WEBVTT

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Hi, my name is Seth Ariel Green and I'm glad

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to be here on The Vegan Report. I'm a researcher

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at the Humane and Sustainable Food Lab at Stanford

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University. We're a research group at the medical

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school there aimed at accelerating society's

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transition away from factory farming. Today we're

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looking at what gets people to cut back on consumption

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of meat and animal products, specifically persuasion,

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choice architecture, psychological appeals, and

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adding new plant -based meat analogues to menus.

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I'll be discussing two papers that I'm a co -author

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on. The first is called, Meaningfully Reducing

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Consumption of Meat and Animal Products is an

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Unsolved Problem, a Meta -Analysis. The second

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is a preprint called, Taking a Bite Out of Meat

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or Just Giving Fresh Veggies the Boot. Plant

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-based meats did not reduce meat purchasing in

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a randomized controlled menu intervention. If

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you're interested in this work, you can check

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out the lab I work at at foodlabstanford .com.

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That's foodlabstanford .com. We have all of our

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publications there, including the two papers

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that I'm about to discuss. And I also write a

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sub -stack called regression to the meat. That's

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regression to the M -E -A -T. The lab is run

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by Maya Mathur, who is a professor at Stanford.

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And I am a research scientist there. You can

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also find new episodes every Wednesday on this

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podcast. Okay, so we're going to go as follows.

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The meta -analysis, the first paper, is the main

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paper I'm going to be talking about. But because

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meta -analysis is a whole complicated thing,

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I'm going to describe the method in general and

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like why one would do this kind of paper. And

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then we're going to look at the paper itself.

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Next, I'll turn to the second paper. I'll start

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with its setup, and I'll then move to its results.

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And finally, we'll conclude with general lessons

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from the two. So that's five things I hope to

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cover. Maybe six. Okay, so let's start out with

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why meta -analysis, or rather, what is the whole

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point of this thing? Basically, a meta -analysis

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is a paper where you take the results of other

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papers and you amalgamate them into a conclusion

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about a literature as a whole. So, Let's say

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like in the idealized case, you have 10 papers

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that all look at one thing. Let's say it's the

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effects of insecticide treated malaria nets on

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infant mortality. If you have those 10 papers,

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meta -analysis is pretty easy. Basically what

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you do is you put them all together, you look

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at the outcomes, and then you come up with a

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weighted average of those outcomes. where more

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weight goes to more precise estimates. And in

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practice what this means is that bigger papers,

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those with more subjects, get more weight in

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the resulting average. Okay so that's the idealized

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case. Like the intervention is one thing and

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the outcome is one well -defined thing and you

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just give a weighted average of all the 10 interventions

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on the one thing and see like what the overall

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effect is. And the idea here is that If you look

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at 10 studies from 10 different locations, you're

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going to have a better sense of what the so -called

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true underlying population effect is than you

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would if you just chose one study. I think this

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is pretty intuitive. It's the same way that,

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like, if you want to figure out what Americans

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think about politics, you do a random sample

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of 100 people, not just 10 people or not just

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one person. Like, you want just more samples,

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or a larger sample rather. Okay, that's like

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the best -case scenario My lab and well my work

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more generally we're in the behavioral sciences

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and Meta analysis can be a little trickier than

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that The first is that like let's say you wanted

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to ask a question. This is the question that

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my paper actually asks What gets people to eat?

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less meat and animal products okay, so It's pretty

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clear what the outcome is. We're going to look

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at reductions in meat and animal products, which

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I'm henceforth just going to call MAP. So MAP

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is meat and animal products. But it's not at

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all clear that the research field as a whole

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agrees on what the right way to approach that

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is. So you could theoretically write this paper

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and look at thousands of different approaches.

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And in that case, it's not totally clear what

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any weighted average you come up with actually

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means. So like let's say we're looking at two

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papers. We want to meta -analyze them and one

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is a choice architecture intervention. That's

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the kind of thing where you manipulate something

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about an environment where someone eats meat

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and then sees see how that affects how much meat

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someone eats, right? So that could be a good

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example is like making the spoons with which

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people at cafeterias serve meat literally smaller,

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or like putting the plant -based option at eye

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level to try to guide people unconsciously towards

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that. Okay, so you have one study that's like

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that, and the other study is you make people

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watch Dominion, which is this really upsetting

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documentary of how animals are treated on factory

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farms. Okay, and then you average those two things

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together, and you get a number, but like, What

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does that number mean? What is the average of

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changing the spoon size and watching Dominion?

