WEBVTT

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The Ear to Asia podcast is made available on

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the Jakarta Post platform under agreement between

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the Jakarta Post and the University of Melbourne.

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Hello, I'm Sami Shah. This is Ear to Asia. The

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current platform of the Chinese Communist Party

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is in many ways indistinguishable from the one

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being advanced by Chiang Kai -shek. So one might

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suggest that even though the communists won the

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civil war, it was in a sense the ideology of

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the nationalists that was ultimately victorious.

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In this episode, the Chinese civil war's lingering

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shadow over modern China. Ear to Asia is the

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podcast from Asia Institute, the Asia research

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specialists at the University of Melbourne. The

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People's Republic of China has long maintained

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the option of using military force to retake

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Taiwan, a stance that is often interpreted as

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a sign that the Chinese Civil War, which brought

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the Chinese Communist Party or CCP to power on

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the mainland, is not really over. The Chinese

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Civil War fought between 1927 and 1949 was an

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ideological struggle between two rival factions,

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the Nationalist Party or KMT and the CCP. The

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KMT championed national self -strengthening and

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the restoration of China's dignity. while the

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CCP promised a socialist revolution aimed at

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dismantling class distinctions and eradicating

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the remnants of feudalism. In addition to the

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heavy toll on combatants, the war inflicted widespread

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suffering on the civilian population, leaving

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deep scars on Chinese society as families were

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torn apart. It also led to significant changes

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for women, many of whom assumed new roles and

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responsibilities as traditional family structures

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collapsed in the chaos. Despite China's remarkable

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economic and military rise, the legacy of the

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Chinese civil war continues to cast a long shadow

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over the nation. This persists even with the

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CCP's tight control over the historical narrative,

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ensuring its version of events remains the prevailing

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one. So why does the legacy of the Chinese civil

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war still drive geopolitical tension between

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the People's Republic and Taiwan decades after

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its conclusion? How has the psychological trauma

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of the war shaped modern Chinese society and

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family dynamics? And in what ways does this legacy

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influence China's approach to its role as a global

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superpower today? Joining me to unravel the blood

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-soaked tapestry of China's civil war is Dr.

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Louis Mayo, an Asia historian from Asia Institute.

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Welcome back to Air to Asia, Louis. Thanks, Sami.

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So, Louis, let's start with a very basic contextual

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question. Why does China's civil war matter to

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our understanding of China today? So the Chinese

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civil war matters because of its place in the

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larger story of the Chinese revolution. And I

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would argue that the Chinese revolution is the

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biggest revolutionary transformation of any society

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in modern human history. It's the most long -lasting

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and it's the one whose effects are the most...

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thoroughgoing because they extend to every area

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of the life of Chinese people, from culture to

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the economy to political institutions to the

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structures of daily life. And this revolution,

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I think, begins sometime in the 19th century,

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if not earlier. And one of its first consequences

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is the overthrow of the system of dynastic empire.

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the system whose focus was a state with a royal

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family, an imperial family, ruling over a large

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and diverse imperial territory. And that system

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was overthrown and replaced by modern nation

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-state republics. And the contest over the shape

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of those modern nation -state republics is the

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source of the Civil War. And that in the 1920s,

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this coalesced into conflict between, in a sense,

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two visions from two different parties about

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what modern China should look like. One of those

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visions was the one associated with the older

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party, the Chinese Nationalist Party, and that

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emphasised, I suppose, a transformation of Chinese

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society within the context of a single nation

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state. The other vision... was a socialist one

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associated with the Chinese Communist Party,

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which was formed in 1921. And that affiliated

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the revolution in China with a series of revolutionary

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struggles going on around the world in which

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working people were held to be battling against

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the forces of economic inequality, economic inequalities

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that might be found in traditional agriculture

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-based economic systems. or economic and social

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inequalities based on the emerging industrial

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economy. And so the battle between those two

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visions of what the Chinese national revolution

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should be about, how it should be affiliated

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to international struggles, is what really drives

