WEBVTT

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The Ear to Asia podcast is made available on

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the Jakarta Post platform under agreement between

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the Jakarta Post and the University of Melbourne.

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Hello, I'm Sami Shah. This is Ear to Asia. In

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China, Mandarin in general is seen as the language

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for social mobility and also for opportunities.

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Overall, there's no such a forceful, let's say,

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imposition of Mandarin to replace other minority

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languages. But rather, it's more of a gradual

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approach in which minority languages are seen

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as less valuable or made less valuable. Even

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a language that in the Chinese context can have

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a couple of million speakers and be a minority

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language in one or two generations can drastically

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fall down the cliff when you have that sense

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that people don't want to pass the language on

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to their children. These children don't get to

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grow up learning these languages as their mother

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tongues because their parents have decided that

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that won't be a sensible investment of time for

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them. Can ethnic minority languages coexist with

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Mandarin in China? Ear to Asia is the podcast

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from Asia Institute, the Asia research specialists

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at the University of Melbourne. Mandarin, or

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Putonghua, has long served as China's official

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language, yet recent developments have shown

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its growing influence is coming at the expense

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of the country's minority languages. While China's

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constitution mandates the promotion of Putonghua,

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it also guarantees the right to use and develop

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minority languages. But after a legislative decision

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in 2020, mandatory schooling in some minority

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languages is now regarded as unconstitutional.

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This tension has brought forth language policies

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impacting large ethnic groups like the Zhuang,

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who live in China's south, and whose language

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has been losing ground in official domains. Concerns

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have also arisen about the effects of language

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policy on linguistic diversity in regions like

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Tibet. Underpinning this trend are concepts like

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the pluralist unity model, which ostensibly seeks

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to balance ethnic diversity with natural cohesion.

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However, the growing push to cement Putonghua's

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dominance in education and governance marks a

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clear shift in China's linguistic landscape.

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So, given that Mandarin is indisputably the dominant

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language of the nation, why is there an apparent

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need to further strengthen its positions vis

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-à -vis minority languages? What are the real

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-world impacts of China's Mandarin -first language

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policies on ethnic minority communities? And

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what will it take for minority languages to thrive

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alongside Putonghua in China? Joining me to examine

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the impact of government policies on minority

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languages in China are researchers of linguistic

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diversity, Dr. Lajia Tu from Asia Institute and

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Dr. Alexandra Gray from University of Technology,

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Sydney. Welcome to Ear to Asia, Lajia and Alex.

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Thank you for having me. Such a pleasure to be

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here, Sami. Alex, let's start with you. Before

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we get to minority languages, can you please

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give us a quick overview of China's ethnic minorities?

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Of course. And I think this is a good place to

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start because it's not necessarily something

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that people outside of China, say here in Australia,

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know much about at all. But if we think about

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China just as a physical space, it's much bigger

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than, say, Europe. So, of course, if we start

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to think, we can anticipate that there might

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be quite a lot of diversity in the histories,

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the origins, the cultures, the languages of different

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groups of people there. And indeed, that is the

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case. And so when the nation we now know as China

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formed itself after a period of civil war and

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tension in the middle of the 20th century, the

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government, through its constitution and other

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policies, set up an official recognition of not

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just the ethnic majority, which is called the

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Hanzhou or the Han group, but 55 recognised other

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peoples. And they are predominantly at that point

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in time being recognised because they have cultural

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and linguistic differences from what's seen as

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the majority or, if you like, the mainstream.

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And so these 55 minorities in Chinese, they're

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called 少数民族 or small number minorities, have

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a certain legal status. And then coming to the

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issue of languages, of those 55, 54 of them were

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recognised as having an official language for

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their own group. So how many minority languages

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are currently spoken and viable in China? Look,

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this is a really difficult question to answer,

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Sami, although it's also a really sensible question.

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Of course, people want to know this. So if we

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think of those 55 minorities that I just explained,

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together their population is about 8 or 9 % of

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the national population. However, it's very hard

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to get data, first of all, on... who amongst

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those minority peoples speaks what is recognised

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as a minority language. And then even in the

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cases where we do have data on language being

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spoken, it's a further challenge to get data

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that properly reflects how often or when or with

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whom people speak those languages, how fluently,

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how comfortably, whether they write those languages

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as well. And then also I think it's really important

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to remember that despite this very rigid state

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organisation of peoples into groups and languages

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to go with peoples, there are people from the

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majority who grow up speaking what we think of

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as minority languages because... That's the main

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language in the village or the town where they

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grow up. So there's not necessarily a one -to

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-one correspondence between the number of people

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in the minorities and the number of people speaking

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those languages and then the number of people

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speaking those languages as their sole language.

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So to put this in a bit of a grounded context,

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to give an example, the language that I've done

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a lot of my own research on is called Zhuang.

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It's a language that originated in that part

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of South Central China that's sort of above Vietnam

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and near Thailand. And for that language, we

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have data from around the turn of this century,

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so data from around the year 2000, and that's

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the most recent I can find reflecting this sort

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of information, saying that about 53 % of the

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people who were technically in the Zhuang population

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in what's called the Guangxi Zhuangzi Autonomous

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Region were speaking Putonghua, so that is the

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national Mandarin language. But only 20 % of

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that same group, so only 20 % of that Zhuang

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ethnic minority in that area at about the same

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time were monolingual, okay? So the majority

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of people, at least in this example of the Zhuang,

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are multilingual, bilingual, maybe trilingual,

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even quadrilingual. So people are speaking, and

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this is not just in South China, people are speaking

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both ethnic minority languages and the national

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language, which... We call it Mandarin, but it's

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called Putonghua. And then also a whole range

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of other Mandarin dialects that don't have that

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official status as the national official version

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of Mandarin. So in fact, there's enormous linguistic

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diversity going on. And that means both at a

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societal level and an individual level, there's

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a dynamic, there's, if you like, a sort of allocation

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of which language, where and how much and at

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what point in everyone's lives. Last year, historically,

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how has the Chinese Communist Party, the CCP,

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viewed ethnic minorities? Thank you for the question.

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Yes, historically, the Communist Party of China

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has seen these minority groups, as Alex said,

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55 ethnic minority groups, along with the Han

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majority group. as a big part of what makes China's

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culture so rich and diverse. So they call China

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as a multi -ethnic country. And it has come up

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with different ways to support these minority

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groups in schools and in the media. For example,

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in certain ethnic minority groups, there are

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bilingual schools, which incorporates ethnic

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minority language along with the Mandarin in

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their instruction in the classrooms. And also

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there are media such as radio broadcasts and

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televisions that has bilingual programs. Oh,

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well, there are minority language programs. Of

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course, there are membranes, but there are televisions

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and radio stations that are dedicated to minority

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languages that usually have programs that focus

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on a minority culture and the language and their

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literature and all aspects of their lives. And

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also, of course, the state news. And so Historically,

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I would say China has seen this as a very important

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part of their family. They call this the family

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of a Chinese nation, in which Chinese call it

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Zhonghua Minzu, right? Zhonghua Minzu is a big

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umbrella term that includes all these 56 ethnic

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groups, including... Han Chinese. And as Alex

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said, that Han Chinese actually makes up about

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92 % of the population in the nation. So that's

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a super majority. And all the other 55 ethnic

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groups make up only about 8 % to 9%. That's the

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latest statistics that we can get. So yeah, so

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that's a very quick overview of historical approach

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to ethnic diversity in China. So does that change

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from autonomous regions versus hand -majority

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provinces, the approaches that the CCP might

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have towards the transmission and use of minority

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languages? Yes, Sami. So in autonomous regions,

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so in China, there are several levels of autonomous

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regions. So first you have autonomous region

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like TAR, Tibet Autonomous Region, and Ningxia

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Hui Autonomous Region, and Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous

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Region. So there are also autonomous counties

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that are dedicated to different ethnic groups.

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So in autonomous regions such as in the Tibet

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Autonomous Region or Inner Mongolia or Xinjiang

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or Guangxi or Ningxia. China has established

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these frameworks to allow these communities to

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preserve their cultural identities. So they designated

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these regions for specific ethnic groups like,

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as I said, Tibetans in the Tibet Autonomous Region

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or Mongolians in Inner Mongolia to ensure their

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traditions, languages, customs remain prominent.

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And it reflects the government's commitment to

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keep the distinct contributions of these groups

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within the broader context of China. So what

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this means is that, for instance, In Mongolia,

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when they attend the school, they usually go

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to bilingual schools. And in these bilingual

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schools, there are courses that are... that include

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Mandarin and Mongolian, either as a medium of

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instruction or as a language subject. So this

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is the crux of the issue that you pointed out

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in the introduction that we can dive into later.

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So this kid theoretically can learn Mongolian

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fluently as a language subject or as a medium

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of instruction in a classroom, and also can celebrate

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their cultural practices and their traditions,

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and also pick up Mandarin along the way. So that's

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That's what it's like in autonomous regions.