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In some sense, it could be said to represent

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the literature's best efforts. Like if you said,

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this is what our field is doing, this is how

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we're doing, this is our number. But in another

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sense, that average doesn't really correspond

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to anything you can... point to in the real world

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because these two things are just not alike.

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You cannot average the apple -ness of an apple

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and an orange. And then the other side of this

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problem is that the same thing is true of outcomes.

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So if one study reports food frequency questionnaires,

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which are just, you're supposed to tell a researcher

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what you ate over the past 24 hours, and the

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other is watching what people do and don't eat

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at a dining hall, it's also not clear what the

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average of these two outcomes actually signifies.

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Okay, so this is why meta -analysis is sometimes

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taken as like the definitive answer on what is

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the effect of X on Y, but when you read these

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papers, the hard question to ask is like, are

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these inputs even similar enough that we think

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they can be averaged, like conceptually? And

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likewise, are these outcomes all pointing at

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the same target? And if the answer to those questions

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is I'm not sure or I don't know, then you can

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come up with an answer to your question, but

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it's just not clear that it means anything. Okay,

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so that's why meta -analysis is hard. Nevertheless,

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I did one with my co -authors Benny Smith and

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Maya Mathur. on the question of what gets people

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to eat less meat and animal products map, or

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which class of interventions is most effective.

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The way that we handle this problem of, wow,

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studies are so crazily diverse and we can't really

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make sense of everything, is like so. First,

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we only looked at studies that met a pretty high

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bar for research validity. And that meant a few

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different things. First, they actually had to

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measure consumption, not behavioral intentions

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or not attitudes. Pausing here to say they can

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also measure behavioral intentions and attitudes,

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but they had to measure consumption behavior,

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and we only looked at that outcome. So at least

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we're comparing like to like basically for the

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results we're looking at within papers. And the

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second criteria was that they needed to have

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enough people in their samples that we thought

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that we could say something meaningful. So that

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was at least 25 people in treatment and 25 in

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control. And okay, I've got a caveat here, something

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complicated. Not every intervention is assigned

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at the level of individual. Some things are like

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on some days cafeterias do something and then

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not on other days And it's not totally clear

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how many people came in and out So for those

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kinds of studies studies where treatment was

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administered at the level of day or place We

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just we had to say we said at least five Units

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in treatment and control and typically in all

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of those cases. There were like hundreds of people

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actually coming through Okay Third criteria it

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had to be a randomized control trial not any

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other kinds of design. This is just like for

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Getting causal estimates that is like X caused

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Y RCTs Trump other designs and Fourth they had

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to measure outcomes at least a single day after

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Treatment was first administered and the idea

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here was You might have an intervention that

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really really effectively reduces meat for like

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one meal I mean theoretically you might just

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like not serve But you might make it like really

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hard or difficult to get meat like what if you

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had a what if you went into a restaurant? And

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if you ordered a burger, they gave you an electric

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shock and you would be like, oh my god Why'd

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you do that? But that would definitely have an

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effect but then like what happens when you go

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home you probably Hate the people who did this

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to you and eat like twice as many burgers. So

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we only look at studies that measure a delayed

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effect of some sort to try to get at like how

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do people deal with the intervention in their

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lives, like how do they compensate later. Okay

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so that's the setup and when we did that we did

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this like long thorough literature review and

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we came up with about uh that 35 papers met all

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our criteria and that was 41 interventions and

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a hundred and 41 sorry studies 112 interventions

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so this literature when we first started looking

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at it it's like thousands or maybe tens of thousands

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of papers i mean broadly speaking not all of

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them look strictly at like reductions in meat

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and animal products but some of them might look

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at like you know trying to get kids to drink

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like oat milk or even like you know, just cut

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back on fatty foods in general. It's a lot of

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different things here, but it started out as

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a huge literature, ended up with 35 papers. Most

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of those papers have been published since 2020,

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so this is a pretty modern literature. Okay,

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so 35 papers that meet all our criteria, which

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again are about quality, and they actually have

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to be trying to get people to eat less meat and

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or animal products, and those papers fell into

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four categories. Those were persuasion, choice

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architecture, psychology, and then these kind

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of combo persuasion and psychology papers. Going

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through each in turn. Persuasion is what it sounds

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like, is trying to get people to eat less meat

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by talking to them about it, or otherwise using

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information to consciously persuade them. Persuasion

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efforts can come in three broad categories, broadly

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speaking, and those are, I bet you can see this

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coming, health, the environment, and animal welfare.