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the civil war. That does then provide us an opportunity

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to get from you a beginner's guide to the Chinese

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civil war, if you will, a potted history. Well,

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I mean, the fact that the start... date is not

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clear and the end date is not clear is itself

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quite instructive. I suppose that the start date

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is often seen at the point in the 1920s when

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a coalition that had existed between the Chinese

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Nationalist Party and the Chinese Communist Party

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definitively broke down when the Chinese Nationalist

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Forces, under the leadership of Chiang Kai -shek,

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as he's known in Mandarin Chinese, took... violent

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action against the communists, who they argued

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were threatening to overthrow the nationalist

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regime and essentially initiate a revolution

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model on the Bolshevik revolution in Russia.

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That conflict drives the communists away from

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the cities and into the countryside. are able

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to survive in the countryside, but many historians

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argue that the period between 1927 and 1937 is

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really one in which the communists don't make

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a lot of headway in terms of expanding their

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revolution. In 1937, the decisive event is that

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Japan invades the Republic of China. It does

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so for a complex of reasons. One of which, I

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guess, is a sense that the long -term destiny

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of Japan is to lead an East Asian structure,

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that Japan's military will be the dominant force

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within, and that this new Japanese -led order

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in East Asia will be an alternative to that being

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promoted by other competing powers in this period,

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namely the Soviet Union. And the United States

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of America, those are the other two rivals for

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power in this structure. And then when the Japanese

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invade in 1937, their military action and their

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policies are so destructive of civilian life

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and social institutions that the communists are

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effectively able to capitalize upon that breakdown

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in the authority structures of the KMT. and then

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to go on to basically win a civil war that breaks

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out again after World War II finishes in 1945.

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Questions of why any side wins a war are matters

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of endless debate. They're always unresolvable.

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But a lot of historians would argue that the

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communists were successful because they had very,

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very strong organizational discipline. And they

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were effectively able to take over military resources

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and to mobilize, particularly the peasants in

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the countryside, and to establish a new regime,

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which the Chinese nationalists had been unable,

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essentially, to do effectively. And so that's

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what causes the communist victory in 1949 and

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the establishment of the People's Republic of

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China as the government that rules from Beijing.

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and the Chinese nationalists who are defeated

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retreat to the island of Taiwan. And just to

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add, Taiwan had been a colony of Japan all through

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the period that we've discussed up to the point

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of World War II's conclusion, basically from

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1895 to 1945, and in that sense is outside the

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story of the Chinese Civil War up to that point.

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How did the revolution against the Qing dynasty

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in 1911, which is also known as the Xinhai Revolution,

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affect the subsequent civil war? So the civil

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war we can interpret at least as partly the consequence

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of divisions within the revolutionary movement.

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the revolutionary movement had emerged as an

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attempt to replace the Chinese dynastic system,

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which was a dynastic system under the control

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of the Qing royal household, which was associated

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with the Manchu ethnic group. This is a group

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whose original language is unrelated to the Han

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Chinese languages that took power through a conquest

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of the territories of the Ming dynasty, which

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had been the last, I suppose, ethnically Han

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Chinese. We define that as a dynasty where the

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ruling family was of Han ethnicity and spoke

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Han Chinese languages. state, the Manchu state,

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not only taken over the territory of the Ming

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dynasty, it subsequently conquered Tibet, Mongolia,

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the territories that we now call Xinjiang in

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Chinese Turkestan. So that state, right, if you

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think about it, has strong parallels in its structure

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with the Ottoman Empire, which is another multi

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-ethnic, multicultural land -based structure.

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and the Mughal Empire in India. And I think we

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could also argue the Spanish Empire that emerged

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after the conquest of the Aztec and Inca Empires

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in Latin America. So these are the kinds of large

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states that dominate the world between the 16th

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century, really, and the early 20th century.

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Those states break up. through a series of revolutions,

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of which the revolution against the Qing dynasty

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is one. What kind of state will replace the Qing

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empire is something that no one agrees about.