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But in the high majority provinces, usually there

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are very few, if any, bilingual schools. But

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in China, we can also differentiate the bilingual

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schools from the bilingual schools that include

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Mandarin and thick minority language, and also

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international schools, because these are also

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called, the latter are also called the bilingual

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schools. For example, there are international

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schools that have... Mandarin along with English

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or Mandarin with Japanese and others, yes. So

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in this high majority provinces, there are ethnic

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minority people living there like Tibetans, Mongolians,

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Uyghurs, but they usually lack this access to

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education in their mother tongue. So they can

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only learn this through their household, through

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their parents and the peers. So that's a quick

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overview of this difference between autonomous

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region and the high majority provinces. Alex,

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you had something to add? Yes, Sammy, I did.

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Look, I wanted to clarify two things, both the

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status of bilingual schooling in those autonomous

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regions and their autonomy itself. These are

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things I've looked at in some of my own research

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because I take both a linguistic and a legal

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approach to my research on Chinese minority languages.

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But the autonomous regions, the five of them

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that Lajia explained... They haven't had a full

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devolution of power from the central government.

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There is a mechanism set up to do that, but it's

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never been completely executed. It's been blocked

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continually at the highest level for some 20,

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30 years. And so while we call these autonomous

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regions because that's their official name, they

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don't actually necessarily have more legal power

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than other parts of China to serve their minority

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populations. But more than that, demographically,

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Guangxi, again, to take an example, so this is

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in south -central China, one -third of the population

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of that autonomous region are officially part

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of the Zhuang minority. It's still an area where

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the Han majority are the majority of people living

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in that place, and increasingly it's also a place

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that is urbanised, and in urban places you have

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greater dispersal of the minority populations.

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And so while Lajia is correct in saying that

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there's bilingual schooling available across

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China, it varies very drastically in the form

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it takes and the access people have. So in the

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Inner Mongolian example that he gives, yes, Inner

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Mongolia has long been touted as a model minority

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and in particular because they've had very successful

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bilingual education and we'll come to how that

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has changed. sadly, in my view, in the last few

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years. But in the south of China, bilingual schooling

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in Guangxi has been, in fact, quite inaccessible.

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When I did my research in the 2010s, it was very

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difficult to get exact data, but crunching together

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different sources that I could find, I calculated

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that about 1 % of the school -aged population

00:14:57.580 --> 00:14:59.899
of the Zhuang minority had access to bilingual

00:14:59.899 --> 00:15:02.759
schooling. And even then, that's bilingual schooling

00:15:02.759 --> 00:15:05.210
that doesn't go all the way through primary and

00:15:05.210 --> 00:15:07.049
secondary school. It's bilingual schooling that

00:15:07.049 --> 00:15:09.490
predominantly is bilingual for a couple of years

00:15:09.490 --> 00:15:13.289
to help people transition into full Mandarin

00:15:13.289 --> 00:15:19.509
schooling. And so actually, while there is a

00:15:19.509 --> 00:15:22.129
framework to support minority peoples and their

00:15:22.129 --> 00:15:25.429
self -governance of a sort, and there is a framework

00:15:25.429 --> 00:15:27.970
and an allowance in the national education law

00:15:27.970 --> 00:15:30.870
for bilingual education, that doesn't necessarily

00:15:30.870 --> 00:15:34.100
mean that it plays out in a really robust and

00:15:34.100 --> 00:15:37.159
full and accessible way for everyone. Let's talk

00:15:37.159 --> 00:15:40.279
about that framework then a little bit. You mentioned,

00:15:40.500 --> 00:15:42.259
of course, that your research focuses on the

00:15:42.259 --> 00:15:44.340
legal side of things as well as the linguistic.

00:15:44.659 --> 00:15:48.259
So what then has been the constitutional status

00:15:48.259 --> 00:15:54.899
of both Mandarin and minority languages in China

00:15:54.899 --> 00:16:00.559
since 1949? In 1949, in a preliminary kind of

00:16:00.559 --> 00:16:03.080
constitution and then in the actual constitution

00:16:03.080 --> 00:16:06.480
as it has existed and been updated since, there

00:16:06.480 --> 00:16:09.940
has always been a provision that minority peoples

00:16:09.940 --> 00:16:12.779
have the freedom, not the right, the freedom,

00:16:12.879 --> 00:16:17.480
to use and develop their own languages. And then

00:16:17.480 --> 00:16:20.519
there has, at the same time... also been an article

00:16:20.519 --> 00:16:23.419
of the Constitution saying, amongst other things

00:16:23.419 --> 00:16:25.500
to do with the national language, that the state

00:16:25.500 --> 00:16:29.500
promotes the nationwide use of Putonghua. And

00:16:29.500 --> 00:16:31.940
then since 2000, there's also been a really important

00:16:31.940 --> 00:16:34.460
piece of national legislation. So it's not the

00:16:34.460 --> 00:16:37.879
Constitution, but it's a nationwide, very important

00:16:37.879 --> 00:16:41.000
piece of legislation about what's called the

00:16:41.000 --> 00:16:44.120
common spoken and written Chinese language. And

00:16:44.120 --> 00:16:47.429
in Article 4 of that, there is a right so not

00:16:47.429 --> 00:16:51.190
a freedom a right to learn and use the standard

00:16:51.190 --> 00:16:54.750
language so we have at the high level a really

00:16:54.750 --> 00:16:59.549
strong not just status for standardized mandarin

00:16:59.549 --> 00:17:02.909
as the national language but a right to access

00:17:02.909 --> 00:17:05.569
it a right to use it and an obligation on the

00:17:05.569 --> 00:17:09.630
state to promulgate it and that stands alongside

00:17:09.630 --> 00:17:15.450
uneasily this legally weaker and in practice

00:17:15.450 --> 00:17:20.730
not always fully fleshed out, freedom to use

00:17:20.730 --> 00:17:24.170
and develop minority languages. Can you just

00:17:24.170 --> 00:17:26.750
kind of expand on that a little bit? What's the

00:17:26.750 --> 00:17:28.509
difference there between the right versus the

00:17:28.509 --> 00:17:32.809
freedom? Yeah. How does that pan out? Look, in

00:17:32.809 --> 00:17:35.970
general terms, a right is something that can

00:17:35.970 --> 00:17:40.829
be... um advocated for or used you know to sort

00:17:40.829 --> 00:17:44.029
of prompt expectations of the state more than

00:17:44.029 --> 00:17:48.710
a freedom um the way it plays out particularly

00:17:48.710 --> 00:17:52.670
is the way say in the the decision i've recently

00:17:52.670 --> 00:17:54.930
written about and the article that underpins

00:17:54.930 --> 00:17:59.490
i think my invitation to this podcast a really

00:17:59.490 --> 00:18:02.130
high level important legal body called the um

00:18:07.140 --> 00:18:10.119
Legislative Affairs Commission, undertook a review

00:18:10.119 --> 00:18:12.940
on the constitutionality of certain regulations

00:18:12.940 --> 00:18:16.160
that were regulations setting up bilingual schooling

00:18:16.160 --> 00:18:19.059
in parts of China. And this was in 2020, right?

00:18:19.380 --> 00:18:21.980
So this review was in 2020 and then it came out

00:18:21.980 --> 00:18:26.180
in a report in early 2021. And in that report,

00:18:26.380 --> 00:18:28.599
they determined that, in fact, these bilingual

00:18:28.599 --> 00:18:31.700
schooling regulations offended the constitutional...

00:18:32.829 --> 00:18:35.349
necessity for the state to promote the nationwide

00:18:35.349 --> 00:18:39.549
use of Putonghua. So they're using that constitutional

00:18:39.549 --> 00:18:42.569
protection of the national language to invalidate

00:18:42.569 --> 00:18:45.109
bilingual schooling regulations, even though

00:18:45.109 --> 00:18:47.569
bilingual schooling regulations, these particular

00:18:47.569 --> 00:18:50.170
ones had been in existence already uncontroversially

00:18:50.170 --> 00:18:52.970
for some years prior, and even though the national

00:18:52.970 --> 00:18:55.569
education law specifically allows for bilingual

00:18:55.569 --> 00:18:59.809
schooling. And so that's an example of how that

00:18:59.809 --> 00:19:02.839
legal tension or that difference between, if

00:19:02.839 --> 00:19:04.539
you like, the right and the freedom plays out.

00:19:04.619 --> 00:19:06.700
The Legislative Affairs Commission doesn't have

00:19:06.700 --> 00:19:11.460
to provide reasons, and it didn't, but the discussion

00:19:11.460 --> 00:19:13.700
of it by commentators, legal scholars inside

00:19:13.700 --> 00:19:17.140
and outside China links it to this sense that...