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So an environmental intervention, a good example

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is a paper by Andrew Jalil and others from 2023

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that replaced an intro economics course with

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just one lecture of it with a lecture about the

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global warming consequences of meat. It also

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covered a little bit about the health into stuff.

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The health version of this is aimed at mostly

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talking about red and processed meat and how

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that's not good for you. But there are some health

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interventions that just broadly make the point

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that, like, you should be eating more vegetables.

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So we looked at those. And then the last one,

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the animal welfare stuff, this is like pamphlets

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and videos and op -eds. A lot of these studies,

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the animal welfare stuff, was run by animal welfare

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organizations. Okay. Those are the persuasion

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approaches. Then there is the choice architecture,

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which is, I've talked a little bit about earlier,

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but to rehash, that's changing the aspects of

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the context in which food is selected and consumed.

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So a good example, Anderson and Nelander, 2021,

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they, as I said earlier, just put the vegetarian

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option at a university cafe for the day at eye

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level or not. So that just changes how you see

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it or not. And then psychology studies are really

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interesting broad category here basically they

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want to manipulate how you think and feel about

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meat without necessarily giving you like direct

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reasons that you should eat it so it's not like

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meat is bad for you so you should eat less meat

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it's more like oh did you know that plant -based

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options are increasingly popular and cool among

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your peers that last example that's like increasingly

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popular and cool this is the norms approach.

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And most psychology studies we looked at were

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norms -based interventions and those basically

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try to make plant -based options seem like either

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normal or desirable. Those are two different

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kinds of norms interventions. And further, you

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might say that plant -based options are normal

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today or you might do this other thing called

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dynamic norms where you say plant -based options

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are increasing in popularity. And the idea is

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there that people will do this pre -conformity

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thing where they want to go to where people are

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going in the future. And finally, we have a couple

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of papers that combine persuasion and psychological

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messages. One example is from Piester et al.

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P -I -E -S -T -E -R 2020. They put up messages

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around a dining hall, which I'm pretty sure was

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UVA, but it's like some school in South Central

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America, or the central region of the South in

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America. And they say, veggie burgers are a tasty,

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healthy choice. they're good for the environment,

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they're sustainable. Also, 95 % of your peers

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agree that veggie burgers are the tasty choice.

00:15:32.980 --> 00:15:35.059
So that's doing some things to try to tell you

00:15:35.059 --> 00:15:37.080
why you should eat them, and it's doing some

00:15:37.080 --> 00:15:39.100
things that are trying to tell you how you should

00:15:39.100 --> 00:15:41.860
think about or feel about the broader question

00:15:41.860 --> 00:15:47.100
of eating plant -based options. Okay, so those

00:15:47.100 --> 00:15:50.879
are our big approaches. We've got persuasion,

00:15:51.340 --> 00:15:54.529
choice architecture, psychology, and combo of

00:15:54.529 --> 00:15:58.149
persuasion and psychology. What are our results?

00:15:58.769 --> 00:16:02.830
Doing a little drumroll here. Overall we find

00:16:02.830 --> 00:16:06.710
nothing very impressive. In meta -analysis it's

00:16:06.710 --> 00:16:09.549
common to standardize everything by turning it

00:16:09.549 --> 00:16:14.610
into hundredths of a standard deviation, so it's

00:16:14.610 --> 00:16:19.049
called Cohen's d, and a d of 1 is one standard

00:16:19.049 --> 00:16:21.450
deviation of change. A way to think about this

00:16:21.450 --> 00:16:25.669
is Like, if I did an intervention on children's

00:16:25.669 --> 00:16:29.570
SAT scores, and I achieve the coincity of 1,

00:16:29.809 --> 00:16:31.830
that would be equivalent to 100 points each on

00:16:31.830 --> 00:16:36.309
the verbal and math increase. Because the standard

00:16:36.309 --> 00:16:38.429
deviation of the SAT is 100 points per section.