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You also mentioned the Japanese invasion and

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the subsequent war resistance. What effect did

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this have on the outcome of the civil war? It's

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here worth talking about some of the ways in

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which historians from outside China have discussed

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this question. The American political scientist,

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Chalmers Johnson, in 1962, formed an argument

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that it was the communists' successful mobilization

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of rural people, peasants in particular, during

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the anti -Japanese war. that gave the communists

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a decisive advantage that they hadn't had prior

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to the Japanese invasion. It's also been argued

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that the civil war essentially smashed the traditional

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rural economic structures. The old rural ruling

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class was basically driven out. It escaped as

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refugees. So the old social institutions in most

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of rural China were overthrown. during the Japanese

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invasion and after it, essentially you had a

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kind of de facto social levelling as the old

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elite classes lost a lot of their wealth. So

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the power that an elite or a dominant class group

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has to maintain control was substantially weakened

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by the fact that it no longer had the kind of

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economic authority that it had prior to the Japanese

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invasion. The Japanese invasion impoverishes

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and disrupts social life on an unbelievable scale.

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It's exceptionally violent. The struggles are

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very, very difficult for people used to thinking

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about World War II in the context of Western

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Europe to imagine or understand. It's much, much

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more similar to the kind of destruction that

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one sees when the Nazis invaded the Soviet Union.

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tens of millions of deaths, many of them civilians.

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Can we drill down a little now onto the two sides

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of the civil war, the main arguments of the KMT

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and the CCP? You've given us a bit of an overview,

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but I'd like to know more about what each side

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brought in terms of their philosophies, their

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justifications. These days, it's kind of hard

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to see. the ideological energies that drove the

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oppositions in the Civil War. This is because

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the contemporary Chinese Communist Party, essentially

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over the last sort of three to even four decades,

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remoulded itself as a party that claims authority

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on the basis of its nationalism, and that it

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is a protector of the Chinese nation. and that

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it is engaged in the restoration of China's civilizational

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and cultural dignity. That's a platform that

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ironically is pretty much the one that the defeated

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Chinese nationalists proclaimed. They said, we're

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going to modernize China and we're going to create

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a space in which the beauties, I guess you could

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say it, of traditional Chinese culture will be

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shown in a properly modern society. The communists

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at the time, argued that this nationalism, like

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other nationalisms, was a kind of disguise for

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the power, essentially, of a local business and

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landowning class, a business and landowning class

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which the communists accused of being allied

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to foreign imperialists. So the Chinese communists

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said, we're more nationalistic. than the nationalists

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because we are advocating radical social revolution

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and an overthrow, essentially, of the institutions

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that permit foreign domination of Chinese society

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and Chinese people. At the same time, as Marxists,

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they inherit the view that nationalism is basically

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an instrument through which workers in particular

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countries are deceived. into focusing their emotional

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and political attentions on rivalry with other

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countries rather than with fighting the inequalities

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within their own system. So that's the point

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of ideological difference between the two of

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them. These days, I think that's much more unclear

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because the Chinese Communist Party doesn't really

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talk about its role as a leader of working class

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revolution. It talks about its... role essentially

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in producing a harmonious society in which the

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tensions that you find in a society like the

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United States purportedly don't exist, and a

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society in which Chinese culture is accorded

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true respect. At the same time, the Chinese Communist

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Party continues to define itself as an anti -feudal

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structure. Feudalism is a very ambiguous concept

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in China, but what it generally refers to is

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all forms of oppressive traditional social relationships.

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So conservative attitudes within the family,

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particularly in relationship to the position

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of women, I guess local power at the expense

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of central power, an agriculturally based power

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structure rather than an industrially based power

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structure. Those are the things that the Chinese

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Communist Party continues to invoke. when it

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describes its own history as the party that,

00:17:37.440 --> 00:17:40.180
in a sense, brought feudalism to an end in China.