00:19:17.470 --> 00:19:20.329
there is more strength or there is more obligation

00:19:20.329 --> 00:19:22.809
in that legal protection of Putonghua and what

00:19:22.809 --> 00:19:26.869
it demands compared to the more flexible freedom

00:19:26.869 --> 00:19:29.130
to use and develop minority languages, which

00:19:29.130 --> 00:19:31.630
is localized to these particular territories

00:19:31.630 --> 00:19:36.109
and also always conditional upon whether conditions

00:19:36.109 --> 00:19:39.430
exist, as the provisos in the law say. So those

00:19:39.430 --> 00:19:41.349
might be economic conditions, those might be

00:19:41.349 --> 00:19:44.559
demographic conditions that mean that... local

00:19:44.559 --> 00:19:46.640
governments can say, well, conditions no longer

00:19:46.640 --> 00:19:49.380
exist. So we don't really need to put this freedom

00:19:49.380 --> 00:19:52.920
to develop the language into any concrete form.

00:19:53.640 --> 00:19:57.019
So is it fair then to say that minority languages

00:19:57.019 --> 00:19:59.579
are being preserved, but that preservation is

00:19:59.579 --> 00:20:02.599
symbolic, but they are also simultaneously being

00:20:02.599 --> 00:20:06.319
marginalized on a functional level? Totally.

00:20:06.400 --> 00:20:08.259
I think that's a very good way of saying it.

00:20:08.339 --> 00:20:10.180
And what I would add to that is that while they're

00:20:10.180 --> 00:20:13.319
being preserved and not... without some expense

00:20:13.319 --> 00:20:16.380
i mean there is an enormous amount of resources

00:20:16.380 --> 00:20:19.859
going into documentation and archival of linguistic

00:20:19.859 --> 00:20:22.839
diversity in china at the moment both for mandarin

00:20:22.839 --> 00:20:26.640
dialects and official minority languages and

00:20:26.640 --> 00:20:29.279
that of course is done with a great deal of effort

00:20:29.279 --> 00:20:32.480
by the people involved that is primarily done

00:20:32.480 --> 00:20:35.950
to make a sort of record, a relic, so people

00:20:35.950 --> 00:20:38.789
don't forget what the linguistic diversity was,

00:20:38.829 --> 00:20:41.529
what the languages were. That's quite different

00:20:41.529 --> 00:20:43.750
from setting up the conditions of life where

00:20:43.750 --> 00:20:47.509
people can and want to, are compelled to, or

00:20:47.509 --> 00:20:51.170
are encouraged to use multiple languages and

00:20:51.170 --> 00:20:53.750
to pass them on to their children. So in my work,

00:20:53.750 --> 00:20:56.210
I talk about this as a kind of nationalisation

00:20:56.210 --> 00:21:00.119
of linguistic heritage. it becomes documented

00:21:00.119 --> 00:21:02.680
it becomes archived it becomes used in museums

00:21:02.680 --> 00:21:06.440
and it's not necessarily accessible for minority

00:21:06.440 --> 00:21:09.160
peoples going forward both in a functional sense

00:21:09.160 --> 00:21:11.619
maybe people no longer learn to speak or read

00:21:11.619 --> 00:21:13.319
that language so what are they going to do with

00:21:13.319 --> 00:21:16.700
that archive but also it's not necessarily accessible

00:21:16.700 --> 00:21:20.740
as a social resource for them to identify with

00:21:20.740 --> 00:21:23.420
it no longer is as closely connected to them

00:21:23.420 --> 00:21:26.859
and their own people But it is, by contrast,

00:21:27.099 --> 00:21:30.200
then a resource that others like local governments

00:21:30.200 --> 00:21:32.819
can use for things like place branding. So it's

00:21:32.819 --> 00:21:36.700
really shifting, if you like, the power, the

00:21:36.700 --> 00:21:40.700
control, the embodiment of these linguistic resources.

00:21:41.920 --> 00:21:44.859
Alex, as language policy goes, then China also

00:21:44.859 --> 00:21:47.380
implemented the Yubao or linguistic treasures

00:21:47.380 --> 00:21:50.099
policy in 2015. What is that and how does that

00:21:50.099 --> 00:21:54.329
fit with the 2020 review recommendations? Yeah,

00:21:54.390 --> 00:21:56.269
thanks for that question, Sammy. So in fact,

00:21:56.289 --> 00:21:58.650
what I was talking about just now, this mass

00:21:58.650 --> 00:22:02.250
effort to document and archive and preserve languages

00:22:02.250 --> 00:22:05.210
in China, that is the Yubao policy from 2015,

00:22:05.549 --> 00:22:08.150
language protection policy. It plays out differently

00:22:08.150 --> 00:22:10.769
for some languages, not for minority languages,

00:22:10.970 --> 00:22:14.309
at least as far as my research has found. So

00:22:14.309 --> 00:22:17.309
some languages, particularly strategically useful

00:22:17.309 --> 00:22:20.029
foreign languages, under this policy are also

00:22:20.029 --> 00:22:22.970
getting protection in the form of enormous organisation.

00:22:23.559 --> 00:22:26.619
organisation of, say, higher education resources

00:22:26.619 --> 00:22:29.279
to make sure more people speak those languages

00:22:29.279 --> 00:22:33.059
for the benefit of international trade and so

00:22:33.059 --> 00:22:35.440
forth. So that's also part of UBAL, but that

00:22:35.440 --> 00:22:39.460
kind of economic value or utility is not seen

00:22:39.460 --> 00:22:42.920
as worth preserving for minority languages, even

00:22:42.920 --> 00:22:47.180
though some minority languages at least are spoken

00:22:47.180 --> 00:22:50.519
across borders, are already used in cross -border

00:22:50.519 --> 00:22:54.460
trade. around all the fringes of China and related

00:22:54.460 --> 00:22:58.019
to the languages overseas nearby. And so their

00:22:58.019 --> 00:22:59.680
speakers have a head start in learning those

00:22:59.680 --> 00:23:02.119
other foreign languages too. So it's not that

00:23:02.119 --> 00:23:04.700
there is in reality no possible economic value

00:23:04.700 --> 00:23:07.759
for these languages, but the way the Yubao policy

00:23:07.759 --> 00:23:10.420
plays out is quite different from the minority

00:23:10.420 --> 00:23:13.440
languages and their sort of documentation and

00:23:13.440 --> 00:23:16.440
strategically useful foreign languages and their

00:23:16.440 --> 00:23:19.970
investment. There's also a slightly more recent

00:23:19.970 --> 00:23:22.170
policy called the National Language Capacity

00:23:22.170 --> 00:23:27.690
Approach that sits alongside UBAL. And that really

00:23:27.690 --> 00:23:32.069
supports further the sense that any implementation

00:23:32.069 --> 00:23:35.289
of language rights or language policy has to

00:23:35.289 --> 00:23:38.150
be geared towards economic development and how

00:23:38.150 --> 00:23:41.470
those languages play into the capacity of the

00:23:41.470 --> 00:23:45.390
nation. A third policy sitting alongside this

00:23:45.390 --> 00:23:48.349
all, Sammy, so it's a slightly complicated policy

00:23:48.349 --> 00:23:51.529
landscape. A third policy sitting alongside this

00:23:51.529 --> 00:23:54.589
is what we translate into English as subjectivity

00:23:54.589 --> 00:24:00.170
and diversity. It's a slightly opaque name, but

00:24:00.170 --> 00:24:03.750
it is a policy that is specifically about how

00:24:03.750 --> 00:24:06.549
diversity and linguistic diversity sits alongside

00:24:06.549 --> 00:24:13.920
the core. essential subject of the nation who

00:24:13.920 --> 00:24:17.359
is seen to be a Mandarin speaking subject. And

00:24:17.359 --> 00:24:20.480
that policy is explicitly hierarchical in how

00:24:20.480 --> 00:24:23.900
Putonghua, so national standard Mandarin, should

00:24:23.900 --> 00:24:27.039
fit alongside minority languages. So it's an

00:24:27.039 --> 00:24:31.029
explicitly hierarchical. So in the past, the

00:24:31.029 --> 00:24:33.269
kinds of things that Lajia and I have been talking

00:24:33.269 --> 00:24:36.150
about have always had a sort of inherent hierarchy

00:24:36.150 --> 00:24:38.829
between the languages. But this is a new policy

00:24:38.829 --> 00:24:41.490
that makes that hierarchy and that intention

00:24:41.490 --> 00:24:44.950
to continue to maintain a hierarchy between the

00:24:44.950 --> 00:24:49.210
languages really explicit. Lajia, it seems that

00:24:49.210 --> 00:24:51.970
China's language policy then comes down to...

