 --> 00:21:26.359
wars of conquest could be prosecuted as criminals

00:21:26.359 --> 00:21:31.640
under international law. The legal revolution

00:21:31.640 --> 00:21:34.779
that followed World War II, spearheaded in large

00:21:34.779 --> 00:21:37.700
part by the United States, stands as one of the

00:21:37.700 --> 00:21:40.480
most significant transformations in the history

00:21:40.480 --> 00:21:43.740
of international relations. In the nearly 80

00:21:43.740 --> 00:21:46.779
years since the UN Charter came into force, the

00:21:46.779 --> 00:21:49.519
landscape of global conflict has fundamentally

00:21:49.519 --> 00:21:53.059
changed. Interstate wars and acts of territorial

00:21:53.059 --> 00:21:56.099
conquest, once common features of international

00:21:56.099 --> 00:22:00.119
politics, have become strikingly rare. Since

00:22:00.119 --> 00:22:03.799
1945, the world's great powers have avoided direct

00:22:03.799 --> 00:22:06.819
military confrontation with one another, and

00:22:06.819 --> 00:22:09.980
no member state of the United Nations has been

00:22:09.980 --> 00:22:14.259
permanently erased through conquest. While violence

00:22:14.259 --> 00:22:17.740
and conflict still persist, their frequency and

00:22:17.740 --> 00:22:21.579
scale have diminished dramatically. To put the

00:22:21.579 --> 00:22:24.880
shift into perspective, In the hundred years

00:22:24.880 --> 00:22:29.200
leading up to World War II, more than 150 territorial

00:22:29.200 --> 00:22:32.740
conquests succeeded. In the decades that followed,

00:22:33.359 --> 00:22:38.180
that number has fallen to fewer than 10. While

00:22:38.180 --> 00:22:40.980
some scholars attribute the post -World War II

00:22:40.980 --> 00:22:44.880
peace to factors like nuclear deterrence, democratic

00:22:44.880 --> 00:22:48.019
expansion, or the integration of global markets,

00:22:48.599 --> 00:22:51.440
these explanations often overlook a critical

00:22:51.440 --> 00:22:56.980
development. the formal outlawing of war. The

00:22:56.980 --> 00:22:59.539
shift in legal norms fundamentally altered the

00:22:59.539 --> 00:23:02.960
calculus of international conduct. A vivid example

00:23:02.960 --> 00:23:06.599
came in August 1990 when Iraqi President Saddam

00:23:06.599 --> 00:23:09.759
Hussein invaded Kuwait in direct violation of

00:23:09.759 --> 00:23:14.180
UN Charter's prohibition on aggression. In essence,

00:23:14.599 --> 00:23:17.940
the UN Security Council swiftly demanded Iraq's

00:23:17.940 --> 00:23:20.579
withdrawal and, when that demand was ignored,

00:23:20.839 --> 00:23:25.380
authorize the use of all necessary means to restore

00:23:25.380 --> 00:23:30.420
peace and security. The United States led a multinational

00:23:30.420 --> 00:23:33.259
coalition that forcibly removed Iraqi forces

00:23:33.259 --> 00:23:36.539
from Kuwaiti territory. This episode sent a clear

00:23:36.539 --> 00:23:40.000
message. Breaches of the legal ban on force would

00:23:40.000 --> 00:23:42.980
not be ignored. The prohibition mattered not

00:23:42.980 --> 00:23:45.319
only because states believed they should follow

00:23:45.319 --> 00:23:48.500
it, but because it redefined their expectations.

00:23:48.880 --> 00:23:51.640
particularly regarding how major powers like

00:23:51.640 --> 00:23:55.599
the United States would react. The law, in effect,

00:23:56.119 --> 00:23:58.839
changed the cost -benefit analysis of military

00:23:58.839 --> 00:24:05.400
aggression. The ban on territorial conquest fundamentally

00:24:05.400 --> 00:24:08.339
transformed the way nations pursued wealth and

00:24:08.339 --> 00:24:11.980
power. Prior to its establishment, a state's

00:24:11.980 --> 00:24:14.880
prosperity was often tied to its ability to seize

00:24:14.880 --> 00:24:19.069
land, extract resources, or impose concessions

00:24:19.069 --> 00:24:23.309
through force. War was not only a tool of statecraft.