00:17:41.160 --> 00:17:44.359
Let's focus now on the two charismatic leaders

00:17:44.359 --> 00:17:47.900
of these two different sides of the conflict.

00:17:48.119 --> 00:17:50.880
On one side with the KMT, you have Chiang Kai

00:17:50.880 --> 00:17:53.039
-shek. On the other with the CCP, you have Mao

00:17:53.039 --> 00:17:55.839
Zedong. What were the similarities and differences

00:17:55.839 --> 00:17:59.380
then between Chiang Kai -shek and Mao Zedong?

00:17:59.599 --> 00:18:02.519
They're both such polarizing figures. So the

00:18:02.519 --> 00:18:06.000
Canadian historian Diana Lowry has described

00:18:06.000 --> 00:18:09.119
them both as megalomaniac. That in other words,

00:18:09.140 --> 00:18:12.680
they both came to be caught up in a cult of their

00:18:12.680 --> 00:18:16.960
own personalities and to believe that they alone

00:18:16.960 --> 00:18:21.180
had the recipe for the salvation of the Chinese

00:18:21.180 --> 00:18:23.660
nation and the Chinese revolution. They're interesting

00:18:23.660 --> 00:18:27.079
in terms of their personal histories. Chiang

00:18:27.079 --> 00:18:31.259
Kai -shek was the... brother -in -law by marriage

00:18:31.259 --> 00:18:34.240
of Sun Yat -sen, the founder of the Chinese revolution.

00:18:34.700 --> 00:18:38.519
Sun Yat -sen's second wife, Sung Ching -ling,

00:18:38.619 --> 00:18:40.880
who later became a supporter of the communists,

00:18:41.000 --> 00:18:44.480
was the sister of Sung Mei -ling, the wife of

00:18:44.480 --> 00:18:47.539
Chiang Kai -shek. So there was a complex family

00:18:47.539 --> 00:18:50.960
dynamic in terms of the relationship of Chiang

00:18:50.960 --> 00:18:56.309
to Sun. He was a military guy. Mao Zedong was

00:18:56.309 --> 00:18:59.509
a person who, I never tire of repeating this,

00:18:59.650 --> 00:19:02.970
was trained as a primary school teacher. He was

00:19:02.970 --> 00:19:06.630
a person deeply concerned with the inadequacies

00:19:06.630 --> 00:19:09.349
of the traditional education system. He was a

00:19:09.349 --> 00:19:13.910
person who had hostile relations to his own family,

00:19:14.109 --> 00:19:17.970
whereas Chiang Kai -shek is celebrated for his

00:19:17.970 --> 00:19:21.309
filiality towards his mother in particular. I

00:19:21.309 --> 00:19:24.170
think you can see them, I guess, on the one hand

00:19:24.170 --> 00:19:27.500
as They're both military leaders. If you look

00:19:27.500 --> 00:19:30.079
at pictures of them in their youth, particularly

00:19:30.079 --> 00:19:33.259
as they're fighting the Civil War, their clothing

00:19:33.259 --> 00:19:35.440
is a really interesting indication of the difference

00:19:35.440 --> 00:19:39.079
between them. Chiang Kai -shek is always immaculately

00:19:39.079 --> 00:19:43.559
attired. He's sharp military uniform. He looks

00:19:43.559 --> 00:19:47.200
like a man of authority. He looks a lot like

00:19:47.200 --> 00:19:50.440
many right -wing dictators of that period you

00:19:50.440 --> 00:19:53.279
find in America and other places like that. like

00:19:53.279 --> 00:19:57.119
Mussolini. Mao, in the images that were very

00:19:57.119 --> 00:20:00.700
central to the period when the anti -Japanese

00:20:00.700 --> 00:20:04.579
war is going on, is scruffy, frequently depicted

00:20:04.579 --> 00:20:08.980
in bad clothes, with long hair, a person who

00:20:08.980 --> 00:20:12.660
certainly projected to followers this great informality,

00:20:12.740 --> 00:20:18.079
and those people who I guess are in rebellion

00:20:18.079 --> 00:20:22.069
against what might be called conservative familial

00:20:22.069 --> 00:20:25.210
values, found Mao, at least at this initial stage,

00:20:25.390 --> 00:20:29.450
to be a kind of symbol of a kind of radical unconventionality.