00:24:52.410 --> 00:24:55.789
The pluralist unity tenet. Can you just explain

00:24:55.789 --> 00:24:58.470
what that is and why is it so important to the

00:24:58.470 --> 00:25:03.220
CCP? Yes. So China's ethnic policy in general

00:25:03.220 --> 00:25:06.420
is guided by a principle known as the pluralist

00:25:06.420 --> 00:25:10.359
unity, which was proposed by Chinese sociologist

00:25:10.359 --> 00:25:16.059
and anthropologist Fei Xiaotong in early 1980s.

00:25:16.099 --> 00:25:20.980
And it started as an academic term in his research

00:25:20.980 --> 00:25:24.079
about ethnic minority areas in China. But since

00:25:24.079 --> 00:25:27.539
it serves as this foundational concept in managing

00:25:27.539 --> 00:25:30.720
the country's linguistic and cultural diversity

00:25:30.720 --> 00:25:34.720
among ethnic groups. So the pluralist aspect

00:25:34.720 --> 00:25:37.259
of this principle refers to this acknowledgement

00:25:37.259 --> 00:25:41.220
and all. appreciation of these diverse languages

00:25:41.220 --> 00:25:44.079
and cultures that are present in China among

00:25:44.079 --> 00:25:47.940
the ethnic minority populations, such as Tibetans

00:25:47.940 --> 00:25:51.059
in the western parts of China and Mongolians

00:25:51.059 --> 00:25:53.500
in the northern parts and Zhuang in the southern

00:25:53.500 --> 00:25:57.380
regions. So it emphasizes the importance of these

00:25:57.380 --> 00:26:00.700
distinct linguistic traditions as valuable components

00:26:00.700 --> 00:26:06.019
of China as a nation. It's also part of the Chinese

00:26:06.019 --> 00:26:10.960
nation. And conversely, the unity component focuses

00:26:10.960 --> 00:26:14.259
on how to foster a cohesive national identity

00:26:14.259 --> 00:26:18.200
that binds these diverse groups together and

00:26:18.200 --> 00:26:21.359
ensure that all communities integrate into this

00:26:21.359 --> 00:26:26.500
broader family of Chinese nation. So as Alex

00:26:26.500 --> 00:26:30.960
has mentioned that this is not... let's say pluralist

00:26:30.960 --> 00:26:33.680
and unity it's not a equal let's say equally

00:26:33.680 --> 00:26:38.789
weighted rather there's an emphasis on the unity

00:26:38.789 --> 00:26:42.210
part of this pluralist unity tenet or this approach.

00:26:42.549 --> 00:26:46.549
So for example, in schools in the Tibetan areas

00:26:46.549 --> 00:26:50.009
or in other parts of China, Mandarin is often

00:26:50.009 --> 00:26:53.069
prioritized over other, I think, minority languages.

00:26:53.470 --> 00:26:56.210
And this also raises this question of how these

00:26:56.210 --> 00:26:58.849
minority languages are used and supported by

00:26:58.849 --> 00:27:03.829
the government. So to begin with, China has largely

00:27:04.579 --> 00:27:08.240
officially recognized one language for each ethnic

00:27:08.240 --> 00:27:10.839
minority groups. But that's very different from

00:27:10.839 --> 00:27:13.640
how linguists and linguistic anthropologists

00:27:13.640 --> 00:27:18.259
and language researchers see this. So, for example,

00:27:18.339 --> 00:27:22.000
in Tibet, usually we see that we think that Tibetans

00:27:22.000 --> 00:27:24.400
speak Tibetan, of course, that's their mother

00:27:24.400 --> 00:27:28.019
tongue, their native language. But some scholars,

00:27:28.039 --> 00:27:30.539
such as Gerald Raj from La Trobe University,

00:27:30.880 --> 00:27:34.470
has studied this linguistic diversity with Tibetan,

00:27:34.490 --> 00:27:38.710
and he and his co -authors have identified more

00:27:38.710 --> 00:27:40.910
languages, for example, like Mani Kaja, which

00:27:40.910 --> 00:27:45.309
he specializes in. And so for him, Tibetan language

00:27:45.309 --> 00:27:48.529
is also a dominant language within these minority

00:27:48.529 --> 00:27:52.650
areas. For example, it marginalizes other minority

00:27:52.650 --> 00:27:56.170
languages within this minority community. And

00:27:56.170 --> 00:27:59.390
in schools, in the public schools in China, all

00:27:59.390 --> 00:28:02.359
the schools are public. ethnic minority areas,

00:28:02.539 --> 00:28:05.579
they only provide this bilingual education in

00:28:05.579 --> 00:28:09.220
Mandarin and the officially designated ethnic

00:28:09.220 --> 00:28:11.180
minority language. So for example, in Tibetan

00:28:11.180 --> 00:28:13.759
bilingual schools, it's usually Mandarin along

00:28:13.759 --> 00:28:16.859
with Tibetan, but there are no instruction in

00:28:16.859 --> 00:28:19.920
other, let's say, minority languages within Tibet.

00:28:20.660 --> 00:28:26.319
And so that means that when a kid goes to school

00:28:26.319 --> 00:28:29.279
and learns these languages, usually it's the

00:28:29.279 --> 00:28:31.859
national language along with the the more let's

00:28:31.859 --> 00:28:34.799
say dominant or language that represents the

00:28:34.799 --> 00:28:37.539
ethnic group as a whole but not really not necessarily

00:28:37.539 --> 00:28:40.460
the language that speak at home and within tibet

00:28:40.460 --> 00:28:42.880
there are other languages and varieties varieties

00:28:42.880 --> 00:28:46.640
are languages that are sometimes called as dialects

00:28:46.640 --> 00:28:49.420
but strictly speaking they can be linguistically

00:28:49.420 --> 00:28:54.460
different um however i also have to emphasize

00:28:54.460 --> 00:28:58.470
that the The status of these language use or

00:28:58.470 --> 00:29:01.309
how widely they are used in a social context

00:29:01.309 --> 00:29:06.049
in education varies a lot across China. So for

00:29:06.049 --> 00:29:10.309
example, in a drawn communities as Alex said

00:29:10.309 --> 00:29:13.150
that some of these languages needs really they

00:29:13.150 --> 00:29:15.950
are in in the state of endangerment and they

00:29:15.950 --> 00:29:19.250
need this documentation and protections to to

00:29:19.250 --> 00:29:22.009
really keep them alive. But in a Tibetan areas,

00:29:22.089 --> 00:29:24.950
I would say the The situation is much better,

00:29:25.109 --> 00:29:27.490
although it could be better, of course. There

00:29:27.490 --> 00:29:30.750
are rooms for improvement all the time, but language

00:29:30.750 --> 00:29:34.230
is widely spoken. And it's just my observation

00:29:34.230 --> 00:29:36.910
that in recent years, with the emergence of these

00:29:36.910 --> 00:29:41.190
live streaming apps, such as in Tibetan areas,

00:29:41.289 --> 00:29:44.049
an app is particularly popular. That's called

00:29:44.049 --> 00:29:49.569
Kuaishou. It's very similar to TikTok, and also

00:29:49.569 --> 00:29:51.690
the Chinese version of TikTok, Douyin, is also

00:29:51.690 --> 00:29:53.970
popular in some parts of Tibet, but mostly it's

00:29:53.970 --> 00:29:57.109
a kuaishou. And on kuaishou, as a frequent user

00:29:57.109 --> 00:30:00.509
of myself, there are many Tibetans who sell stuff,

00:30:00.769 --> 00:30:06.000
they perform. arts and music, and they also speak

00:30:06.000 --> 00:30:09.660
in Tibetan. And that has actually generated more

00:30:09.660 --> 00:30:15.180
enthusiasm among the Tibetans who are very addicted

00:30:15.180 --> 00:30:18.319
to these social media platforms. So I would say

00:30:18.319 --> 00:30:22.440
that in the past, you learned Tibetan at the

00:30:22.440 --> 00:30:25.099
household, in your communities, and then at the

00:30:25.099 --> 00:30:28.019
schools. But now we also have this virtual platform

00:30:28.019 --> 00:30:31.559
which provides them with this space. But that's

00:30:31.559 --> 00:30:35.740
not That might not be the case in other areas,

00:30:35.880 --> 00:30:39.900
such as in a drawn and other, let's say, communities.

