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KMO Show episode number 25 December 1st 2024.

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Hey everybody, KMO here and what I have for you today is a conversation with my friend Kevin Lynn.

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He's somebody I know from my peak oil days. In fact, I first met him when he invited me to come

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down to Lancaster, Pennsylvania where he lives where he was putting on an event where he had

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invited John Michael Greer, James Howard Kunstler, Dimitri Orlov, Chris Martinson, who else? Some

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other peak oil people to basically put on an event and I got to interview all those guys in a room.

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There's a video where I asked them about the potential for shifting from an internal combustion

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private ownership based model of transportation to one where there are fleets of autonomous

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electric vehicles and none of them were bullish on that prospect. It's a fun video. I think it's

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from 2016 which is when I first met Kevin Lin face to face. He'd been listening to my podcast,

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the C-Realm podcast, for I don't know how long but long enough to know that I was associated

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with that scene and if he was putting on an event he'd like to have me there. But since then we've

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done quite a bit of work together and in fact it was Kevin's organization that paid me to develop

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the GEBB webcomic and I got to do some traveling in association with that. I went to the EarthX

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convention in Dallas, Texas twice and once out to Los Angeles for Politicon 2019. So Kevin was a big

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Trump supporter and here is my conversation with him, my first recorded conversation with him

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after the 2024 election. And we are rolling KMO. All right, hey Kevin, it is good to see you.

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KMO, always a pleasure. It's been too long. How are you doing? I've been sick. I just took a bunch

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of cough medicines so hopefully that'll kick in and I won't be coughing a lot. Ah okay, okay.

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If I do cough. You sound a little nasally. Oh yeah. There's the first cough. Okay.

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But as you know I am excited about recent developments in artificial intelligence

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and I have invited my favorite chat bot, Claude of Anthropic AI, who knows about you.

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Yeah in fact I appreciate you because you're the one who introduced me to Claude and I

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just kind of use it for grammar, things like that. I haven't gotten as involved in it as you have.

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Kind of like using a like an AK-47 to prop the door open. Yeah pretty much. Yeah exactly.

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It can do that. Well anyway, I invited Claude to introduce our conversation here and to throw out

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the first question so I'm going to read Claude's suggestion. Claude writes, welcome to the KMO show.

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Today's guest is Kevin Lin, a self-described lapsed Republican, unrepentant paroist, failed green,

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frustrated Democrat, and now independent. KMO and Kevin first connected through the peak oil

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community where they explored questions of societal complexity and system adaptation.

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Kevin brings a unique perspective shaped by his varied career from army officer serving in the US,

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Europe, and Asia to senior positions at major accounting firms to his current role as executive

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director of the Institute for Sound Public Policy. Both Kevin and KMO follow the work of Rudyard

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Lynch whose analysis of historical crisis patterns suggests we're entering a period of

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institutional stress more akin to the 30 years war than a total war scenario. The 2024 election

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has produced some remarkable outcomes. Trump's decisive victory, the establishment's failed

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attempts to prevent it, and the emergence of a new political coalition crossing traditional

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ideological lines. Yet Lynch's framework suggests this might represent not a resolution but a stage

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in a longer process of system reorganization. Kevin, given your experience organizing political

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groups across multiple states and parties, what do you make of these new coalitions forming around

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Trump's victory, particularly the involvement of figures like RFK Jr. and Tulsi Gabbard?

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Wow, actually I'm intimidated to be quite honest with Claude's prowess when it comes to one,

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knowing who I am and being able to put that together so succinctly. And I think it's a great

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question because, you know, it's funny. I got exposed to Rudyard Lynch. I'm reading right now

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Peter Wilson's book, The 30 Years War, and I really recommend it. I mean, it's a thick

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tome. It's hard to get through, but it's real. The 30 Years War is amazingly complex, and there are

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eras of it. It went from, as Rudyard pointed out, from 1618 to 1648, and it absolutely decimated the

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German Holy Roman Empire states, and everyone was involved. It really was a total war on a

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continental basis where you had, at any one time, you had all the, I mean, the principalities in

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the German states involved. You had the Swedes involved, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth,

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France, you know, and England in a lesser role, more supportive of different players. But,

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and Spain, of course, very much involved. And then all these interlocking relationships. But before

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the 30 Years War, there were a lot of run-ups to it. And I know Rudyard is probably spot on in many

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respects when it comes to saying, you know, we should be looking at the 30 Years War, not necessarily

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the American Civil War or the American Revolution, for guide stars in looking at what could happen.