00:24:23.849 --> 00:24:27.670
It was a recognized path to economic gain. The

00:24:27.670 --> 00:24:30.930
post -war legal order, by stripping away the

00:24:30.930 --> 00:24:34.910
legitimacy of conquest, closed that avenue. In

00:24:34.910 --> 00:24:37.930
its place, it incentivized peaceful methods of

00:24:37.930 --> 00:24:40.630
growth, with international trade becoming the

00:24:40.630 --> 00:24:44.420
primary engine of national prosperity. As military

00:24:44.420 --> 00:24:47.339
aggression lost its legal and political utility,

00:24:47.940 --> 00:24:50.680
states increasingly turned to economic cooperation,

00:24:51.259 --> 00:24:53.980
competitive markets, and the unhindered movement

00:24:53.980 --> 00:24:57.500
of goods and capital. The prohibition on war

00:24:57.500 --> 00:25:00.099
and the rise of global trade were not parallel

00:25:00.099 --> 00:25:03.740
trends. They were deeply interconnected, reshaping

00:25:03.740 --> 00:25:06.359
the incentives that had long governed international

00:25:06.359 --> 00:25:11.740
behavior. As the legitimacy of gunboat diplomacy

00:25:11.740 --> 00:25:15.039
faded, Great powers had to adapt new strategies

00:25:15.039 --> 00:25:18.480
to assert influence, replacing coercion through

00:25:18.480 --> 00:25:21.180
force with what came to be known as checkbook

00:25:21.180 --> 00:25:26.140
diplomacy. In this new era, economic and diplomatic

00:25:26.140 --> 00:25:29.940
pressure, not military intervention, became the

00:25:29.940 --> 00:25:32.640
principal tool for enforcing international norms.

00:25:33.960 --> 00:25:36.660
As global economic interdependence deepened,

00:25:37.039 --> 00:25:39.799
states developed increasingly sophisticated methods

00:25:39.799 --> 00:25:43.640
of outcasting denying violators access to the

00:25:43.640 --> 00:25:46.980
benefits of international collaboration. Trade

00:25:46.980 --> 00:25:50.480
sanctions, in particular, emerged as a powerful

00:25:50.480 --> 00:25:53.380
mechanism to penalize actions ranging from human

00:25:53.380 --> 00:25:56.940
rights abuses and support for terrorism to unlawful

00:25:56.940 --> 00:26:00.480
wars of aggression. This shift was underpinned

00:26:00.480 --> 00:26:03.279
by a dramatic transformation in the global economy.

00:26:03.960 --> 00:26:08.119
In 1945, trade represented just about 10 % of

00:26:08.119 --> 00:26:13.819
the world's GDP. By 2023, It accounted for 58%.

00:26:13.819 --> 00:26:16.900
Alongside this, tens of thousands of international

00:26:16.900 --> 00:26:20.900
institutions were formed, and more than 250 ,000

00:26:20.900 --> 00:26:23.259
treaties were drafted to govern this expanding

00:26:23.259 --> 00:26:27.440
web of interdependence. In such a world, exclusion

00:26:27.440 --> 00:26:30.099
from international cooperation became not only

00:26:30.099 --> 00:26:33.539
a diplomatic setback, but a costly economic burden

00:26:33.539 --> 00:26:39.269
few nations could afford to bear. The United

00:26:39.269 --> 00:26:42.349
States, with its dominant share of global GDP

00:26:42.349 --> 00:26:46.029
and unique position of the US dollar as the world's

00:26:46.029 --> 00:26:48.849
reserve currency, acquired exceptional leverage

00:26:48.849 --> 00:26:51.470
in shaping and enforcing the post -war legal

00:26:51.470 --> 00:26:55.210
order. For most nations, maintaining favorable

00:26:55.210 --> 00:26:57.690
relations with Washington was not just strategic,

00:26:58.170 --> 00:27:01.710
it was economically essential. While the US role

00:27:01.710 --> 00:27:05.160
in this system was far from flawless, evidenced

00:27:05.160 --> 00:27:08.099
by controversial military interventions such

00:27:08.099 --> 00:27:11.400
as the Vietnam War, the 2003 invasion of Iraq,

00:27:11.980 --> 00:27:14.440
and prolonged counter -terrorism operations in

00:27:14.440 --> 00:27:16.960
the Middle East, many of which were justified

00:27:16.960 --> 00:27:19.859
through expansive interpretations of self -defense,

00:27:20.619 --> 00:27:23.660
it nonetheless adhered to a crucial boundary.

00:27:24.079 --> 00:27:28.640
It did not pursue territorial conquest. More

00:27:28.640 --> 00:27:31.680
importantly, the United States often acted as

00:27:31.680 --> 00:27:34.799
a guarantor of the international order. committing

00:27:34.799 --> 00:27:38.259
to defend allies under collective security agreements

00:27:38.259 --> 00:27:42.180
such as NATO, the Rio Treaty, and defense pacts

00:27:42.180 --> 00:27:45.619
with nations like Japan, South Korea, the Philippines,

00:27:46.160 --> 00:27:51.359
Thailand, Australia, and New Zealand. Its response

00:27:51.359 --> 00:27:55.119
to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in 1990 made a powerful

00:27:55.119 --> 00:27:58.799
statement. Even absent from formal treaty obligations,

00:27:59.359 --> 00:28:01.799
attempts at aggressive conquest would be met

00:28:01.799 --> 00:28:04.980
with forceful opposition. Although the system

00:28:04.980 --> 00:28:08.059
was imperfect, it functioned well enough to deter

00:28:08.059 --> 00:28:10.839
major wars between powerful states and to preserve

00:28:10.839 --> 00:28:14.880
the integrity of a global order rooted in interdependence.