00:30:40.220 --> 00:30:42.839
But in Tibet, yes. So that's the case. And so

00:30:42.839 --> 00:30:46.359
go back to your question. So this pluralist unity

00:30:46.359 --> 00:30:52.119
is seen as very crucial. And to outsiders, it

00:30:52.119 --> 00:30:55.019
sounds that China... does appreciate diversity

00:30:55.019 --> 00:30:58.559
and this like the pluralism among its ethnic

00:30:58.559 --> 00:31:01.319
groups in terms of language culture and traditions

00:31:01.319 --> 00:31:04.180
but there is a huge emphasis on this unity and

00:31:04.180 --> 00:31:06.940
some scholars might argue that there's actually

00:31:06.940 --> 00:31:10.119
a directional approach that is from a pluralism

00:31:10.119 --> 00:31:13.200
to the one body of unity and the purpose is really

00:31:13.200 --> 00:31:16.779
to uh to integrate all ethnic groups into the

00:31:16.779 --> 00:31:22.460
big family of uh chinese nation Yeah, that directionality,

00:31:22.480 --> 00:31:24.640
Ladja, or that sort of assimilationist tendency

00:31:24.640 --> 00:31:27.099
really comes to the fore at different periods

00:31:27.099 --> 00:31:30.180
of history and then fades away again. And I mean,

00:31:30.220 --> 00:31:33.539
most recently, say for the last 15 or so years,

00:31:33.660 --> 00:31:35.920
scholars in this space have particularly noticed

00:31:35.920 --> 00:31:39.200
that that focus on unity, particularly when it

00:31:39.200 --> 00:31:43.500
comes to linguistic issues, has been to see multilingualism

00:31:43.500 --> 00:31:46.190
or the use of... languages other than the national

00:31:46.190 --> 00:31:49.470
standard as a security threat almost, as a sort

00:31:49.470 --> 00:31:53.049
of a will to separatism, which is pretty extreme

00:31:53.049 --> 00:31:55.309
and a little, maybe we could say hypochondriac

00:31:55.309 --> 00:31:57.710
if you want to take that metaphor. And that's

00:31:57.710 --> 00:32:00.529
not the view of all local governments all across

00:32:00.529 --> 00:32:03.569
China, but definitely there is that increasing

00:32:03.569 --> 00:32:05.930
tendency. I've called this in my own work, this

00:32:05.930 --> 00:32:11.809
mistaken conflation of homogeneity with unity.

00:32:13.319 --> 00:32:15.779
would also be fun at this point, or interesting,

00:32:15.980 --> 00:32:18.839
just to remind listeners that China's not totally

00:32:18.839 --> 00:32:21.440
alone in this. A lot of these aspects of language

00:32:21.440 --> 00:32:25.619
policy, these problems, these dynamics, you know,

00:32:25.640 --> 00:32:28.000
they resonate in other parts of the world too.

00:32:28.259 --> 00:32:31.099
This aspiration to monolingualism is, you know,

00:32:31.119 --> 00:32:33.359
something we encounter in Australia and something

00:32:33.359 --> 00:32:35.240
people are talking about right now in the US.

00:32:35.559 --> 00:32:39.720
But also just this pluralistic unity, this concept,

00:32:39.839 --> 00:32:44.839
or in Chinese it's 多言一体. That's almost exactly

00:32:44.839 --> 00:32:48.980
the motto of the European Union as well. So this

00:32:48.980 --> 00:32:54.079
sense of an identity as a national or sort of

00:32:54.079 --> 00:32:57.980
a group identity as a diverse body, that's not

00:32:57.980 --> 00:33:01.339
new in China or that's not unique to China. And

00:33:01.339 --> 00:33:03.579
then the ongoing dynamism or the ongoing tension

00:33:03.579 --> 00:33:07.240
that it creates to be both a unity and diverse,

00:33:07.539 --> 00:33:27.559
that also is not unique to China. It's free to

00:33:27.559 --> 00:33:30.380
read and it's open access at melbourneasiareview

00:33:30.380 --> 00:33:34.390
.edu .au. You'll find articles by some of our

00:33:34.390 --> 00:33:36.950
regular Air to Asia guests and by many others.

00:33:37.190 --> 00:33:39.829
Plus, you can catch recent episodes of Air to

00:33:39.829 --> 00:33:42.609
Asia at the Melbourne Asia Review website, which

00:33:42.609 --> 00:33:45.589
again you can find at melbourneasiareview .edu

00:33:45.589 --> 00:33:49.670
.au. I'm Sami Shah and I'm joined by researchers

00:33:49.670 --> 00:33:52.829
of language diversity, Dr. Alexandra Gray of

00:33:52.829 --> 00:33:57.539
UTS and Dr. Lajia Tu of Asia Institute. Alex,

00:33:57.619 --> 00:33:59.940
we've been talking so much about Mandarin over

00:33:59.940 --> 00:34:03.960
the minority languages and how much it has been

00:34:03.960 --> 00:34:06.700
sold or justified to the public. How is that

00:34:06.700 --> 00:34:09.860
done? How is the public, particularly those who

00:34:09.860 --> 00:34:12.719
practice minority languages themselves, being

00:34:12.719 --> 00:34:18.099
convinced of the value of Mandarin? The main

00:34:18.099 --> 00:34:21.119
ways I would say are through creating economic

00:34:21.119 --> 00:34:25.300
avenues where Mandarin is what gets you economic

00:34:25.300 --> 00:34:29.099
value. And part of that is the job market and

00:34:29.099 --> 00:34:31.380
part of that is education and higher education.

00:34:31.739 --> 00:34:34.840
And laws and policies are used in regards to

00:34:34.840 --> 00:34:40.780
both to prioritise credentials or instruction

00:34:40.780 --> 00:34:44.980
or use of Mandarin. And increasingly what we've

00:34:44.980 --> 00:34:48.199
seen is even the use of law to create exclusive

00:34:48.199 --> 00:34:52.539
domains for Mandarin. So before I was talking

00:34:52.539 --> 00:34:55.489
about the Legislative Affairs Commission. and

00:34:55.489 --> 00:34:57.190
their decision that certain bilingual schooling

00:34:57.190 --> 00:34:59.389
regulations were unconstitutional. But then a

00:34:59.389 --> 00:35:03.110
couple of years later in 2023, they also declared

00:35:03.110 --> 00:35:05.530
that certain regulations that gave preferential

00:35:05.530 --> 00:35:08.630
local government positions to people who passed

00:35:08.630 --> 00:35:11.550
their civil service exam in a minority language,

00:35:11.829 --> 00:35:14.429
they were also unconstitutional. So that's an

00:35:14.429 --> 00:35:17.949
example of closing the spaces in which you can

00:35:17.949 --> 00:35:20.050
make a living for yourself through your minority

00:35:20.050 --> 00:35:25.030
language skills. And so that In a nutshell, or

00:35:25.030 --> 00:35:27.389
in the broader context of a nation where economic

00:35:27.389 --> 00:35:32.469
development is really always the key value, that

00:35:32.469 --> 00:35:35.170
is something that is sold not just in language

00:35:35.170 --> 00:35:38.050
but across the board as sort of the mission of

00:35:38.050 --> 00:35:41.750
China and what the government does for its people.

00:35:41.849 --> 00:35:44.230
You know, in that context, it's the economic

00:35:44.230 --> 00:35:48.460
value of Mandarin that really... sells it to

00:35:48.460 --> 00:35:51.280
people or compels people or gives people really

00:35:51.280 --> 00:35:53.420
very little choice, whichever way you want to

00:35:53.420 --> 00:35:57.659
put it. Yes, I like to add that I think the word

00:35:57.659 --> 00:36:00.619
choice is really the key here. So Mandarin in

00:36:00.619 --> 00:36:02.860
general is seen as the language for social mobility

00:36:02.860 --> 00:36:06.059
and also for opportunities. So for example, in

00:36:06.059 --> 00:36:08.300
many cases, like in education and employment,

00:36:08.860 --> 00:36:12.300
there's a... although the situation varies across

00:36:12.300 --> 00:36:15.940
different regions and and areas but overall there's

00:36:15.940 --> 00:36:19.579
no such a forceful let's say imposition of a

00:36:19.579 --> 00:36:22.380
Mandarin to replace other minority languages,

00:36:22.500 --> 00:36:25.440
but rather it's more of a gradual approach in

00:36:25.440 --> 00:36:29.000
which minority languages are seen as less valuable

00:36:29.000 --> 00:36:31.840
or made less valuable. So for example, let's

00:36:31.840 --> 00:36:34.699
say in my research area in a Minzu higher education,

00:36:35.119 --> 00:36:38.420
if a Tibetan student who attends a bilingual

00:36:38.420 --> 00:36:42.579
school and learns... most courses in their mother

00:36:42.579 --> 00:36:46.300
town, Tibetan, and also has a very high fluency

00:36:46.300 --> 00:36:50.039
in Mandarin. When they choose university degree

00:36:50.039 --> 00:36:54.019
programs, most of those programs are in Mandarin.