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But I think we even need to go a step back further to the French Counter-Reformation,

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which took place in the later 16th century, that period between the 1550s and late 1500s.

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And I think everyone should probably read if you haven't, I'll pull it down. But become familiar

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with Montaigne, and because he was very much a player in this period. And I put up a quote of his

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on my personal X-page, and it reads something in effect of,

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the problem with Civil War is it makes us all sentinels in our own homes. Because I recall

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reading a biography on him, and he was talking about there was a point in his life where he was

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the mayor of a small city, and on weekends, he would go horseback riding, you ride horseback to

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his estate. And his fear was to be encountered, he would come on a crossroad, and there'd be

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Uginots, Protestants guarding it, and he was a known Roman Catholic, and they might kill him.

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And you know, I have a friend who were about the same age, and she grew up in Beirut in the 80s

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during the Civil War there. And she would tell the story, I mean, there's a reason the poor woman

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has PTSD, highly functioning, but her father would drive her up to a barricade, and she would

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literally have to dodge snipers on the way to school. And life kind of goes on, as I think

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Rudyard aptly points out, if not in this podcast, but in another one where, you know, life just kind

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of goes on in a Civil War, and I think we can find ourselves there. And even though I think

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there, if, I think if the Trump administration, and I love the fact, I had been saying for two

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years that he needed to reach out and make R.F.K. his running mate. So in, I believe it was August

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when he brought R.F.K. on stage with him, and R.F.K. you know, ended his run for office and his

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support for the Trump campaign. I mean, that was significant. That brought in voters that Trump

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would not have had. And I know several in California that I knew when I was part of the

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progressive movement in California and on the executive board of the California Democratic

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Party, and not a one of them would have voted, been brought in to vote for Trump had it not been for

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R.F.K. So I think he might have been responsible for, you know, one, 1.5, maybe as many as two

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percentage points. And it was a brilliant coalition. I mean, the, I mean, it was an amazing

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end run around the establishment to do that and just brilliant. And, you know, one thing about

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Trump that I had noticed in my one instance where I spent an afternoon with him back in 2020, is

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that I think he's a really bright guy, but where he's head and shoulders above most people is

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in EQ, that emotional quotient, that ability to read people in the times and timing like Joe

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Rogan had pointed out, he's a good comedian because he has a good sense of comic timing. And he

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understands that. So can he evoke the right animal spirits, bringing the right people together?

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I don't know. Ed Doud had mentioned recently that, you know, he's inheriting a turd of an economy.

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And I think Rudyard in that, that 23 minute podcast with Dad Saves America, I think that was

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it. I was the interviewer. Yes. He rightly points out that, you know, politics and feelings aren't

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why people go to war, you know, so do civil war. It's because their backs are literally against

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the financial world. And, you know, when you have nothing left to lose, you just lose it.

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You look at the 30 years war, and much of the part of it where it was very much about,

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you know, it got religious. A lot of the underpinnings of that were economic. I mean,

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the German states were being just annihilated by the papacy. You know, you had the

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selling of indulgences, the selling of papal offices and their ability to escape taxation by

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the local German, you know, the German principalities. It was bankrupting and the people, that's,

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you know, that was a big reason why a lot of people were turning away from the Catholic Church

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and didn't trust it. And a lot of the reasons for the actual warfare itself. I mean, again,

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much like today, I don't think people really grasp how hard wage earners have it in America today.

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You know, I think our mutual friend, John Michael Greer, did an amazing job when he penned an article

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in January of 2016, because he was talking about why he said at that time, President, you know,

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Trump will win the presidency in 2016. And he said, he's the only one speaking to class warfare.

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And that's what's throwing everyone under the bus. And it's systemic. I mean, well, I'll leave it

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there. But I think Greer is spot on that we are on our way to civil war. And the economic underpinnings

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are there. He was talking about, you know, these inflationary cycles that touched off a lot of the

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civil wars. Those are here. And we've been able to gloss over it all with financialization. But I

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don't think we're going to be able to do that for much longer. KMO. So my substack is called Gen X

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science fiction and futurism. I was born in 1968. And I definitely identify with my generational

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cohort of Gen X. You are a few years older. What is your generational cohort affiliation? Yeah, I'm

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technically a boomer, I think. I'm in my 60s. And it's funny. And what I you know, what I found,

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and I don't know if you were as amazed by Rudyard as I was to think that someone so young could

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possess so much knowledge, and have the ability to do critical thinking because you there's this

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quote from Henry Ford, and it goes like this, he goes, never trust anything anyone says who's

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under the age of 40. Unfortunately, boomers, I think there's a huge blind spot with us in that.