00:20:29.910 --> 00:20:34.750
That proves to be, at best, a partial reading

00:20:34.750 --> 00:20:37.630
of what he was. And that if you look at a lot

00:20:37.630 --> 00:20:40.349
of images of Mao, particularly after the revolution,

00:20:40.769 --> 00:20:45.509
he's very much cleaned up. He looks much more

00:20:45.509 --> 00:20:51.680
like a leader of a strong militarized republic,

00:20:52.140 --> 00:20:55.980
a bit like Stalin. A lot of the iconography of

00:20:55.980 --> 00:20:59.740
Mao is borrowed, essentially, from depictions

00:20:59.740 --> 00:21:03.380
of Stalin in the Stalin cult. How did their respective

00:21:03.380 --> 00:21:06.720
personalities then influence the strategies used

00:21:06.720 --> 00:21:10.500
by each side during the Civil War? Well, that's

00:21:10.500 --> 00:21:14.140
an interesting question. One can argue that Mao,

00:21:14.440 --> 00:21:19.650
as a person of great charisma and indeed of personal

00:21:19.650 --> 00:21:24.130
unpredictability, was willing to be more fluid

00:21:24.130 --> 00:21:26.849
in the way that he approached military questions

00:21:26.849 --> 00:21:30.910
to change his mind, to change his tactics and

00:21:30.910 --> 00:21:33.589
to change his strategy and also to delegate responsibility.

00:21:34.710 --> 00:21:37.769
Chiang is seen by many people as much more of

00:21:37.769 --> 00:21:40.769
a kind of micromanager and therefore is having

00:21:40.769 --> 00:21:44.730
eventually run into problems militarily because

00:21:44.730 --> 00:21:49.960
he couldn't. either, I guess, build a solid core

00:21:49.960 --> 00:21:54.500
of generals who were directly loyal to him and

00:21:54.500 --> 00:21:58.660
trusted him or to, in a sense, pull back and

00:21:58.660 --> 00:22:00.980
let those generals basically apply their own

00:22:00.980 --> 00:22:04.680
strategies to military affairs. Earlier, you

00:22:04.680 --> 00:22:08.240
mentioned how the Civil War had a profound impact

00:22:08.240 --> 00:22:11.599
on the family structures, the family makeups

00:22:11.599 --> 00:22:15.519
of China at the time and after. Does that mean

00:22:15.519 --> 00:22:17.720
that there was a generational divide between

00:22:17.720 --> 00:22:21.559
who aligned with whom in terms of politics? Or

00:22:21.559 --> 00:22:24.059
what impact did this have? Can you explain that

00:22:24.059 --> 00:22:28.480
a little bit more? Yeah, so the Civil War is

00:22:28.480 --> 00:22:32.119
in many ways an extension of an earlier family

00:22:32.119 --> 00:22:36.039
revolution. There's a good case for saying that,

00:22:36.079 --> 00:22:40.539
in fact, the real focus of the revolutionary

00:22:40.539 --> 00:22:44.400
intellectuals in the early period in which the

00:22:44.400 --> 00:22:48.039
Chinese communist movement emerges is not so

00:22:48.039 --> 00:22:51.819
much the problem of class, but the problem of

00:22:51.819 --> 00:22:55.640
patriarchal authority in the family. And these

00:22:55.640 --> 00:22:59.680
are a generation of people who... experienced

00:22:59.680 --> 00:23:02.920
a radically different kind of education from

00:23:02.920 --> 00:23:06.400
what had been found in China prior to the late

00:23:06.400 --> 00:23:10.880
19th century in terms of gender segregation schooling.