00:36:54.639 --> 00:36:57.300
So they have to really give up their minority

00:36:57.300 --> 00:37:01.360
language to apply to those degree programs that

00:37:01.360 --> 00:37:04.480
are exclusively in Mandarin. But there are also

00:37:04.480 --> 00:37:06.800
other programs, degree programs at the higher

00:37:06.800 --> 00:37:09.679
education level that provide some forms of instruction

00:37:09.679 --> 00:37:12.380
in minority languages. And those are usually

00:37:12.380 --> 00:37:15.280
in Minzu universities. But if you know this higher

00:37:15.280 --> 00:37:18.079
education landscape in China, Minzu University,

00:37:18.139 --> 00:37:20.559
it's a very hierarchical, let's say, education

00:37:20.559 --> 00:37:23.360
system in that. So there are first -tier universities,

00:37:23.659 --> 00:37:25.860
second -tier, and a third -tier. And the Minsu

00:37:25.860 --> 00:37:28.320
universities, except the Central Minsu University

00:37:28.320 --> 00:37:31.340
in China, is usually in the second tier. So that

00:37:31.340 --> 00:37:35.719
means a Tibetan student insists that they want

00:37:35.719 --> 00:37:40.280
to learn Tibetan in university classrooms, they

00:37:40.280 --> 00:37:42.139
have to go to Minsu University, and they have

00:37:42.139 --> 00:37:44.840
to pick from a very narrow, let's say, specialized

00:37:44.840 --> 00:37:48.309
areas or majors. But if they want to go to a

00:37:48.309 --> 00:37:50.389
better university or a higher tier university

00:37:50.389 --> 00:37:55.530
and to learn more, let's say, choose from a wider

00:37:55.530 --> 00:37:58.929
subject, such as science and physics and all

00:37:58.929 --> 00:38:01.329
those areas, they have to really, there's no

00:38:01.329 --> 00:38:04.010
way but to give up their mother tongue at the

00:38:04.010 --> 00:38:05.809
higher educational level. But at this time, we're

00:38:05.809 --> 00:38:08.949
really speaking of this academic language use,

00:38:09.050 --> 00:38:11.349
but not necessarily the language that they use

00:38:11.349 --> 00:38:14.690
in their daily conversations. These students

00:38:14.690 --> 00:38:18.550
have acquired a very high, uh let's say uh officials

00:38:18.550 --> 00:38:22.130
uh these students can speak their mother tongue

00:38:22.130 --> 00:38:25.949
fluently but there's no really use in the the

00:38:25.949 --> 00:38:28.230
current uh situation at the higher education

00:38:28.230 --> 00:38:32.050
level and then when they look for jobs uh although

00:38:32.050 --> 00:38:35.679
i think other Parts of China are different, but

00:38:35.679 --> 00:38:39.039
in Tibet, as I see, such as in Qinghai province,

00:38:39.219 --> 00:38:42.340
in the past, if you want to take an exam and

00:38:42.340 --> 00:38:45.119
apply for a job in a civil, let's say in the

00:38:45.119 --> 00:38:47.679
civil services or in a government, you really

00:38:47.679 --> 00:38:51.070
have to. prove that you are fluent both in chinese

00:38:51.070 --> 00:38:53.889
and the tibetan so usually the most of the courses

00:38:53.889 --> 00:38:56.449
are either in tibetan or chinese but you have

00:38:56.449 --> 00:38:58.630
to prove that you are fluent you are bilingually

00:38:58.630 --> 00:39:02.530
fluent but in recent years there's no such demands

00:39:02.530 --> 00:39:07.570
on the the proof of fluency in a tibetan so you

00:39:07.570 --> 00:39:10.389
have to just prove that you are tibetan ethnically

00:39:10.389 --> 00:39:13.829
so but that doesn't mean that you have to speak

00:39:13.829 --> 00:39:16.769
very good Tibetan. I'm not saying that Tibetans

00:39:16.769 --> 00:39:19.650
would decide or make decisions on whether they

00:39:19.650 --> 00:39:21.809
attend a bilingual school or Tibetan medium instruction

00:39:21.809 --> 00:39:24.869
just purely based on the employment, but that

00:39:24.869 --> 00:39:28.889
does have this washback effect. So for some Tibetans,

00:39:28.909 --> 00:39:30.949
when they see that, oh, if I go to Tibetan medium

00:39:30.949 --> 00:39:34.190
instruction and learn Tibetan well, but not so

00:39:34.190 --> 00:39:36.690
much focus on the Mandarin, then there's less

00:39:36.690 --> 00:39:41.139
opportunities at the university admission. Meaning

00:39:41.139 --> 00:39:42.619
that when they apply to university, there are

00:39:42.619 --> 00:39:45.059
less opportunities. And then those jobs require

00:39:45.059 --> 00:39:51.250
a strong influence in Mandarin. Although, let's

00:39:51.250 --> 00:39:53.730
say, as much as they love Tibetan and their mother

00:39:53.730 --> 00:39:56.590
tongue, but it's really hard for them to make

00:39:56.590 --> 00:39:58.989
a personal choice just based on their passion

00:39:58.989 --> 00:40:02.289
and enthusiasm and their love for their mother

00:40:02.289 --> 00:40:04.869
tongue. So that's why I think I would say that

00:40:04.869 --> 00:40:08.610
it's really about choice, or rather, it's a limited

00:40:08.610 --> 00:40:11.690
choice that forces these students to naturally

00:40:11.690 --> 00:40:14.210
give up, or let's say, or pay less attention

00:40:14.210 --> 00:40:17.010
to their mother tongue. However, I would also

00:40:17.010 --> 00:40:20.130
just... uh repeat to what the point that i mentioned

00:40:20.130 --> 00:40:22.409
before that is uh tibetan language can be also

00:40:22.880 --> 00:40:25.800
language of entertainment and for social interactions

00:40:25.800 --> 00:40:28.300
and that's exactly what's happening in tibet

00:40:28.300 --> 00:40:32.539
at least from my observation that is in the life

00:40:32.539 --> 00:40:35.699
let's say uh live streaming uh social media platforms

00:40:35.699 --> 00:40:39.440
like question tibetans such widely used for example

00:40:39.440 --> 00:40:41.760
one of the one of the bloggers that i follow

00:40:41.760 --> 00:40:45.380
he has more than a thousand simultaneous viewers

00:40:45.380 --> 00:40:47.980
every night for his live stream and he talked

00:40:47.980 --> 00:40:50.960
about about literature history and culture and

00:40:50.960 --> 00:40:53.309
uh to my surprise there's less censorship on

00:40:53.309 --> 00:40:55.389
this because there are also reports that once

00:40:55.389 --> 00:40:58.150
you use minority languages, all those media apps,

00:40:58.190 --> 00:41:01.030
you get censored or your live stream gets banned

00:41:01.030 --> 00:41:05.010
or prohibited. But so far, I haven't seen such

00:41:05.010 --> 00:41:09.809
cases, at least on this particular app. Lajia,

00:41:09.849 --> 00:41:13.269
just to take your point there a little further,

00:41:13.510 --> 00:41:15.590
it's really important to think of them the next

00:41:15.590 --> 00:41:17.469
generation. So we still have people in China

00:41:17.469 --> 00:41:20.150
growing up. With a mother tongue or at least

00:41:20.150 --> 00:41:22.309
a familiarity with a minority language in some

00:41:22.309 --> 00:41:24.730
contexts, those people are reducing in number,

00:41:24.789 --> 00:41:27.550
but they still exist. But as you've pointed out,

00:41:27.610 --> 00:41:30.809
these economic imperatives or incentives are

00:41:30.809 --> 00:41:34.150
not there for them to pursue that language much

00:41:34.150 --> 00:41:37.389
and in important domains in their adult lives.

00:41:37.650 --> 00:41:39.730
And those people often then choose not to pass

00:41:39.730 --> 00:41:42.670
on their language to their children at all. And

00:41:42.670 --> 00:41:45.030
that's where it's an issue of having no choice

00:41:45.030 --> 00:41:47.130
at all. These children don't get to grow up.

00:41:47.389 --> 00:41:49.769
Learning these languages as their mother tongues

00:41:49.769 --> 00:41:52.110
because their parents have decided that that

00:41:52.110 --> 00:41:55.469
won't be a sensible investment of time for them

00:41:55.469 --> 00:41:59.070
and some maybe never regret that but certainly

00:41:59.070 --> 00:42:03.869
some do and certainly that is the way that intergenerational

00:42:03.869 --> 00:42:06.909
transmission breaks down on such a rapid scale

00:42:06.909 --> 00:42:09.630
that you get a shift away from a language. Even

00:42:09.630 --> 00:42:11.909
a language that in the Chinese context can have

00:42:11.909 --> 00:42:14.369
a couple of million speakers and be a minority

00:42:14.369 --> 00:42:17.389
language in one or two generations can drastically

00:42:17.389 --> 00:42:20.449
fall down the cliff when you have that sense

00:42:20.449 --> 00:42:22.510
that people don't want to pass the language on

00:42:22.510 --> 00:42:25.860
to their children. Well, let's talk then about

00:42:25.860 --> 00:42:28.659
the Zhuang people. Alex, you've written about

00:42:28.659 --> 00:42:31.920
them. They reside in the Guangxi Autonomous Region

00:42:31.920 --> 00:42:34.579
in southern China. Can you give us a quick account

00:42:34.579 --> 00:42:37.360
of this ethnic group and the languages they speak?