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And I'm fortunate I have Xers and Z's working for me right now. Actually millennials and Z's

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working for me and they have been able to guide me and help expose my blind spots and I think

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help make us more effective. And I don't necessarily want to bring more on, you know, but I want to

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make sure those people are resourced and doing the things that they feel they need to do because

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it's really helping us as an organization to have those insights that someone like myself

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am pretty much blind to. So it's definitely there's a generational aspect in there. And I'd be curious,

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how do you know, so I'm saying that that's my view in terms of how I think I'm blinded to what's

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going on and the damage that's been done. But then again, in my history, I've always advocated for

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these younger generations. I was a, I'm an unrepentant parois, a parole supporter, and I

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worked for a man, he ran for president in 1992. You know, he was fighting these free trade,

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quote unquote free trade deals like the North American Free Trade Agreement, the Eurogray

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rounds of the General Agreement on taxes and tariffs, and the World Trade Organization that

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just wholesale sent millions and millions of good manufacturing jobs overseas, but also

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wiped out whole towns because there's all these ancillary businesses and concerns

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that go along with these manufacturing jobs. And they would use this, they would gaslight us by

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saying, oh, there's jobs, these jobs don't have an economic right to exist. And they keep doing it

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because they said learn to code. Well, then they outsourced and offshored all the good coding jobs

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and everything, you know, they brought in, they heavily abused the H1, they were actually was,

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it's working the way it's designed to, which is bring in a whole stream of white collar

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professional workers to displace the expensive, expendable and undeserving American white collar

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workers who are now competing for jobs at Starbucks and Walmart because they cannot find work in their

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fields. And I'm curious too about, I also think, again, getting that's the inflation aspect, but

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what makes this, I think, exceptionally scary, a moment where we really could lose it all is

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there's just for the last 30 years been this lack of, not just, you can see it when you walk outside,

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the lack of investment in physical infrastructure across the country, you know, China, who in,

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when Nixon went over there in the early 70s, you know, the mode of transportation were bicycles,

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and now they have super fast trains going all over the country and brand new cities. So all that money

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has been sucked away from the infrastructure of America, but also the lack of investment in human

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capital. Our schools are an absolute mess. Now granted, there are great school jurisdictions out

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there, like if you go to Los Angeles and you look at LA Unified School District on the whole, it's

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brilliant. No, no, it sucks, I'm sorry, but you go to La Cunha, and one other place, and it's a really

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awesome school district, but for the most part, generally speaking, absolute dog shit, and you

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know, I live in the city of Lancaster, Pennsylvania, the public schools here are absolute garbage

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in terms of producing people that are highly competitive and need to be competitive in a,

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in the 21st century, and we've been let down largely because of the influence of the

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the influence of, you know, those organizations that have a vested interest in maintaining power

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and not giving it up, and lack of investment in the trades. You know, you can't find, you can't keep

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technicians or find a good plumber, good mechanic, a good, you know, tradesman, you know, in

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construction because, you know, the unions weren't investing in that next generation coming up,

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so I think all these combined to really put this generate, these younger generations,

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their backs are against the wall, and the wage earners who don't have access to health care and

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things like that are particularly vulnerable, and the reason Trump was able to garner so much vote

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and enthusiasm, I mean, you go to, have you, did you go to any of his rallies, KMO? I've never been

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to a Trump rally. Well worth going because it's almost a religious experience. I mean, one,

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you're around great people, I thought, and people were genuinely excited. They traveled miles to be

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there. Even if he spoke for just an hour, you know, they'd wait in line, like here in the city of

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Lancaster when he spoke here, a buddy of mine was getting off a night shift, and he was going to

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come over and just hang out, crash here, we'd go down at about 11 because Trump would be speaking

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at five, and we'd wait till they opened the doors at two, and he'd just gone down to look it out at

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9 30 a.m. I got a call and I said, look, I'm in line because people are lined up 9 30 a.m. to hear

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him speak at five. I mean, that tells you just, and it's not like they think of him as a god because

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Trump voters, you know, they booed him, you know, when he spoke about the the vax, the jab and

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everything. They're very opposed to that. They're not like brainwashed or anything, but they realize

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that, you know, they might have just one opportunity to get back in the saddle, and it's Trump, and you

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know, they came out and supported him for that. Does that help, Lancaster? Kind of set the...