00:28:15.759 --> 00:28:18.240
Within this environment, states could focus on

00:28:18.240 --> 00:28:20.400
building their economies without the looming

00:28:20.400 --> 00:28:23.440
threat of conquest or being strong -armed into

00:28:23.440 --> 00:28:25.940
surrendering wealth through unequal treaties.

00:28:28.599 --> 00:28:31.839
That fragile order may now be on the verge of

00:28:31.839 --> 00:28:35.339
unraveling. Past US administrations have rightly

00:28:35.339 --> 00:28:38.339
faced criticism for inconsistencies and double

00:28:38.339 --> 00:28:41.119
standards, but what sets the Trump administration

00:28:41.119 --> 00:28:44.000
apart is its apparent readiness to abandon the

00:28:44.000 --> 00:28:46.920
foundational principle that war should not be

00:28:46.920 --> 00:28:51.400
used to resolve international disputes. The notion

00:28:51.400 --> 00:28:53.819
that the United States could forcibly acquire

00:28:53.819 --> 00:28:56.380
territories like Canada, Greenland, or the Panama

00:28:56.380 --> 00:28:59.579
Canal, or assert control over Gaza, is not a

00:28:59.579 --> 00:29:02.660
novel form of hard -nosed realism, or transactional

00:29:02.660 --> 00:29:06.400
diplomacy. It is a revival of an older, more

00:29:06.400 --> 00:29:10.019
dangerous logic. That power alone justifies action.

00:29:11.000 --> 00:29:14.019
In both rhetoric and policy, Trump has revived

00:29:14.019 --> 00:29:17.859
the pre -Khalaq -Briand worldview, one in which

00:29:17.859 --> 00:29:20.599
the threat or use of force is once again treated

00:29:20.599 --> 00:29:23.440
as a legitimate tool for negotiating outcomes

00:29:23.440 --> 00:29:27.900
and extracting concessions. It marks a regression.

00:29:28.140 --> 00:29:30.859
Not just from the norms of post -war diplomacy,

00:29:31.460 --> 00:29:34.079
but from the legal and moral evolution that followed

00:29:34.079 --> 00:29:36.960
the catastrophic lessons of the 20th century.

00:29:39.839 --> 00:29:42.279
Beyond threatening territorial seizures by the

00:29:42.279 --> 00:29:44.640
United States, the Trump administration also

00:29:44.640 --> 00:29:47.440
appears ready to abandon the broader international

00:29:47.440 --> 00:29:50.279
principle that states have a right not to be

00:29:50.279 --> 00:29:54.619
conquered. In a striking episode, Trump reportedly

00:29:54.619 --> 00:29:57.599
told Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelensky that

00:29:57.599 --> 00:30:00.559
if he did not entertain a U .S. brokered peace

00:30:00.559 --> 00:30:03.819
deal, one that, according to the Financial Times,

00:30:04.339 --> 00:30:06.900
might require Ukraine to relinquish up to 20

00:30:06.900 --> 00:30:10.740
% of its territory to Russia, he risked, quote,

00:30:11.000 --> 00:30:14.980
losing his whole country, end quote. This posture

00:30:14.980 --> 00:30:17.700
signals a willingness not only to ignore acts

00:30:17.700 --> 00:30:20.339
of aggression, but to preserve vulnerable states

00:30:20.339 --> 00:30:23.980
into accepting them. Trump has also revived gunboat

00:30:23.980 --> 00:30:27.079
diplomacy by leveraging threats of military action

00:30:27.079 --> 00:30:30.519
to force other nations into deals favorable to

00:30:30.519 --> 00:30:33.440
the United States as seen in negotiations with

00:30:33.440 --> 00:30:37.859
Canada and Mexico. Meanwhile, his erratic use

00:30:37.859 --> 00:30:41.460
of tariffs, such as the imposition of 25 % duties

00:30:41.460 --> 00:30:44.640
on key trading partners without clear legal justification,

00:30:45.400 --> 00:30:47.660
further undermines the credibility of economic

00:30:47.660 --> 00:30:51.460
sanctions as tools of lawful enforcement. Sanctions

00:30:51.460 --> 00:30:54.240
derive their power from being used selectively

00:30:54.240 --> 00:30:57.299
and in response to clear violations of international

00:30:57.299 --> 00:31:01.619
norms. When wielded impulsively or punitively

00:31:01.619 --> 00:31:04.589
outside the legal framework, As Trump's trade

00:31:04.589 --> 00:31:07.490
policies often were, they weakened the legitimacy

00:31:07.490 --> 00:31:10.230
of economic pressure as a response to genuine

00:31:10.230 --> 00:31:16.109
misconduct. Trump's decision to authorize sanctions

00:31:16.109 --> 00:31:18.430
against officials of the International Criminal

00:31:18.430 --> 00:31:21.730
Court marked a striking reversal in the use of

00:31:21.730 --> 00:31:24.730
sanctions as a legal tool. Rather than reinforcing

00:31:24.730 --> 00:31:27.769
international norms, the move weaponized sanctions

00:31:27.769 --> 00:31:31.470
against those tasked with upholding them, transforming

00:31:31.470 --> 00:31:34.869
an instrument of justice into one of intimidation.