00:42:37.599 --> 00:42:40.280
And then how has China's policies affected their

00:42:40.280 --> 00:42:44.639
language communication? Sure. So traditionally,

00:42:44.860 --> 00:42:47.179
Zhuang language originated in south -central

00:42:47.179 --> 00:42:50.159
China. Over the course of the 20th century, the

00:42:50.159 --> 00:42:53.539
people who spoke Chuang came to be territorialized

00:42:53.539 --> 00:42:58.559
in the Guangxi Autonomous Region and then an

00:42:58.559 --> 00:43:00.699
autonomous prefecture and an autonomous county

00:43:00.699 --> 00:43:04.800
in the neighboring provinces. No longer do those

00:43:04.800 --> 00:43:07.219
people necessarily always live in those areas

00:43:07.219 --> 00:43:09.239
because like everyone in China, they participate

00:43:09.239 --> 00:43:11.699
in this enormously high level of internal migration.

00:43:12.719 --> 00:43:18.409
Some of it permanent, some of it temporary. And

00:43:18.409 --> 00:43:19.889
then even within that area, there's enormous

00:43:19.889 --> 00:43:22.690
urbanization. So people who feel like are not

00:43:22.690 --> 00:43:25.250
moving away from the Zhuang speaking homelands

00:43:25.250 --> 00:43:27.690
are still having change arrive at their doorstep.

00:43:28.590 --> 00:43:32.530
And so in this context, there is increasingly

00:43:32.530 --> 00:43:36.190
little place for Zhuang in everyday life. I've

00:43:36.190 --> 00:43:38.769
mentioned before in this podcast in various answers,

00:43:38.849 --> 00:43:41.210
there's very little access to literacy in Zhuang.

00:43:41.650 --> 00:43:44.150
There's very little access to schooling in Zhuang.

00:43:45.159 --> 00:43:47.800
If we look at the built environment, there are

00:43:47.800 --> 00:43:52.380
very few cues that prompt people to use Zhuang

00:43:52.380 --> 00:43:55.380
or to think that Zhuang is in place in that area.

00:43:55.519 --> 00:43:57.699
And that's something I write a lot about in my

00:43:57.699 --> 00:44:01.820
own work. And so there is increasingly a sense

00:44:01.820 --> 00:44:04.940
that Zhuang is displaced even from its homelands,

00:44:05.000 --> 00:44:09.659
but also relegated to them. The way we're talking

00:44:09.659 --> 00:44:11.559
about it, the way the legal system talks about

00:44:11.559 --> 00:44:14.000
it, it's as if Zhuang can only be legitimately

00:44:14.000 --> 00:44:18.159
spoken within these areas of South Central China.

00:44:18.300 --> 00:44:20.579
So once people move out of them, they have no

00:44:20.579 --> 00:44:23.460
legitimate expectation of any linguistic protection

00:44:23.460 --> 00:44:29.599
or support. And so that really localised, territorialised

00:44:29.599 --> 00:44:33.599
system is just totally at odds with the mobility,

00:44:34.460 --> 00:44:38.159
the urbanisation, you know the everyday life

00:44:38.159 --> 00:44:41.820
of contemporary china and how has the community

00:44:41.820 --> 00:44:44.619
responded to the reduced status of their language

00:44:44.619 --> 00:44:48.159
in official venues well i mean this is a community

00:44:48.159 --> 00:44:51.920
of some 17 million people so it's hard to give

00:44:51.920 --> 00:44:56.119
an answer that represents everyone but Even the

00:44:56.119 --> 00:44:58.659
Guangxi government itself, so the regional autonomous

00:44:58.659 --> 00:45:01.260
government itself in 2019 published a report

00:45:01.260 --> 00:45:04.239
that surprised me in its frankness on the weakening

00:45:04.239 --> 00:45:07.079
status of Zhuang. So it's recognized as an issue.

00:45:07.820 --> 00:45:10.760
When I spoke to people, so as part of my doctoral

00:45:10.760 --> 00:45:12.880
research, I did interviews with Zhuang community

00:45:12.880 --> 00:45:17.579
leaders and separately with young people, just

00:45:17.579 --> 00:45:20.280
university age people with Zhuang language heritage.

00:45:20.320 --> 00:45:23.099
But there was a sense from some people of great

00:45:23.099 --> 00:45:26.300
disappointment. And then there was a sense from

00:45:26.300 --> 00:45:30.920
other people that it was, if you like, something

00:45:30.920 --> 00:45:32.960
of a fault of the community themselves that they

00:45:32.960 --> 00:45:34.579
hadn't pushed for more, they hadn't expected

00:45:34.579 --> 00:45:37.440
more. And so you get this diversity of views

00:45:37.440 --> 00:45:39.780
as to, like, to what extent this is a problem

00:45:39.780 --> 00:45:42.320
and who is to blame or how to fix the problem.

00:45:43.119 --> 00:45:45.519
I also did interviews up in Inner Mongolia, so

00:45:45.519 --> 00:45:48.000
in the far north of the country. And just to

00:45:48.000 --> 00:45:50.699
give a really, you know, sort of... I think,

00:45:50.699 --> 00:45:53.239
telling little example of how some people can

00:45:53.239 --> 00:45:55.260
feel about this. I sat down with a group of language

00:45:55.260 --> 00:45:57.960
officials who had retired, Mongolian language

00:45:57.960 --> 00:46:00.199
officials. So they were passionate enough about

00:46:00.199 --> 00:46:02.539
Mongolian language to have made it their work,

00:46:02.539 --> 00:46:05.099
their life, but they hadn't passed it on to their

00:46:05.099 --> 00:46:07.699
children. They had raised non -Mongolian speaking

00:46:07.699 --> 00:46:10.320
children. And now in their retirement and their

00:46:10.320 --> 00:46:12.719
children's adulthood, those children were very

00:46:12.719 --> 00:46:15.460
disappointed and felt they had lost a part of

00:46:15.460 --> 00:46:18.340
themselves or never had access to it. And those

00:46:18.340 --> 00:46:21.599
retirees told me that they felt really regretful

00:46:21.599 --> 00:46:24.420
about the decision they had made. And so that

00:46:24.420 --> 00:46:26.780
is also a scenario that can happen where, you

00:46:26.780 --> 00:46:29.039
know, a community can respond to this by feeling,

00:46:29.059 --> 00:46:32.059
well, what can we do or whose fault is it? Or,

00:46:32.099 --> 00:46:35.039
you know, we just need to get ahead. It's a pretty

00:46:35.039 --> 00:46:37.260
poor part of China. And yet at the same time,

00:46:37.260 --> 00:46:41.340
come to also feel like regretful or mournful

00:46:41.340 --> 00:46:44.059
that they've lost something. And so the question

00:46:44.059 --> 00:46:47.309
I take away from that is that. Is it not possible

00:46:47.309 --> 00:46:50.829
for policy to make people both richer and bilingual?

00:46:51.550 --> 00:46:53.929
Why does it have to always be a trade -off between

00:46:53.929 --> 00:46:56.269
a minority language and getting ahead in the

00:46:56.269 --> 00:46:59.130
world? Well, that really does then raise the

00:46:59.130 --> 00:47:01.150
question, and I suppose this goes to both of

00:47:01.150 --> 00:47:04.769
you, and Alex, I'll come to you first. The process

00:47:04.769 --> 00:47:08.369
of migration and demographic shift often results

00:47:08.369 --> 00:47:10.710
in a shift by speakers away from the languages

00:47:10.710 --> 00:47:13.650
of their ethnic backgrounds or ancestral homelands.

00:47:13.750 --> 00:47:16.650
That's a natural thing that happens. It can happen

00:47:16.650 --> 00:47:19.710
without policy measures by government. Does that

00:47:19.710 --> 00:47:22.949
mean language shift should then be ignored by

00:47:22.949 --> 00:47:26.840
researchers, advocates, or policymakers? Certainly

00:47:26.840 --> 00:47:29.300
not, because it's not necessarily natural, just

00:47:29.300 --> 00:47:34.820
because it happens a lot. I mean, societal change,

00:47:35.059 --> 00:47:38.199
migration, demographic change, change in the

00:47:38.199 --> 00:47:39.960
economy, all these things happen and all these

00:47:39.960 --> 00:47:43.760
things create pressures and changes in language,

00:47:43.960 --> 00:47:48.079
in the relationships between languages in many

00:47:48.079 --> 00:47:51.400
places around the world. But that doesn't mean

00:47:51.400 --> 00:47:54.710
that there's no room for policy to step in. And

00:47:54.710 --> 00:47:56.349
the fact that these things haven't been directly

00:47:56.349 --> 00:47:59.590
caused by policies that were overtly intending

00:47:59.590 --> 00:48:03.349
to wipe out languages doesn't mean that there's

00:48:03.349 --> 00:48:05.409
no policy involvement at all. You know, not having

00:48:05.409 --> 00:48:09.090
a policy or just having, as in the case I have

00:48:09.090 --> 00:48:11.449
studied, having policies that are outdated and

00:48:11.449 --> 00:48:14.210
non -responsive to the current situation. That's

00:48:14.210 --> 00:48:18.219
a kind of policy response that creates. this

00:48:18.219 --> 00:48:20.780
sort of problem. So it doesn't have to be an

00:48:20.780 --> 00:48:23.739
explicitly oppressive language policy for us

00:48:23.739 --> 00:48:26.179
to pay attention to the situation and say there

00:48:26.179 --> 00:48:29.159
might be a role for government here. I was thinking

00:48:29.159 --> 00:48:31.960
overnight of a somewhat provocative analogy,

00:48:32.320 --> 00:48:36.500
but let's think of the case of female infanticide

00:48:36.500 --> 00:48:39.159
that is common in some parts of the world still.