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Oh, I mean, you answered several questions I didn't ask, but that's all right. I ask about the

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generational cohort thing because I know that you are familiar with the framework laid out by

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Strauss and Howe and their generational theory, and, you know, the phrase the fourth turning

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means something to you, and I just wonder how much in the forefront of your thinking, you know,

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that timeline is in terms of we are coming into a period of intense crisis, and on the other side

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will be, you know, the new spring, the new awakening, new good times, but we have a really

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rough period to get through before we get there. Yeah, I think everyone should be familiar with the

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concept. I first got, you know, look, we're looking at generational issues. I, when I was at this small

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military college called Kemper in Missouri, there was an old woman, Ruthie Roberts, who taught

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accounting and economics, and she had been there since shortly after World War II, and she loved

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her boys, and, you know, she taught about a Russian economist. His name was Kondratiev, and he had come

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up with this principle that, look, when you look at innovation, the economics, it's almost like it's

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the life of a long-lived human being, like roughly 75 years, and then you had people like Harry Dent

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who came along and, you know, applied prices and markets to that, where you could say, look, I can

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tell you when a generation will buy the most potato chips, and he would also say, look, you know, the

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Great Depression was caused when the Henry Ford generation began to retire, and they stopped buying

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the cars, the college educations, and so that started the Great Depression, and then when the

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Bob Hope generation went through a similar thing, you know, the 70s, we had a serious recession,

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and he had predicted a couple things early, and which is why I, you know, became an adherent of

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his. He had said that this, in the 80s, you might recall there were all these books like Japan is

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number one, you know, the Japanese were eating our lunch in terms of, you know, building better products,

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selling on a global basis, and the fear was, you know, they would be number one, America number two,

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and, you know, but he predicted they were going to fall off a demographic cliff, and that the U.S.

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is going to go through this resurgence in the 90s, and that's exactly how it all played out, and he

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predicted right around 2008 when the critical mass of boomers would start to retire and pull in,

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and that's pretty much we had, you know, the Great Recession of 2008, and the Great, what do they call

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it, the Great Financial Recession, or something like that, GFR, I think, and, you know, people like me

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in 2006, we kind of saw it coming, and for me, I got out of equities, I got back into doing commercial

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property tax, which is where you wanted to be when the commercial real estate market tanked.

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It's a good way to make money, but so the, and then Strauss and Howe came along, and they

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put these political templates over this generational thing, and they took that that period of a long

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life human being and cut it into four sections, so they call turnings, first, second, third, and fourth,

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and that fourth turning is the dangerous one, you know, you go back 80, 85 years, where are we,

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we're at, you know, in economic stagnation, world on the precipice of total war, go back 80, 85 years

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before that, the American Civil War, 80, 85 years before that, the American Revolution, and, you know,

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wars of Spanish succession, so I think there's something to this, and the question is, can you,

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is being forewarned enabling you to be forearmed, or are these forces so great, you know, and that's

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where I'm hoping the Trump administration, given their overall openness to new ideas, and, you know,

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bringing in cabinet members that aren't all of them, you know, the quite the status quo,

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establishment types, younger, you know, they might be able to seize the moment, and

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you know, apply some of this knowledge and say, wait a minute, it's time to back off, because,

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you know, you can't talk nuclear war in a fourth turning, because someone is going to pop a nuke,

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and it could be bad for all of us, it could lead to actual total war, now is the time to be prudent

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and hold back, so that's what I'm kind of hoping to see, and that's the importance, I think, of,

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you know, a book like The Fourth Turning, and that concept of how, you know, generations kind of work

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in certain program modes, and how we might be able to avoid pitfalls that might accompany that.

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Well, speaking of Rudyard Lynch, he does reference The Fourth Turning quite a bit in his

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videos and in his interviews and things. He also talks about the Clio dynamics of the

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Peter Turchin, which is a very data intensive, basically historical analysis and model for

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projecting, or you know, or forecasting, and Peter Turchin's models also have this decade as being

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one of great turmoil, followed by a new prosperity. I also follow the work of geopolitical

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analyst George Friedman, who, you know, he wrote a book. I read his, the Next 70 Years.

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He's got a lot of books with similar titles, but his most recent one, gosh, what's it called?

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Do you recall, he had a consulting firm in the 90s? Stratfor. Stratfor, that's it, yes, yes.