00:31:36.329 --> 00:31:39.690
At a broader level, his isolationist economic

00:31:39.690 --> 00:31:42.750
agenda undermines the very interdependence that

00:31:42.750 --> 00:31:45.650
allows states to hold violators accountable through

00:31:45.650 --> 00:31:50.130
nonviolent means. By weakening global ties, Trump

00:31:50.130 --> 00:31:53.410
reduces the effectiveness of outcasting, the

00:31:53.410 --> 00:31:56.250
practice of excluding road actors from the benefits

00:31:56.250 --> 00:31:59.200
of international cooperation, thereby leaving

00:31:59.200 --> 00:32:01.940
states with fewer peaceful options to respond

00:32:01.940 --> 00:32:05.619
to breaches of international law. In this environment,

00:32:06.140 --> 00:32:09.000
the risk grows that countries may turn back to

00:32:09.000 --> 00:32:12.839
force or simply tolerate violations without consequences.

00:32:16.119 --> 00:32:19.640
Though often dismissed as erratic or improvisational

00:32:19.950 --> 00:32:23.230
Trump's rhetorical outburst and policy maneuvers

00:32:23.230 --> 00:32:26.230
reflect a deliberate and dangerous challenge

00:32:26.230 --> 00:32:28.950
to the legal architecture built after World War

00:32:28.950 --> 00:32:32.250
II. This disruption is particularly alarming

00:32:32.250 --> 00:32:34.650
given that it originates from the very nation

00:32:34.650 --> 00:32:37.829
that helped construct and for decades sustained

00:32:37.829 --> 00:32:41.109
that order. While some of his proposals may never

00:32:41.109 --> 00:32:44.589
be enacted due to judicial checks or political

00:32:44.589 --> 00:32:48.349
resistance, the damage lies in the signaling

00:32:48.349 --> 00:32:53.180
itself. The mere threat of dismantling long -standing

00:32:53.180 --> 00:32:56.759
norms erodes the mutual expectations that have

00:32:56.759 --> 00:32:59.740
restrained aggression and preserved international

00:32:59.740 --> 00:33:04.759
stability. When norms are degraded by the world's

00:33:04.759 --> 00:33:07.680
most powerful actor, it sends a message that

00:33:07.680 --> 00:33:11.359
the rules are negotiable, weakening their deterrent

00:33:11.359 --> 00:33:17.599
effect for all. Those shared expectations that

00:33:17.599 --> 00:33:21.099
states will generally act as if legal rules matter,

00:33:21.559 --> 00:33:24.079
are what give the international system coherence

00:33:24.079 --> 00:33:27.140
and predictability. They enable weaker nations

00:33:27.140 --> 00:33:30.500
to make strategic decisions without fearing predation,

00:33:30.960 --> 00:33:33.720
encouraging cross -border investment and cooperation,

00:33:34.339 --> 00:33:37.359
and create space for collective response to lawbreaking.

00:33:38.440 --> 00:33:41.720
If the United States, with its unparalleled influence,

00:33:42.140 --> 00:33:44.619
begins to act as though these norms no longer

00:33:44.619 --> 00:33:48.160
apply, others will likely follow. The resulting

00:33:48.160 --> 00:33:51.220
unraveling will not be sudden, but it will be

00:33:51.220 --> 00:33:54.019
steady, chipping away at the foundation of the

00:33:54.019 --> 00:33:56.940
global legal order until it can no longer function.

00:33:57.720 --> 00:34:01.359
What remains could be a world where power, not

00:34:01.359 --> 00:34:04.619
principle, once again defines the limits of international

00:34:04.619 --> 00:34:10.260
behavior. If the norm prohibiting the use of

00:34:10.260 --> 00:34:13.070
force continues to erode, The world may revert

00:34:13.070 --> 00:34:16.309
to a system dominated by great power spheres

00:34:16.309 --> 00:34:19.570
of influence, one shaped less by law and more

00:34:19.570 --> 00:34:23.010
by coercion. Leaders like Vladimir Putin, Donald

00:34:23.010 --> 00:34:26.489
Trump and Xi Jinping could tactically agree to

00:34:26.489 --> 00:34:28.889
divide the globe into regional zones of control,

00:34:29.489 --> 00:34:31.969
where each would exert unchecked authority over

00:34:31.969 --> 00:34:35.510
weaker neighbors. Within these spheres, smaller

00:34:35.510 --> 00:34:38.070
states could face relentless pressure to offer

00:34:38.070 --> 00:34:41.260
concessions in exchange for security. transforming

00:34:41.260 --> 00:34:43.880
international relations into a transactional

00:34:43.880 --> 00:34:47.420
form of subjugation. While such an arrangement

00:34:47.420 --> 00:34:50.320
might produce short -term stability, it would

00:34:50.320 --> 00:34:52.500
come at the cost of freedom and sovereignty.