00:23:11.279 --> 00:23:15.900
And so what happens when you start to have co

00:23:15.900 --> 00:23:18.920
-educational schooling, of course, is that boy

00:23:18.920 --> 00:23:21.259
and girl students or male and female students

00:23:21.259 --> 00:23:25.509
fall in love with each other. And that will often

00:23:25.509 --> 00:23:29.329
challenge any system of arranged marriage. So

00:23:29.329 --> 00:23:32.069
a kind of romanticism, which is a romanticism

00:23:32.069 --> 00:23:34.890
about free choice in marriage, is one of the

00:23:34.890 --> 00:23:37.750
features essentially of this period. That, of

00:23:37.750 --> 00:23:40.910
course, is largely an issue for elite groups.

00:23:41.250 --> 00:23:45.890
But for people in more impoverished parts of

00:23:45.890 --> 00:23:50.190
the social structure, particularly for farmers,

00:23:50.390 --> 00:23:53.650
I guess. One of the traditional kind of areas

00:23:53.650 --> 00:23:57.710
of concern is how to reproduce family control

00:23:57.710 --> 00:23:59.630
over property, and that was done through arranged

00:23:59.630 --> 00:24:02.349
marriage. And that's particularly, of course,

00:24:02.369 --> 00:24:06.670
of concern to land owners, that they have a stable

00:24:06.670 --> 00:24:09.190
transmission of a property from generation to

00:24:09.190 --> 00:24:13.250
generation. As the rural economy and rural social

00:24:13.250 --> 00:24:16.309
system kind of fractures during the Civil War,

00:24:16.589 --> 00:24:21.529
that authority, that patriarchal household heads

00:24:21.529 --> 00:24:25.269
have over wives and daughters starts to fray.

00:24:25.329 --> 00:24:30.089
And the communists are particularly assertive

00:24:30.089 --> 00:24:33.690
in mobilising women in the revolutionary courts.

00:24:33.970 --> 00:24:38.089
That is one of their power bases. For women who

00:24:38.089 --> 00:24:42.089
are discontented with a conservative familial

00:24:42.089 --> 00:24:45.289
order, who are from intellectual or wealthy families,

00:24:45.970 --> 00:24:49.849
the communists have a deep attractiveness. And

00:24:49.849 --> 00:24:54.250
I guess that's a common pattern for people with

00:24:54.250 --> 00:24:58.509
feminist concerns to gravitate towards leftist

00:24:58.509 --> 00:25:02.609
politics and towards Marxism. But at the rural

00:25:02.609 --> 00:25:05.750
level, at the level of the villages, it's not

00:25:05.750 --> 00:25:09.609
so much that discontent with the constraints

00:25:09.609 --> 00:25:12.289
that traditional family structures impose on,

00:25:12.369 --> 00:25:15.519
say, the creative life of women. or on their

00:25:15.519 --> 00:25:19.440
self -expression, so much so as a set of questions

00:25:19.440 --> 00:25:22.279
about how women are subordinated essentially

00:25:22.279 --> 00:25:26.279
to the institutions of the patriarchal rural

00:25:26.279 --> 00:25:31.200
family and the fracturing of the economy and

00:25:31.200 --> 00:25:35.119
the social institutions, the disruptions caused

00:25:35.119 --> 00:25:38.319
by people having to leave their homes. those

00:25:38.319 --> 00:25:42.039
all produce quite important readjustments in

00:25:42.039 --> 00:25:44.559
relationships between men and women that the

00:25:44.559 --> 00:25:47.019
communists are very successful at capitalising

00:25:47.019 --> 00:25:50.839
upon. You're listening to Ear to Asia from Asia

00:25:50.839 --> 00:25:53.779
Institute at the University of Melbourne. Thank

00:25:53.779 --> 00:26:12.170
you. You'll find articles by some of our regular

00:26:12.170 --> 00:26:15.009
Air to Asia guests and by many others. Plus,

00:26:15.089 --> 00:26:17.490
you can catch recent episodes of Air to Asia

00:26:17.490 --> 00:26:20.349
at the Melbourne Asia Review website, which again

00:26:20.349 --> 00:26:24.210
you can find at melbourneasiareview .edu .au.