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Anyway, his model basically, it's not so much a model that is as refined as, say, Peter Turchin's,

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but he is also, you know, via this data analysis and historical analysis predicting the 2020s

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are going to be a time of great turmoil as well. But again, followed by, you know, a new period of,

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I guess, nationalistic esprit de corps, you know, which sounds, if you say nationalistic for half the

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people listening, you know, that's just equivalent to Nazi, but, you know, a people living in a place

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with a shared history, a shared language, a shared perspective, feeling solidarity with one another

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and cooperating in a way that, you know, more disparate collections of people cannot cooperate

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and find common ground, and that is a recipe for prosperity. Yeah, oh, absolutely. You know, another

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mutual friend of ours, James Howard Kunstler, would speak a lot to that, you know, when you,

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you know, if you have the hard times coming, you kind of want everyone operating in the same

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framework, this, you know, shared values, you know, and, you know, the problem with, and which is why

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I focus so much on immigration is, you know, when my mother came here in 1952, immigration was

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restrictive, well regulated, and it was somewhat rare, and everyone won. Immigrants weren't being

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exploited. They weren't, you know, they weren't endangering, you know, the productive classes

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here in the U.S. as they had been prior to 1924 when it was pretty much unbridled, but

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you add to this where we have had so much immigration, where we don't have these shared

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values, and, you know, where maybe someone is thinking, all right, I got to do what's best for

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the country, but, you know, and I'm applying something of a, a, something that's, you know,

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a soldier's loyalty to one's country as opposed to kind of a merchant

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point of view where it's like, okay, what's in this for me? And then if you add to the fact that,

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well, if things go sour here in America, I can always return to my old country of origin,

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and, you know, these are big problems because these hard times really are going to require

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us to work together, and if we don't have that sense of community, like I was speaking to an

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immigrant who was working checkout in a grocery store I was at over the weekend, or this weekend

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actually yesterday, and he was trying to talk his wife into moving to Germany because he said,

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wow, you know, we don't know anyone here. No one seems to, it's hard to get around. You got to work

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all the time, and, you know, I just, it's time for me to, as to maybe move back to, you know, we want

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to go to another country as opposed to the one where they were from, and that just means again,

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culturally, you know, a lot of new arrivals are simply outside, you know, social networks that

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could be mobilized to bring the country together, and, you know, and then you add to what's been

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going on the last four years, KMO, this absolute invasion through the southern border where we

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might have added as many as 10 million, 11 million people, and many of them of military age, none of

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them with any set loyalty or aspiration to be loyal or fit in culturally in this country,

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and, you know, we have a real recipe for danger, and you add the hard economic times are coming.

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We could, you know, I'm sure in 1854, you had people that kind of were open to the notion that

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we could be approaching civil war, but I think most of the country probably thought, ah, no way,

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you know, yes, we have big issues, there's problems in Kansas, and, you know, there, you know,

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you know, there, you know, we want to, there's a group that wants to end slavery, there's a group

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that wants to keep it at all costs, and no one really probably thought we were actually going to

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get into an amazingly bloody conflaguration that was the American Civil War, and that could be

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the issue here, because to me, you know, again, going back to my, you'd meant, Claude had mentioned

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my experience as a military officer, but in the mid to late 80s, I was, for instance, at one point,

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the Supreme Allied Commander of Europe's terrorism analyst, hunted groups like a Bunin Dao, Popular

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Front for the Liberation of Palestine, General Command, and read everything I could on insurgency

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and counterinsurgency, and I, that part of me is telling me we could see a big preoccupation in

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America going forward in the, in the hard time, if we end up in very hard economic times, pretty

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much fighting a counterinsurgency here as well, because we could very well have operatives in the

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country that don't have America's best interests, in fact, our malevolent forces here. I think if,

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let's just say, since we brought in people from 152 companies, countries over the last four years,

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let's just say you're running clandestine ops for a small third world country, and, you know,

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until, you know, government, and you're thinking, how can I damage America? And we don't have any

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resources, well, I can get 10 guys that we've trained, get them to go through the southern

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border, and then get them to set up shop in America and have them be, um, uh, you know,

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uh, sleeper cells until they are told to come and, you know, do damage, like things like maybe

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blow up a railroad, uh, bridge, uh, maybe, uh, blow up a, a water treatment plant, things like

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this, things that could seriously irritate us and force us to devote a lot of resources

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to something we ought not to be doing. There, there was no need to even contemplate doing

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before the Biden administration. You do, um, you have a lot more to do with

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X, formerly Twitter, than I do. I have an account there, but I basically just post links to my

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Substack pieces. Uh, but I do want to go over to Substack here. I'm going to read just a little

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bit from the Kucinich report. This is Dennis Kucinich's Substack account. Okay. And Dennis

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Kucinich writes, our government is planning a big draft, conscripting millions of young Americans

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for an even bigger war. I call your attention to a democratic amendment to the National Defense

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Authorization Act, which was slipped into the almost trillion dollar Pentagon war spending bill

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by voice vote in the house armed services committee. The democratic amendments to HR 8070,

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the National Defense Authorization Act reads section 531, selective service system, automatic

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registration section three, except as otherwise provided in this title, every male citizen of the

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United States and other male person residing in the United States between the ages of 18 and 26

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shall be automatically registered under this act by the director of the selective service system.