00:34:53.840 --> 00:34:56.880
More likely, however, the collapse of the prohibition

00:34:56.880 --> 00:35:00.119
on war would unleash a resurgence of frequent

00:35:00.119 --> 00:35:03.480
and localized conflicts, the very kind of instability

00:35:03.480 --> 00:35:06.300
that the modern legal order was designed to prevent.

00:35:07.599 --> 00:35:10.880
In Thucydides' enduring phrase, It would mark

00:35:10.880 --> 00:35:14.320
the return of a world where, quote, the strong

00:35:14.320 --> 00:35:17.239
do what they can and the weak suffer what they

00:35:17.239 --> 00:35:23.199
must. There is, however, still a path forward,

00:35:23.519 --> 00:35:26.679
but it demands bold leadership and swift coordination.

00:35:27.070 --> 00:35:31.269
In 2022, 142 countries stood alongside the United

00:35:31.269 --> 00:35:34.750
States in endorsing a UN General Assembly resolution

00:35:34.750 --> 00:35:38.210
denouncing Russia's attempted annexation of Ukrainian

00:35:38.210 --> 00:35:42.409
territory as illegal. This overwhelming support

00:35:42.409 --> 00:35:45.070
reveals a latent global consensus that could

00:35:45.070 --> 00:35:47.969
be harnessed to reaffirm the ban on conquest,

00:35:48.610 --> 00:35:51.050
this time without depending on the United States

00:35:51.050 --> 00:35:54.719
as the central enforcer. Encouragingly, Europe

00:35:54.719 --> 00:35:57.460
has begun to fill the vacuum left by Washington's

00:35:57.460 --> 00:36:00.539
retreat. After a controversial March meeting

00:36:00.539 --> 00:36:03.840
in the White House, where Trump and Vice President

00:36:03.840 --> 00:36:07.239
JD Vance openly derided Ukrainian President Vladimir

00:36:07.239 --> 00:36:10.559
Zelensky and hinted at abandonment, European

00:36:10.559 --> 00:36:13.920
leaders swiftly rallied behind Ukraine. British

00:36:13.920 --> 00:36:16.960
Prime Minister Keir Starmer announced that European

00:36:16.960 --> 00:36:20.519
nations would ramp up defense spending and forge

00:36:20.519 --> 00:36:24.760
a coalition of the willing. to support Ukraine's

00:36:24.760 --> 00:36:27.239
sovereignty, while European Commission President

00:36:27.239 --> 00:36:30.679
Ursula von der Leyen committed to unveiling a

00:36:30.679 --> 00:36:36.840
strategic aid plan on behalf of the EU. Yet Europe

00:36:36.840 --> 00:36:40.599
cannot, and should not, be expected to simply

00:36:40.599 --> 00:36:43.500
replace the United States as the world's de facto

00:36:43.500 --> 00:36:47.400
guarantor of peace. It lacks the unified military

00:36:47.400 --> 00:36:51.000
capability, global economic clout, and political

00:36:51.000 --> 00:36:54.679
cohesion needed to carry that mantle alone. Moreover,

00:36:55.039 --> 00:36:57.840
even if it could, substituting one hegemon for

00:36:57.840 --> 00:37:00.079
another would repeat the structural flaws of

00:37:00.079 --> 00:37:03.300
the old system. Any serious effort to uphold

00:37:03.300 --> 00:37:06.219
the prohibition on force must reckon with the

00:37:06.219 --> 00:37:08.780
inequities baked into the existing international

00:37:08.780 --> 00:37:13.099
order. When the United Nations was created, five

00:37:13.099 --> 00:37:16.650
dominant powers China, France, the Soviet Union,

00:37:16.889 --> 00:37:19.730
the United Kingdom, and the United States, granted

00:37:19.730 --> 00:37:22.389
themselves permanent seats on the Security Council

00:37:22.389 --> 00:37:25.929
and vetoed authority over all enforcement actions.

00:37:27.250 --> 00:37:30.170
This power imbalance, coupled with America's

00:37:30.170 --> 00:37:33.550
outsized influence, has allowed repeated violations,

00:37:34.010 --> 00:37:37.570
such as the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, to go

00:37:37.570 --> 00:37:41.460
unpunished. Without structural reform and shared

00:37:41.460 --> 00:37:44.719
accountability, any new enforcement regime risks

00:37:44.719 --> 00:37:47.440
reproducing the very vulnerabilities that now

00:37:47.440 --> 00:37:52.519
threaten to bring the old one down. The credibility

00:37:52.519 --> 00:37:55.400
of the post -war legal order, particularly its

00:37:55.400 --> 00:37:58.239
prohibition on the use of force, has been severely

00:37:58.239 --> 00:38:01.739
weakened by its internal contradictions, especially

00:38:01.739 --> 00:38:04.079
in the eyes of many states in the Global South.