00:16:39.990 --> 00:16:41.690
In this context, it's a little less clear what

00:16:41.690 --> 00:16:43.370
a standard deviation means, but like, just go

00:16:43.370 --> 00:16:46.049
with it. It means like, a D of 1 is like, oh,

00:16:46.049 --> 00:16:52.629
you really got the job done. Our overall... Cohen's

00:16:52.629 --> 00:16:57.490
d is 0 .07. That means 7 one hundredths of a

00:16:57.490 --> 00:17:00.649
standard deviation. In general, this corresponds

00:17:00.649 --> 00:17:03.669
to like a few percentage points change or up

00:17:03.669 --> 00:17:06.109
to like five percentage points in some cases,

00:17:06.369 --> 00:17:09.069
or maybe like a, you know, notable reduction

00:17:09.069 --> 00:17:13.450
that levels out over time. Basically, we put

00:17:13.450 --> 00:17:15.569
everything together and we do not come up with

00:17:15.569 --> 00:17:17.210
the kind of transformational changes that we

00:17:17.210 --> 00:17:20.450
were looking for. That's why the paper is titled

00:17:20.759 --> 00:17:22.839
meaningfully reducing meat consumption is an

00:17:22.839 --> 00:17:29.400
unsolved problem. Now let me harken back to the

00:17:29.400 --> 00:17:31.799
problem I was saying earlier about how it's not

00:17:31.799 --> 00:17:33.299
totally clear that when you put all these studies

00:17:33.299 --> 00:17:35.680
together that it means anything because I don't

00:17:35.680 --> 00:17:37.859
know what the average of a psychology study at

00:17:37.859 --> 00:17:40.099
a choice architecture study actually indicates.

00:17:40.579 --> 00:17:44.960
To deal with that we then separated each approach

00:17:44.960 --> 00:17:47.180
into its own theoretical category and we looked

00:17:47.180 --> 00:17:49.839
at those numbers by themselves. Basically here's

00:17:49.839 --> 00:17:52.990
what we found. Choice architecture studies have

00:17:52.990 --> 00:17:55.490
the largest effect on average, about 0 .2, which

00:17:55.490 --> 00:17:57.390
is again about a fifth of a standard deviation

00:17:57.390 --> 00:17:59.309
of change. And that's, you know, in some contexts

00:17:59.309 --> 00:18:02.569
that could be meaningful. But we only had two

00:18:02.569 --> 00:18:06.049
studies that met that. Meaning that almost every

00:18:06.049 --> 00:18:08.009
choice architecture study, like hundreds of them,

00:18:08.390 --> 00:18:11.470
did not qualify. Typically that's because a lot

00:18:11.470 --> 00:18:14.250
of these choice architecture things either manipulate

00:18:14.250 --> 00:18:17.549
hypothetical, environments though it'll like

00:18:17.549 --> 00:18:20.230
take you through an online grocery store and

00:18:20.230 --> 00:18:22.369
then like you know make the Plant -based option

00:18:22.369 --> 00:18:24.329
more prominent, but you don't actually eat anything

00:18:24.329 --> 00:18:27.509
Or choose anything and the other reason is that

00:18:27.509 --> 00:18:29.950
everything is very immediate. So a good example

00:18:29.950 --> 00:18:35.269
is in the defaults literature It's a good example

00:18:35.269 --> 00:18:41.250
The paradigmatic defaults intervention would

00:18:41.250 --> 00:18:44.509
be let's say you were hosting an academic conference

00:18:47.479 --> 00:18:49.680
and you were asked in advance what kind of meal

00:18:49.680 --> 00:18:53.980
you wanted and your choices were vegetarian and

00:18:53.980 --> 00:18:57.000
non -vegetarian. In the default intervention

00:18:57.000 --> 00:19:01.079
version, your choice would just say, you will

00:19:01.079 --> 00:19:03.440
be getting a vegetarian meal. Please email us

00:19:03.440 --> 00:19:06.259
if you don't want that. That's great. It seems

00:19:06.259 --> 00:19:08.059
to have worked very well. My co -author, Maya,

00:19:08.079 --> 00:19:09.680
has a couple of really strong papers in this

00:19:09.680 --> 00:19:13.019
category, but we don't know what people do when

00:19:13.019 --> 00:19:15.480
they go home. or when they like leave the conference.