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So I'll stop reading there and just say, you know, when I turned 18, I went to the post office and

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I registered for the draft. Uh, this, this new methodology eliminates that everybody is being

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registered for the draft automatically. And Dennis Kucinich paints this as, you know, the establishment

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preparing for war. Yeah. I mean, this establishment doesn't care about human life. We are a commodity.

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I mean, look at the Ukraine war over a million Ukraine deaths, uh, probably easily 500,000 more

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Russian deaths. And for what, uh, to launder a lot of money, uh, they just don't care about us. Now,

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interesting thing about Dennis Kucinich talk about, again, this new political, uh, environment that's

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being created. So I was attending CPAC last year. Uh, no, it was early, very early this year. Right.

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It was early in 2024 and it's a Friday night. I'm at the bar with some friends and I look and in walks

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Elizabeth and Dennis Kucinich. Okay. Dennis Kucinich, the founder of progressive Democrats

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of America. And, you know, at that time I was, you know, Howard Dean had formed democracy for America.

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They were both had both run the 2004 presidential race as progressives. We call big P progressives,

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not to be confused with those for progressive today. And I was actually running as a volunteer,

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the Pasadena democracy for America chapter. So I would come in contact with the progressive

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Dems of Los Angeles a lot at Kucinich group. And I met Elizabeth once at a e-board meeting of the

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democratic party. And I'm like, what are you guys doing here? I'm like, what are you doing here?

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We're here at the Republican, you know, this is a big CPAC, the big rep, you know, right wing, uh,

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conservative, uh, event. And, you know, uh, Dennis at the time is running as an independent in his

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old, um, congressional district. Sadly didn't get it, but you know, his views are very much that of

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RFK, Donald Trump right now, America first. Uh, what's great about Dennis, uh, is that he's really

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on immigration, but he was always against NAFTA, GATT, WTO, all of these, um, trade arrangements

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that put America last. Uh, unfortunately he didn't win that, uh, run as an independent. The Dem who,

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uh, was running for reelection was able to maintain his seat against a Republican challenger

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and Dennis Kucinich. Uh, but that kind of, it's funny you brought Dennis Kucinich up because he

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is, uh, typical now of what's happening with people that I think are not necessarily concerned

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about being a, you know, a progressive or a liberal or a conservative or a Republican or

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Democrat, you know, they're finding like I am their way in this political culture to where

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we can push, uh, a more America first agenda. So, but yeah, that's really interesting. And again,

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I think it, it speaks to the fact that, uh, there isn't that, you know, again, the expectation is

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that young men themselves would not go down to the post office and register. It's now, it's just,

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it's going to happen to you. It's almost like you've gone from the, the masculine to the feminine

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when it comes to war. Well, I, I could pursue that rabbit, but it would involve talking about

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somebody who has not agreed to be talked about and who's not necessarily a public figure, but

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I'm referencing a recent conversation. Um, there's a guy named Steve Crackauer who does not publish

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to Substack often, but I read his most recent piece today and he was talking about the election

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and he pointed out that, you know, Kamala Harris, uh, who was not selected via a Democratic primary

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process, but who was just appointed to, you know, be Biden's successor, uh, that she not only accepted

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the endorsement of Dick Cheney and Lynn Cheney, but really leaned into it, leaned into it hard,

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took Lynn Cheney on the campaign trail with her while Donald Trump has surrounded himself with

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Democrats or former Democrats, you know, who have left a sinking ship, you know, most notably Tulsi

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Gabbard and RFK, you know, Trump himself is a former Democrat. I imagine that, uh, Elon Musk,

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while maybe not particularly political, you know, prior to the last, say five or 10 years,

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we've been a Democrat, you know, if he cared at all. Uh, but Crackauer's point was that

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the Cheneys are definitely the establishment and people like, you know, Tulsi Gabbard,

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you know, Tulsi Gabbard and, uh, Robert Kennedy Jr., uh, they are, you know, sort of fringe

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characters and they're, they're, they do not read as establishment. You know, you could make an

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argument that they, they have establishment ties, but to the electorate, they read as

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anti-establishment. And this, the selection showed that people are just done with the

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establishment, you know, they, they are not interested except in a few, you know, little

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blue holdout regions. But if you look at the electoral map, that's just not much of the country.