00:38:04.940 --> 00:38:08.360
For decades, these states have watched as powerful

00:38:08.360 --> 00:38:11.000
countries preached legal norms while violating

00:38:11.000 --> 00:38:14.360
them with impunity, fueling deep skepticism about

00:38:14.360 --> 00:38:18.219
the fairness and legitimacy of the system. This

00:38:18.219 --> 00:38:22.280
distrust risks obscuring what is truly at stake

00:38:22.280 --> 00:38:25.400
if leaders like Donald Trump succeed in dismantling

00:38:25.400 --> 00:38:29.050
the prohibition altogether. Acknowledging these

00:38:29.050 --> 00:38:31.809
long -standing flaws and the inconsistencies

00:38:31.809 --> 00:38:35.329
of the system's architects is not an act of self

00:38:35.329 --> 00:38:38.190
-destruction. It is the necessary foundation

00:38:38.190 --> 00:38:42.070
for building a more inclusive and resilient global

00:38:42.070 --> 00:38:46.349
order. Preserving the legal ban on force will

00:38:46.349 --> 00:38:49.150
require new thinking about international governance,

00:38:49.750 --> 00:38:53.230
rooted in shared responsibility. Rather than

00:38:53.230 --> 00:38:56.800
depending on a single dominant power, A reimagined

00:38:56.800 --> 00:38:59.880
peacekeeping system must empower a broader array

00:38:59.880 --> 00:39:03.500
of states to uphold legal norms, making those

00:39:03.500 --> 00:39:06.639
norms more durable and less vulnerable to shifts

00:39:06.639 --> 00:39:12.440
in any one nation's politics. To achieve this,

00:39:12.960 --> 00:39:15.599
smaller and mid -sized countries must step forward

00:39:15.599 --> 00:39:18.380
to lead. The assumption that a stable international

00:39:18.380 --> 00:39:20.960
order requires a singular great power to act

00:39:20.960 --> 00:39:24.670
as a guarantor has long gone unchallenged. but

00:39:24.670 --> 00:39:27.789
it underestimates the power of coordinated action.

00:39:28.829 --> 00:39:31.409
Collective influence, when states align their

00:39:31.409 --> 00:39:34.449
efforts around shared legal principles, can rival

00:39:34.449 --> 00:39:37.510
or even surpass the influence of any one hegemon.

00:39:38.289 --> 00:39:40.570
The European Union offers a compelling model.

00:39:41.250 --> 00:39:44.630
While none of its 27 members individually wields

00:39:44.630 --> 00:39:47.110
global power, together they have forged one of

00:39:47.110 --> 00:39:50.050
the world's most cohesive and influential political

00:39:50.050 --> 00:39:53.250
blocs. This shows that by building broad -based

00:39:53.250 --> 00:39:56.369
alliances, states that might otherwise feel powerless

00:39:56.369 --> 00:39:59.630
in the face of global instability can shape international

00:39:59.630 --> 00:40:06.650
outcomes and defend core legal norms. The United

00:40:06.650 --> 00:40:09.949
Nations General Assembly, where all 193 member

00:40:09.949 --> 00:40:13.429
states hold equal voting rights, should be positioned

00:40:13.429 --> 00:40:16.369
to take on a more assertive role in this evolving

00:40:16.369 --> 00:40:19.130
order. Although it lacks the enforcement authority

00:40:19.130 --> 00:40:21.659
of the Security Council, the General Assembly

00:40:21.659 --> 00:40:24.739
is explicitly charged with upholding peace and

00:40:24.739 --> 00:40:28.159
security, and recent developments show its untapped

00:40:28.159 --> 00:40:31.400
potential. In response to Russia's invasion of

00:40:31.400 --> 00:40:34.719
Ukraine, the General Assembly activated a new

00:40:34.719 --> 00:40:38.079
veto initiative that allows it to take up and

00:40:38.079 --> 00:40:40.579
debate any resolution blocked by a permanent

00:40:40.579 --> 00:40:44.360
Security Council member. Through this process,

00:40:44.559 --> 00:40:47.239
The assembly helped legitimize international

00:40:47.239 --> 00:40:50.179
sanctions, facilitated the delivery of weapons

00:40:50.179 --> 00:40:53.840
and financial aid to Ukraine, and initiated a

00:40:53.840 --> 00:40:57.059
reparations framework through a global register

00:40:57.059 --> 00:41:00.559
of war damages. These actions illustrate how

00:41:00.559 --> 00:41:03.480
a revitalized General Assembly can help enforce

00:41:03.480 --> 00:41:06.820
international law, even without direct coercive

00:41:06.820 --> 00:41:10.460
power, by coordinating collective responses and

00:41:10.460 --> 00:41:16.619
amplifying global consensus. Regional and issue

00:41:16.619 --> 00:41:19.920
-based coalitions also offer promising pathways

00:41:19.920 --> 00:41:23.360
for reinforcing the prohibition on force. These

00:41:23.360 --> 00:41:26.019
networks, forged through shared goals rather

00:41:26.019 --> 00:41:29.000
than geographic proximity alone, are beginning

00:41:29.000 --> 00:41:32.139
to take shape. The Council of Europe, for instance,