00:48:40.219 --> 00:48:45.039
People make that very unfortunate choice. because

00:48:45.039 --> 00:48:47.360
they feel compelled by reasons to do with say

00:48:47.360 --> 00:48:53.119
economics or opportunity that might be something

00:48:53.119 --> 00:48:56.360
that has arisen without a government policy of

00:48:56.360 --> 00:48:58.179
course nowhere in the world is there a government

00:48:58.179 --> 00:49:00.780
policy saying you must kill your female children

00:49:01.800 --> 00:49:04.300
And yet nowhere do we sit back and say, well,

00:49:04.360 --> 00:49:06.760
that means it's not a problem. Of course, we

00:49:06.760 --> 00:49:09.119
look at that and we, as a society in many places,

00:49:09.139 --> 00:49:11.019
as a government in many places, construct that

00:49:11.019 --> 00:49:13.219
as a problem and something that perhaps needs

00:49:13.219 --> 00:49:16.380
policy intervention to shift those imperatives

00:49:16.380 --> 00:49:18.860
or to shift the kind of choices that people are

00:49:18.860 --> 00:49:21.530
making in those households. And it's not a perfect

00:49:21.530 --> 00:49:24.309
analogy, of course, but I think it helps us understand

00:49:24.309 --> 00:49:26.869
that what happens to people's languages in their

00:49:26.869 --> 00:49:29.369
households, in the way they use languages, in

00:49:29.369 --> 00:49:31.570
the way they transmit languages, in whether or

00:49:31.570 --> 00:49:36.429
not they maintain multilingual lives or shift

00:49:36.429 --> 00:49:39.610
to just one particular language, that can happen

00:49:39.610 --> 00:49:41.809
under so much societal and economic pressure

00:49:41.809 --> 00:49:45.409
that there is space for policy to step in and

00:49:45.409 --> 00:49:48.869
change those conditions. So to you then also,

00:49:48.949 --> 00:49:51.929
Elijah, as social scientists, how can minority

00:49:51.929 --> 00:49:54.329
languages be given the best chance of remaining

00:49:54.329 --> 00:49:57.869
viable and vibrant? What do you think? As a social

00:49:57.869 --> 00:50:00.570
scientist, I think we have to really be very,

00:50:00.690 --> 00:50:03.989
let's say, descriptive and analytical rather

00:50:03.989 --> 00:50:07.320
than saying... that we should prescribe certain,

00:50:07.500 --> 00:50:11.400
let's say, solutions or changes or, let's say,

00:50:11.400 --> 00:50:14.079
reforms, because the world is changing fast.

00:50:14.380 --> 00:50:17.679
And the case I see in Tibet is that it's not

00:50:17.679 --> 00:50:20.599
necessarily, like, let's say, there's a formula

00:50:20.599 --> 00:50:23.920
that we as a social scientist think is good,

00:50:24.000 --> 00:50:27.239
but not necessarily in the interest of the locals.

00:50:27.320 --> 00:50:29.360
So, for example, speaking of Tibetan bilingual

00:50:29.360 --> 00:50:32.639
education, currently, really, the problem is

00:50:32.639 --> 00:50:35.579
not whether Tibetans should be eliminated in

00:50:35.579 --> 00:50:37.539
the schools or not. But rather, should Tibetan

00:50:37.539 --> 00:50:40.219
be the medium of instruction or language subject?

00:50:40.599 --> 00:50:43.360
And for Tibetans, there are a lot who think that

00:50:43.360 --> 00:50:46.320
language, Tibetan as a language subject is sufficient

00:50:46.320 --> 00:50:48.719
for their kids to pick up. And then they would

00:50:48.719 --> 00:50:50.880
rather their kids to learn Mandarin. Although

00:50:50.880 --> 00:50:52.880
I'm not saying that's desirable outcome for most,

00:50:52.960 --> 00:50:55.840
but there are some Tibetans who think this way.

00:50:55.900 --> 00:50:59.079
Because that way they can send their kids to

00:50:59.079 --> 00:51:02.219
really good universities and get higher. paying

00:51:02.219 --> 00:51:05.599
jobs. But in the meantime, they can get to pick

00:51:05.599 --> 00:51:07.320
up their Tibetan. Because Tibetan, let's say,

00:51:07.440 --> 00:51:10.619
there's also this linguistic part to this argument.

00:51:10.639 --> 00:51:14.219
That is, we humans are very capable of picking

00:51:14.219 --> 00:51:17.139
up languages, especially at a younger age. It's

00:51:17.139 --> 00:51:20.079
very, very common in some societies to be bilingual

00:51:20.079 --> 00:51:23.019
or multilingual. And so that's why in Tibetan

00:51:23.019 --> 00:51:26.480
community, let's say, asking someone to really

00:51:27.340 --> 00:51:29.480
learn to speak two languages at the same time

00:51:29.480 --> 00:51:32.900
is not really too much to ask. Because kids pick

00:51:32.900 --> 00:51:38.880
up language very naturally. And those kids attend

00:51:38.880 --> 00:51:41.079
schools because they attend bilingual schools.

00:51:41.219 --> 00:51:43.579
Mostly their peers are Tibetan. And then they

00:51:43.579 --> 00:51:46.559
learn really Tibetan very fast. And there are

00:51:46.559 --> 00:51:50.400
more, as I said, programs on those social media

00:51:50.400 --> 00:51:52.960
apps. And also their parents at least speak Tibetan.

00:51:53.099 --> 00:51:57.619
So yes. So overall, I think for me, I tend to

00:51:57.619 --> 00:52:00.670
really describe better than just analyze why

00:52:00.670 --> 00:52:04.130
this happens. And so that's why when I see this

00:52:04.130 --> 00:52:06.710
language movement, I'm very critical. For example,

00:52:06.710 --> 00:52:09.110
on one hand, I see this language ideology of

00:52:09.110 --> 00:52:12.349
authenticity as a very powerful tool to organize

00:52:12.349 --> 00:52:15.150
and to really raise awareness about the importance

00:52:15.150 --> 00:52:17.329
of speaking Tibetan. But on the other hand, I

00:52:17.329 --> 00:52:20.929
see this exclusionary, even this social discipline

00:52:20.929 --> 00:52:23.630
among Tibetans to please each other and to see,

00:52:23.670 --> 00:52:25.929
oh, are you Tibetan or not? Why you are not speaking

00:52:25.929 --> 00:52:29.909
Tibetan? Because that does have a bad let's say,

00:52:29.949 --> 00:52:32.309
effect on those who do not speak Tibetan, but

00:52:32.309 --> 00:52:36.610
probably Tibet. Our guests have been Dr. Lajia

00:52:36.610 --> 00:52:39.969
Tu of Asia Institute and Dr. Alexandra Gray from

00:52:39.969 --> 00:52:42.670
University of Technology, Sydney. Thank you both.

00:52:43.150 --> 00:52:47.269
Thank you. Thanks so much. Ear to Asia is brought

00:52:47.269 --> 00:52:49.889
to you by Asia Institute of the University of

00:52:49.889 --> 00:53:10.650
Melbourne, Australia. and review it. Every positive

00:53:10.650 --> 00:53:13.610
review helps new listeners find the show. And

00:53:13.610 --> 00:53:15.829
please help us by spreading the word on your

00:53:15.829 --> 00:53:19.289
socials. This episode was recorded on the 19th

00:53:19.289 --> 00:53:23.289
of March, 2025. Producers were Kelvin Param and

00:53:23.289 --> 00:53:27.510
Eric Van Bemmel of Profactual .com. Ear to Asia

00:53:27.510 --> 00:53:30.010
is licensed under Creative Commons, copyright

00:53:30.010 --> 00:53:33.489
2025, the University of Melbourne. I'm Sami Shah.

00:53:33.630 --> 00:53:34.909
Thanks for your company.