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So I'll let you take it from there. Not physically much of the country. Uh,

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yeah, it's, it's, it's the large civic centers and you would think too that has to be slipping

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because, you know, I live an hour and a half drive from Philadelphia and I mean, it's a city with a

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lot of problems run by Democrats. Um, even in my small city, that's now run by, that's run by

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Democrats. It's, you know, we see, I see the beginnings of the same shakedown that happened

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in San Francisco where, you know, where 20 years ago, the budget was one fifth of what it is today

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and they had not nearly the issues of homelessness and so many other things, but they pump all this

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money into their NGO, this NGO community of friends who are able to get out the vote for them

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and keep them in office. And unfortunately, and no NGO exists to, uh, uh, work itself out of business.

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So all the issues that these NGOs are, you know, supposedly ostensibly trying to fix, they have no

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no ultimate interest in actual fixing. Yeah. The, the first priority for any organization is to

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perpetuate itself. Yes. Yeah. You know, an interesting thing, even in my, uh, situation,

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uh, in August 3rd, 2020, we met with president Trump, you know, to very specifically

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keep 200 information technology jobs at the Tennessee Valley authority from being offshore

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to H1, initially outsourced to H1B visa dependent companies like Capgemini and then eventually

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offshore to low rent countries. Uh, president Trump, uh, fired the chairman and one of the

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directors who hired the CEO of TVA TV, uh, the CEO rescinded his decision to outsource those jobs

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was a big victory. Now you would think that if you're a small organization like ours punching

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way above their dollar weight, I mean, I was the, it was great. Even the Jacobin was like, why are

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these guys saving union jobs and not us? And you would think that that would have led to

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a lot more sources of, uh, of grants and donations from people that, you know, were down with our

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movement. It led to just the opposite. Uh, one very large funder, uh, divorced himself completely

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from us, you know, uh, because he had met with Trump. Yeah. He had Trumped, he, I personally had

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Trump derangement syndrome really bad, but regardless, like I try to make the case, it

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doesn't matter. You said, look, you know, you support us because we are mitigating the impact

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of unbridled immigration and helping working American men and women. We scored the biggest

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victory in 40 years on this front. And, uh, yeah. And I just found funding cut across the board.

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Uh, so it gets back. Is there truth to this that ultimately at the end of the day, no one wants to

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see if you're involved in this NGO complex, I call it the NGO industrial complex. Uh, you want to see

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your bread and butter being taken away from you. It's, and you kind of, you can, you can

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look at what happened with gay marriage. Um, you know, a lot of people like me that didn't

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necessarily support it became supportive of it, but no one shut down shop. All these organizations

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went on to the next thing. It's like, okay, now we need to, uh, make if you're gay or they, they

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increased the scope to LGBTQ and the whole, you know, alphabet soup of things to, you know,

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transgenderism. And then it's like, oh no, we need privilege over you guys. Cause we were this class

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that was ostracized and you know, now that, you know, now we need to come back and get way back,

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not just back to good, not to good, but we need privilege. Uh, so it never seems to stop. They

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never, no one, you know, I would love KMO right now to, you know, say mission accomplished, mission

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accomplished, uh, turn the key in the door for the last time and shut this operation down. Cause we

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had won. Uh, but I think most people again, who are in, as you mentioned in this NGO, uh,

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nonprofit world don't see it that way.

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You know, you've mentioned several of our mutual acquaintances over the course of this conversation.

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Uh, there's another one I'd like to bring in and he is a very active presence on substance

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stack. And that is Steve lamb. Who is, who is Steve lamb? All right. Steve lamb and I became

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really good friends. Um, when I was living in Pasadena, well, I was living in Alth, well,

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Pasadena, California initially. Then I moved up to Alta Dena where Steve, uh, was a town councilman.

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He's a, he's not an architect, but he's, um, he does, uh, building design. So he's not like a

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licensed architect, but he does a lot of, you know, work in that area. And he was a council,

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town councilman of a sleepy little, uh, town called Alta Dena in California, uh, for 24 years.