00:41:32.559 --> 00:41:35.519
is establishing a special tribunal to compile

00:41:35.519 --> 00:41:38.079
evidence and pursue legal accountability for

00:41:38.079 --> 00:41:42.039
Russian aggression in Ukraine. Meanwhile, a block

00:41:42.039 --> 00:41:45.159
of countries known as the Hague Group, including

00:41:45.159 --> 00:41:48.719
Bolivia, Colombia, Cuba, Honduras, Malaysia,

00:41:49.139 --> 00:41:52.980
Namibia, Senegal and South Africa, is actively

00:41:52.980 --> 00:41:56.019
working to implement decisions from the International

00:41:56.019 --> 00:41:58.900
Court of Justice and the International Criminal

00:41:58.900 --> 00:42:03.679
Court regarding the conflict in Gaza. In May,

00:42:04.159 --> 00:42:06.300
foreign ministers from the African Union and

00:42:06.300 --> 00:42:09.139
the European Union pledged deeper cooperation

00:42:09.139 --> 00:42:12.809
on peace, security and development. laying the

00:42:12.809 --> 00:42:15.530
groundwork for a transcontinental peace coalition

00:42:15.530 --> 00:42:18.730
that could function independently of US leadership.

00:42:19.489 --> 00:42:22.190
These efforts underscore a growing recognition

00:42:22.190 --> 00:42:25.170
that safeguarding international law is not the

00:42:25.170 --> 00:42:28.210
burden of a few, but the shared responsibility

00:42:28.210 --> 00:42:33.710
of many. While the UN Security Council remains

00:42:33.710 --> 00:42:36.809
the only formal body authorized to sanction war

00:42:36.809 --> 00:42:39.780
in the name of enforcing international law, its

00:42:39.780 --> 00:42:43.539
limitations are increasingly apparent, especially

00:42:43.539 --> 00:42:46.500
when one of its permanent members is the violator.

00:42:47.420 --> 00:42:49.480
There is nothing preventing states from forming

00:42:49.480 --> 00:42:53.079
an independent, outcasting council, a coalition

00:42:53.079 --> 00:42:56.699
capable of coordinating joint economic and diplomatic

00:42:56.699 --> 00:42:59.599
penalties against states that breach fundamental

00:42:59.599 --> 00:43:02.920
norms, such as the prohibition on the use of

00:43:02.920 --> 00:43:07.420
force. Sanctions have often failed to deter unlawful

00:43:07.420 --> 00:43:10.510
behavior. largely because they are reactive,

00:43:10.989 --> 00:43:13.809
inconsistently applied, and slow to organize.

00:43:14.409 --> 00:43:17.489
But if countries commit to acting in unison through

00:43:17.489 --> 00:43:20.469
pre -agreed mechanisms, they could transform

00:43:20.469 --> 00:43:23.329
sanctions into a far more reliable and potent

00:43:23.329 --> 00:43:26.670
tool. Institutionalizing such coordination would

00:43:26.670 --> 00:43:29.130
give legitimacy and teeth to the enforcement

00:43:29.130 --> 00:43:32.050
of international law, without relying solely

00:43:32.050 --> 00:43:38.269
on the dysfunctional security council. Preserving

00:43:38.269 --> 00:43:41.090
the prohibition on force ultimately depends on

00:43:41.090 --> 00:43:44.030
states recognizing both its historical achievements

00:43:44.030 --> 00:43:47.789
and the dangers posed by its unraveling. The

00:43:47.789 --> 00:43:50.429
international community must not passively accept

00:43:50.429 --> 00:43:53.070
the United States' retreat from its enforcement

00:43:53.070 --> 00:43:56.929
role, but instead respond by building new institutions

00:43:56.929 --> 00:44:00.489
to fill the void. Doing so would send a clear

00:44:00.489 --> 00:44:04.309
signal that the commitment to legality and restraint

00:44:04.309 --> 00:44:07.659
is broader than any one nation. and that global

00:44:07.659 --> 00:44:10.960
norms are not subject to unilateral revision

00:44:10.960 --> 00:44:14.579
by any single power, even one as dominant as

00:44:14.579 --> 00:44:18.199
the United States. If Washington were to make

00:44:18.199 --> 00:44:20.760
good on its threats to seize assets like the

00:44:20.760 --> 00:44:23.860
Panama Canal, other nations could respond with

00:44:23.860 --> 00:44:27.099
collective economic sanctions, diplomatic isolation,

00:44:27.539 --> 00:44:30.760
or even the withdrawal of basing rights granted

00:44:30.760 --> 00:44:35.190
to the U .S. military. Such actions would not

00:44:35.190 --> 00:44:37.610
only reaffirm the international legal order,

00:44:37.869 --> 00:44:40.250
but demonstrate that a wider array of countries

00:44:40.250 --> 00:44:44.030
are both willing and capable of defending it.