00:19:16.119 --> 00:19:20.240
So yes, there's like some evidence that just

00:19:20.240 --> 00:19:22.880
making it a little annoying to get meat, like

00:19:22.880 --> 00:19:24.619
you have to write someone an email to say, yeah,

00:19:24.619 --> 00:19:27.720
I want the beef, reduces the amount of meat people

00:19:27.720 --> 00:19:30.880
order. But whether that has any lasting effect

00:19:30.880 --> 00:19:35.299
on people's behavior, I don't know. Okay, so

00:19:35.299 --> 00:19:38.619
that's choice architecture. I would say psychology

00:19:38.619 --> 00:19:42.059
is the second most or psychological interventions.

00:19:42.700 --> 00:19:44.859
They have like about a tenth of a standard deviation

00:19:44.859 --> 00:19:47.259
of change. This dynamic norm stuff, if you want

00:19:47.259 --> 00:19:49.059
to read more about it, there's lots of cool papers.

00:19:49.339 --> 00:19:51.960
If you search like dynamic norms that meet, you'll

00:19:51.960 --> 00:19:55.740
probably encounter papers by Greg Sparkman, who's

00:19:55.740 --> 00:19:58.559
a professor at BC. I would say his lab is like

00:19:58.559 --> 00:20:02.500
the main center of this kind of research. It's

00:20:02.500 --> 00:20:04.500
really hard to use these interventions to get

00:20:04.500 --> 00:20:07.880
people to do things. Or you can get them to change

00:20:07.880 --> 00:20:10.799
a little bit, but it's like it works at a classic

00:20:10.799 --> 00:20:13.750
paper with Greg and co -authors. finds good changes

00:20:13.750 --> 00:20:16.710
in one setting, no changes in another, and like

00:20:16.710 --> 00:20:19.130
a backlash in the third. And when you look at

00:20:19.130 --> 00:20:23.690
this all together, it's really unclear why it

00:20:23.690 --> 00:20:26.049
worked in one place and not in another. We don't

00:20:26.049 --> 00:20:29.829
know. Like one explanation is that maybe there's

00:20:29.829 --> 00:20:31.390
something going on that we don't know about why

00:20:31.390 --> 00:20:33.289
it works and better in some context and others,

00:20:33.349 --> 00:20:35.650
not others, but the other possibility is that

00:20:35.650 --> 00:20:39.269
it's just really noisy. Meaning like the true

00:20:39.269 --> 00:20:44.059
answer is zero, or pretty close to zero, but

00:20:44.059 --> 00:20:47.519
there's spread around that just because of random

00:20:47.519 --> 00:20:51.160
variation, so it's going to look sometimes like

00:20:51.160 --> 00:20:53.640
you get a positive result, but it's just noise.

00:20:54.740 --> 00:20:56.940
Okay, but I don't really know. That's sort of

00:20:56.940 --> 00:21:00.619
an ongoing area of research. In general, persuasion

00:21:00.619 --> 00:21:03.799
efforts, we get a D of 0 .07, which is the same

00:21:03.799 --> 00:21:06.839
as our overall, and that masks a little bit of

00:21:06.839 --> 00:21:09.970
heterogeneity. In general, animal welfare appeals

00:21:09.970 --> 00:21:14.369
don't seem to be working. We get a D of 0 .03

00:21:14.369 --> 00:21:18.549
for all animal welfare appeals. That's not enough

00:21:18.549 --> 00:21:22.490
to do anything with. It's 0 .09 for the environment