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And when I had taken over Pasadena democracy for America, I'd mentioned Howard Dean and,

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you know, he created from Dean for America, became democracy for America and the Pasadena

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chapter eventually came according to Howard Dean's brother, Jim, uh, the most effective

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organization, west of the Mississippi for them. But early on I had said, okay, we're going to do

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a visioning meeting, bring all the activists together and say, okay, where are we going,

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you know, with this organization and it was where it was going. You know, Steve was up talking

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and he's saying, look, we got to push out these corporate Dems. We got to get back to grassroots

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activism where we're responding to the needs of the people, not just the people, but things that

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actually make good economic sense here in the community, get rid of all these NGOs that have

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latched on to, uh, you know, and we had, there were a number of them, even, you know, religious

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ones that had just kind of latched onto the democratic party and we're running things.

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We were all Democrats and progressive Democrats. So during one of the breaks, uh, some of the old

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establishment guys in the Pasadena area were there and, you know, they looked at like on me,

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like I was the bright shining young star that was gonna, you know, they would just, what do you

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want? You know, here's your path forward in the democratic party. And so, you know, I think

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that's where we're going. And if you don't like it, you can go. And so that began Steve Lamb

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and my collaboration years ago. So Steve has always been kind of a Mustang, you know,

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and he's been a great leader in the Democratic party. And so, you know, he's been a great leader

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in the Democratic party. And so, you know, he's been a great leader in the Democratic party.

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And so, you know, he's been a great leader in the Democratic party. And so, you know, Steve has

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always been kind of a Mustang, you know, out there in California politics and fifth generation,

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California. And so, you know, when you've been around for generations, you know, there's a lot

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that just comes down verbally from prior generations to you that you know about things and, you know,

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at the local, county, state level, you know, you can apply a sniff test to it and go, no, no, no,

416
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that doesn't make sense. You know, I know how it happened. I know where some of the bodies are

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buried kind of thing. Well, how would you describe Steve Lamb's political orientation, say, 10 years

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ago? 10 years ago, I know exactly where it was. And I'll give you a great example. So when our

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Pasadena Democracy for America had come into real prominence, I mean, we were a political power in

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the San Gabriel Valley as a totally volunteer organization. But even Republicans would come

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to us looking for our endorsement because they're like, we know you guys, you have a reputation of

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being, you know, you know, pretty fair. And, you know, you're pretty upfront with what you want to

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accomplish. And, you know, will you at least let me speak to your group, you know? And so that was

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kind of the orientation. So we were, and I know Steve was, you know, you know, understood that

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the Democratic Party, certainly in California, were a bunch of corrupt apparatchiks. And it was

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a bunch of people that would just glom on and use it to do what they want to do. And they would just

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gaslight anyone who would say anything different. So that's kind of where he was 10 years ago.

428
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And where is he now?

429
00:50:47,760 --> 00:50:52,880
Good question. Where is he now? Well, right now, he's now the chairman of my organization

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because he had come on several years ago to help us out on our board. And I would say he's,

431
00:51:02,160 --> 00:51:12,800
you know, he really is kind of of an America first mindset who is, you know, understands where a lot

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of the corruption is, whether it's MK Ultra, you know, looking at, you know, a lot of these conspiracy

433
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theories has actually done a lot of study on the assassination of Robert Kennedy, you know, RFK's

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father. And so, yeah, I mean, that's kind of where I see him today.

435
00:51:34,560 --> 00:51:42,000
Well, he is a vociferous Trump supporter. And, you know, he posted two, three, four times a week,

436
00:51:42,000 --> 00:51:49,840
sometimes, you know, long, very eloquent and erudite essays, basically talking about why,

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00:51:49,840 --> 00:51:56,640
you know, that regardless of Trump's faults, the Democratic Party establishment was simply

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unendurable, unacceptable. You know, it had to be defeated and deposed. I mentioned this because,

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00:52:06,560 --> 00:52:11,360
you know, like you, I mean, you're a former Democrat and Trump is surrounded by former

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Democrats, but people who have been pushed out, like, you know, Bernie Sanders in 2016, he ran

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a left leaning populist campaign and the Democratic establishment moved heaven and earth to smear him

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and marginalize him, you know, call him a sexist and a racist and, you know, all the usual stuff.

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And, you know, basically burned half of their own field, you know, in order to keep the populist

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down. And that's just driven so many people out. So now, you know, the electoral results

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basically, you know, demonstrate the country is not having it. You know, the majority of the

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population. All right. So that was most of the conversation with Kevin Lin. I am going to save

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not the last half, more like the last quarter for the paying audience on the C. Rome Vaults

448
00:53:04,560 --> 00:53:10,960
podcast and Behind the Paywall on Substack. All right. Thanks so much for listening.

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I will talk to you again. Stay well.