00:44:46.510 --> 00:44:49.489
The threat to the post -war order does not originate

00:44:49.489 --> 00:44:52.449
solely from the United States. Russia and China

00:44:52.449 --> 00:44:55.389
are also actively working to reshape global norms

00:44:55.389 --> 00:44:57.769
to better serve their geopolitical ambitions.

00:44:58.539 --> 00:45:01.300
The durability of the international legal system

00:45:01.300 --> 00:45:04.019
will hinge on whether a more diverse group of

00:45:04.019 --> 00:45:07.920
states, large and small, global north and south,

00:45:08.159 --> 00:45:10.639
can take shared responsibility for upholding

00:45:10.639 --> 00:45:14.539
its core principles. Yet, this will require difficult

00:45:14.539 --> 00:45:17.940
shifts in global power dynamics. It is uncertain

00:45:17.940 --> 00:45:20.199
whether historically dominant powers such as

00:45:20.199 --> 00:45:23.800
France, Germany, and the United Kingdom are prepared

00:45:23.800 --> 00:45:27.019
to relinquish their privileged influence, or

00:45:27.019 --> 00:45:29.820
whether long marginalized countries can trust

00:45:29.820 --> 00:45:33.500
a legal order that has often failed them. Still,

00:45:33.719 --> 00:45:36.179
committing to a legal system built on the prohibition

00:45:36.179 --> 00:45:39.659
of war remains vital. The temptation for smaller

00:45:39.659 --> 00:45:43.599
states to play major powers off one another may

00:45:43.599 --> 00:45:46.420
yield short -term gains, but in the long run,

00:45:46.599 --> 00:45:49.519
It risks turning them into pawns in a renewed

00:45:49.519 --> 00:45:53.159
era of great power rivalry, stripped of agency

00:45:53.159 --> 00:45:59.639
and sovereignty. The post -1945 international

00:45:59.639 --> 00:46:03.679
system, however flawed, brought the world unprecedented

00:46:03.679 --> 00:46:07.199
stability and prosperity. But it will not endure

00:46:07.199 --> 00:46:10.300
without intentional efforts. Its survival depends

00:46:10.300 --> 00:46:13.159
on the recognition that peace is not self -sustaining.

00:46:13.369 --> 00:46:17.150
It must be actively protected and reimagined

00:46:17.150 --> 00:46:20.630
in every generation. After the outbreak of World

00:46:20.630 --> 00:46:23.570
War II, American leaders understood that the

00:46:23.570 --> 00:46:26.469
failure to build a stable order after World War

00:46:26.469 --> 00:46:30.389
I had enabled catastrophe. They resolved not

00:46:30.389 --> 00:46:33.050
to repeat that mistake. The lesson of history

00:46:33.050 --> 00:46:36.190
is clear. Waiting until the chaos has subsided

00:46:36.190 --> 00:46:39.679
to chart a new course guarantees failure. As

00:46:39.679 --> 00:46:41.940
the post -war system comes under pressure from

00:46:41.940 --> 00:46:45.500
within and without, today's leaders must act

00:46:45.500 --> 00:46:48.360
with foresight, not only to defend what has been

00:46:48.360 --> 00:46:52.119
built, but to design new institutions, alliances,

00:46:52.780 --> 00:46:55.679
and mechanisms that can safeguard peace in a

00:46:55.679 --> 00:46:59.599
rapidly changing world. Failing to do so invites

00:46:59.599 --> 00:47:02.860
the return of an era where law yields to power

00:47:02.860 --> 00:47:09.820
and diplomacy gives way to force. I want to leave

00:47:09.820 --> 00:47:12.619
you with this. The international order we've

00:47:12.619 --> 00:47:15.920
come to rely on didn't build itself, and it won't

00:47:15.920 --> 00:47:19.340
survive passively. The idea that war is not an

00:47:19.340 --> 00:47:22.300
acceptable tool of statecraft took generations

00:47:22.300 --> 00:47:25.099
to construct, and it can be undone in a matter

00:47:25.099 --> 00:47:28.900
of years or even moments. Whether it's Trump's

00:47:28.900 --> 00:47:32.119
rhetoric, Russia's aggression, or China's ambitions,

00:47:32.760 --> 00:47:36.219
the challenge ahead is clear. But so is the opportunity.

00:47:36.920 --> 00:47:39.440
Countries. big and small, have the chance to

00:47:39.440 --> 00:47:42.360
reclaim ownership of the rules, and reaffirm

00:47:42.360 --> 00:47:45.920
that law, not force, should shape our world.

00:47:47.760 --> 00:47:50.039
Thanks for tuning in to Diplomacy in Discourse.

00:47:50.480 --> 00:47:53.179
If you got thoughts, whether you agree, disagree,

00:47:53.360 --> 00:47:55.760
or want to add something new, drop a comment,

00:47:56.139 --> 00:47:58.500
send a message, and let's keep this conversation

00:47:58.500 --> 00:48:02.820
alive. Until next time, stay sharp, stay curious,

00:48:03.320 --> 00:48:04.139
and stay engaged.