00:21:22.490 --> 00:21:25.109
and 0 .08 for health. These are, again, all I'm

00:21:25.109 --> 00:21:26.950
just saying about these is that they're really

00:21:26.950 --> 00:21:31.730
small numbers. For animal welfare, not even a

00:21:31.730 --> 00:21:33.710
percentage point change on average. And for health

00:21:33.710 --> 00:21:35.990
and environment, maybe a couple percentage points

00:21:35.990 --> 00:21:39.480
changes on average. And persuasion and psychology

00:21:39.480 --> 00:21:45.460
combos are like a D of .11, which is about as

00:21:45.460 --> 00:21:49.339
effective as psychology on its own. Okay, so

00:21:49.339 --> 00:21:58.180
what do we make of this? I still don't know how

00:21:58.180 --> 00:22:01.839
to digest these results in, I wrote this stupid

00:22:01.839 --> 00:22:08.549
paper, this great paper. Do we just stop? I mean,

00:22:08.549 --> 00:22:12.690
that's very discouraging, but I would say that

00:22:12.690 --> 00:22:15.369
it's discouraging to me that if you look at like,

00:22:15.549 --> 00:22:17.710
there have been some previous meta -analyses

00:22:17.710 --> 00:22:22.109
that found big results and what we think basically

00:22:22.109 --> 00:22:24.390
happened, or I'm just going to say me, what I

00:22:24.390 --> 00:22:27.970
think happened, is that those papers hoovered

00:22:27.970 --> 00:22:31.450
in studies with much weaker designs and measurement

00:22:31.450 --> 00:22:36.339
strategies and weaker designs are just more likely

00:22:36.339 --> 00:22:40.539
to produce stronger effects for complicated reasons.

00:22:41.480 --> 00:22:45.119
This is what the online writer Guern, G -W -E

00:22:45.119 --> 00:22:48.319
-R -N, calls the stainless steel law of evaluation,

00:22:48.519 --> 00:22:50.259
which is that the better designed the impact

00:22:50.259 --> 00:22:52.559
assessment of a social program, the more likely

00:22:52.559 --> 00:22:55.160
is the resulting estimate of net impact to be

00:22:55.160 --> 00:22:58.079
zero. So we only look at like what I consider

00:22:58.079 --> 00:23:01.000
pretty good studies and we found basically no

00:23:01.000 --> 00:23:03.700
effect. That's, I mean, so in some ways it's

00:23:03.839 --> 00:23:07.440
That's discouraging. On the other hand, I would

00:23:07.440 --> 00:23:10.180
say this literature is getting better and better,

00:23:10.359 --> 00:23:12.119
like in terms of its methodological quality.

00:23:12.259 --> 00:23:14.220
As I said, most of the papers we looked at are

00:23:14.220 --> 00:23:16.819
from pretty recently. That's great. We still

00:23:16.819 --> 00:23:19.160
think it's a lot of untapped ground. And also

00:23:19.160 --> 00:23:21.420
there's a lot of theoretical stuff that can be

00:23:21.420 --> 00:23:26.779
done that isn't in our data set. So for instance,

00:23:27.059 --> 00:23:29.339
what about like extended contact with farm animals?

00:23:29.519 --> 00:23:32.930
Does that change anything? manipulations to the

00:23:32.930 --> 00:23:35.950
price of meat itself, like little stimulated

00:23:35.950 --> 00:23:38.730
small -scale meat taxes. None of those studies

00:23:38.730 --> 00:23:40.569
have been tested in a way that meets our criteria.

00:23:42.089 --> 00:23:45.769
There was a dearth of disgust studies, like,

00:23:45.769 --> 00:23:48.410
ew, oh my god, how much... I had no idea that

00:23:48.410 --> 00:23:51.109
so much milk and blood and pus was allowed in

00:23:51.109 --> 00:23:54.009
milk. Almost nothing that evaluated that was

00:23:54.009 --> 00:23:57.470
done rigorously. I think there's some pretty

00:23:57.470 --> 00:23:59.809
good potential for fiction to be rigorously evaluated,

00:23:59.829 --> 00:24:02.779
like... go ahead and show a lot of people like

00:24:02.779 --> 00:24:05.180
Lisa the Vegetarian, which is a Simpsons episode,

00:24:05.440 --> 00:24:09.119
or Babe, which made its farmer, the guy who played

00:24:09.119 --> 00:24:11.539
the farmer, James Cromwell, he went vegan after

00:24:11.539 --> 00:24:15.119
being in that movie, or Okja, which is like explicitly

00:24:15.119 --> 00:24:18.839
an animal rights parable. So I still think there's

00:24:18.839 --> 00:24:23.619
a lot of room here to go. Now, the next thing

00:24:23.619 --> 00:24:28.200
is that some people might say, what about like

00:24:28.200 --> 00:24:30.490
fake meat options? Isn't that the thing? Doesn't

00:24:30.490 --> 00:24:33.390
everybody love Beyond Meat or Impossible Meat?

00:24:33.410 --> 00:24:36.109
You haven't talked about that. Why not? Which

00:24:36.109 --> 00:24:40.670
gets us to our next paper, which, again, is called

00:24:40.670 --> 00:24:43.569
Taking a Bite Out of Meat or Just Giving Fresh

00:24:43.569 --> 00:24:46.230
Veggies the Boot. Plant -based meals do not reduce

00:24:46.230 --> 00:24:48.710
meat purchasing in a randomized, controlled menu

00:24:48.710 --> 00:24:51.410
intervention. Now, that title basically tells

00:24:51.410 --> 00:24:53.269
you what the whole paper is about, but I'll give

00:24:53.269 --> 00:24:58.960
you the setup. So it's an online survey. We get

00:24:58.960 --> 00:25:02.200
people into the survey and we give them questions

00:25:02.200 --> 00:25:05.220
about like choosing pens, choosing t -shirts.

00:25:05.599 --> 00:25:07.900
It's like, you know, we tell them it's a consumer

00:25:07.900 --> 00:25:10.720
choice survey. And then one of those things is

00:25:10.720 --> 00:25:14.660
they choose a taco filling from a menu that looks

00:25:14.660 --> 00:25:17.160
a lot like Chipotle's. And they were randomized

00:25:17.160 --> 00:25:21.559
into three treatments. The first is the only

00:25:21.559 --> 00:25:24.730
plant -based option is veggies and guac. and

00:25:24.730 --> 00:25:27.210
you got a bunch of meat options like beef barbacoza

00:25:27.210 --> 00:25:31.309
or barbacoa i think and like carnitas and chicken

00:25:31.309 --> 00:25:34.950
and maybe and steak i think okay that's the first

00:25:34.950 --> 00:25:40.690
treatment arm the second is you got the veggies

00:25:40.690 --> 00:25:42.809
and guac but you also have sofritas which is

00:25:42.809 --> 00:25:45.029
this thing that chipotle has it's like a you

00:25:45.029 --> 00:25:48.309
know pork analog tofu based thing if you've been

00:25:48.309 --> 00:25:50.970
to chipotle i think it's pretty good and the

00:25:50.970 --> 00:25:54.289
third option is this hypothetical thing we invented

00:25:54.289 --> 00:25:56.829
and showed people called chickenetus, which is

00:25:56.829 --> 00:25:59.930
like a fake chicken plant -based analog. And

00:25:59.930 --> 00:26:03.930
the idea is just seeing more plant -based options,

00:26:04.250 --> 00:26:06.309
or does having more plant -based options available

00:26:06.309 --> 00:26:08.690
make you more likely to select plant -based?

00:26:09.470 --> 00:26:14.630
Uh, the answer is kind of, like a little, but

00:26:14.630 --> 00:26:17.029
not much and not enough to be statistically significant.

00:26:18.490 --> 00:26:21.609
adding sofritas reduced demand for meat by 1

00:26:21.609 --> 00:26:25.329
.14 percentage points relative to having just

00:26:25.329 --> 00:26:29.170
chips and guac or veggies and guac and adding

00:26:29.170 --> 00:26:31.470
sofritas and chickenitas together reduced demand

00:26:31.470 --> 00:26:38.289
for meat by 2 .14 percentage points so you know

00:26:38.289 --> 00:26:41.529
two percentage points is something if we could

00:26:41.529 --> 00:26:43.930
like do that at all the Chipotle stores in America

00:26:43.930 --> 00:26:45.970
that would probably be a big something But we

00:26:45.970 --> 00:26:48.390
were aiming for five percentage points change,

00:26:48.430 --> 00:26:50.430
which we think is basically like the smallest

00:26:50.430 --> 00:26:53.410
amount we could feasibly tell Chipotle, hey,

00:26:53.509 --> 00:26:56.470
look, there's unmet demand for plant -based options.

00:26:56.589 --> 00:27:02.529
So you should add another one. We also noted

00:27:02.529 --> 00:27:06.569
that as we added more and more veggie options,

00:27:07.009 --> 00:27:10.509
demand for chip for the veggies and guac options

00:27:10.509 --> 00:27:18.579
decreased. So it started out. in the no no plant

00:27:18.579 --> 00:27:23.039
-based meat analogs options it was 9 .2 percent

00:27:23.039 --> 00:27:25.279
and then in the arm with sofritas it goes to

00:27:25.279 --> 00:27:28.759
6 .6 percent and the arm with sofritas and chickenitas

00:27:28.759 --> 00:27:32.420
it goes to 5 .7 percent so one unfortunate conclusion

00:27:32.420 --> 00:27:35.839
to this is that when you add a new plant -based

00:27:35.839 --> 00:27:39.700
meat option meat analog option to your menu at

00:27:39.700 --> 00:27:42.940
least some of that demand is coming from vegetarians

00:27:42.940 --> 00:27:47.799
or people who would otherwise be eating vegetarian.

00:27:50.019 --> 00:27:52.380
The paper has some other results that are kind

00:27:52.380 --> 00:27:54.880
of like just confirming that this is basically

00:27:54.880 --> 00:27:58.339
legit. For instance, men eat more meat than women.

00:27:58.759 --> 00:28:01.779
Republicans eat more meat than Democrats. People

00:28:01.779 --> 00:28:04.099
without a four -year college degree eat more

00:28:04.099 --> 00:28:07.940
meat than people who do or choose more meat in

00:28:07.940 --> 00:28:12.869
this context. When I put all these results together,

00:28:13.769 --> 00:28:17.410
it sure might sound like I'm a huge hater. Like

00:28:17.410 --> 00:28:19.609
I'm saying, oh, nothing works, sorry, go home.

00:28:22.170 --> 00:28:24.269
Sometimes I do feel that way. This is a really

00:28:24.269 --> 00:28:26.750
tough problem we're working on. I think that's

00:28:26.750 --> 00:28:30.009
overall the conclusion that I would give from

00:28:30.009 --> 00:28:33.309
these papers is that it's really hard to get

00:28:33.309 --> 00:28:35.309
people to eat less meat and animal products.

00:28:36.029 --> 00:28:39.529
Anyone who has told you otherwise, my honest

00:28:39.529 --> 00:28:44.279
-to -god opinion, is that they probably weren't

00:28:44.279 --> 00:28:46.299
evaluating the intervention very rigorously.

00:28:47.619 --> 00:28:50.900
And I don't, that's like nothing special about

00:28:50.900 --> 00:28:53.299
our field, this is just true about social science

00:28:53.299 --> 00:28:57.660
research. Again, the better design and evaluation,

00:28:57.839 --> 00:29:00.259
the more likely the resulting estimate of net

00:29:00.259 --> 00:29:03.660
impact is to be zero. On the other hand, I still

00:29:03.660 --> 00:29:04.980
think there are lots of cool things that should

00:29:04.980 --> 00:29:07.640
be tried and can be tested rigorously. And what

00:29:07.640 --> 00:29:09.920
I'm personally interested at the moment is something

00:29:09.920 --> 00:29:12.670
closer to like Mental categorization so like

00:29:12.670 --> 00:29:14.670
how do vegetarians think about the question of

00:29:14.670 --> 00:29:17.609
eating meat versus eating eggs things like that

00:29:17.609 --> 00:29:25.009
and Lastly I would say If and when plant -based

00:29:25.009 --> 00:29:32.750
meat is as good as or even cheaper than Meat

00:29:32.750 --> 00:29:36.730
that's gonna be a game changer, but I just wish

00:29:36.730 --> 00:29:39.599
to caveat that by saying that There does not

00:29:39.599 --> 00:29:41.640
seem to be any evidence of that happening anytime

00:29:41.640 --> 00:29:46.180
soon. So, again, sorry to be the bearer of bad

00:29:46.180 --> 00:29:48.519
news. What I'm saying is basically that this

00:29:48.519 --> 00:29:53.019
is a hard problem, and we just need to keep cracking

00:29:53.019 --> 00:29:57.980
at it. Thanks for listening to my bucket of cold

00:29:57.980 --> 00:30:02.700
water of a podcast recording. If you have any

00:30:02.700 --> 00:30:05.700
questions, you can find me at SethArielGreen

00:30:05.700 --> 00:30:09.509
.com. Green like the color. You can find our

00:30:09.509 --> 00:30:13.130
lab at foodlabstanford .com. You can find my

00:30:13.130 --> 00:30:18.670
newsletter at regressiontothemeat .substack .com.

00:30:19.109 --> 00:30:21.410
Thanks very much for listening and I look forward

00:30:21.410 --> 00:30:22.630
to hearing from you if you have any questions.

00:30:23.609 --> 00:30:23.890
Thanks.