00:26:25.009 --> 00:26:27.809
I'm Sami Shah and I'm joined by Asia historian

00:26:27.809 --> 00:26:31.349
Dr Lewis Mayo. We're talking about the ramifications

00:26:31.349 --> 00:26:36.200
of China's civil war in the 20th century. Lewis,

00:26:36.319 --> 00:26:39.420
we've talked now about the makeup of the Civil

00:26:39.420 --> 00:26:42.859
War as well as the things that led to it and

00:26:42.859 --> 00:26:46.140
the impact it had on families and society. But

00:26:46.140 --> 00:26:48.599
one of the main things that comes up when we

00:26:48.599 --> 00:26:52.460
discuss the Civil War in China is the human toll.

00:26:52.759 --> 00:26:56.740
How many people were killed and just how brutal

00:26:56.740 --> 00:27:02.079
was it? Well, death tolls in wars are always

00:27:02.079 --> 00:27:06.299
controversial, but the scale of... death in the

00:27:06.299 --> 00:27:10.200
Chinese Civil War and in the Japanese invasion,

00:27:10.380 --> 00:27:15.720
which it is really a part of, is probably the

00:27:15.720 --> 00:27:20.299
most substantial of any civil war struggle in

00:27:20.299 --> 00:27:23.920
20th century history. So the scale of death is

00:27:23.920 --> 00:27:27.720
vast. We're talking... 10, 20, 30 million at

00:27:27.720 --> 00:27:31.180
least in the scale of our population, which is

00:27:31.180 --> 00:27:34.039
smaller than the Chinese population is now. So,

00:27:34.059 --> 00:27:36.619
you know, very, very large numbers of people

00:27:36.619 --> 00:27:40.420
affected by this violence. And the impact on

00:27:40.420 --> 00:27:43.500
society, the psychological trauma, the societal

00:27:43.500 --> 00:27:45.980
disruption, is there a way to measure such a

00:27:45.980 --> 00:27:50.690
thing? The importance of the civil war... underplayed

00:27:50.690 --> 00:27:54.349
in many ways in contemporary china in part because

00:27:54.349 --> 00:27:57.309
it was so horrible that in many ways people wanted

00:27:57.309 --> 00:28:02.289
to move on from it and so rather than it being

00:28:02.289 --> 00:28:07.730
a topic which is publicly discussed and publicly

00:28:07.730 --> 00:28:13.650
engaged with it's kind of in the closet i personally

00:28:13.650 --> 00:28:18.779
feel from just an anecdotal observation about

00:28:18.779 --> 00:28:23.440
these things, that having been taught by individuals

00:28:23.440 --> 00:28:30.740
who had experienced it and left China as refugees,

00:28:31.519 --> 00:28:37.460
the impact that that had on them personally was

00:28:37.460 --> 00:28:42.440
something that only revealed itself after long

00:28:42.440 --> 00:28:46.200
-term exposure to those people's lives and their

00:28:46.200 --> 00:28:48.849
characters. these were people who had lived through

00:28:48.849 --> 00:28:51.849
terrible events. Like many people who lived through

00:28:51.849 --> 00:28:54.049
terrible events, particularly in the middle of

00:28:54.049 --> 00:28:57.029
the 20th century, they just didn't want to talk

00:28:57.029 --> 00:29:00.849
about it. So it's very similar to the trauma

00:29:00.849 --> 00:29:05.109
found amongst a lot of World War II veterans

00:29:05.109 --> 00:29:08.430
in Japan and the United States and in other places

00:29:08.430 --> 00:29:11.309
that they essentially kept to themselves. In

00:29:11.309 --> 00:29:14.730
many cases, only now that some of those questions

00:29:14.730 --> 00:29:17.269
are starting to be publicly discussed. For those

00:29:17.269 --> 00:29:20.150
listeners who are interested, I strongly recommend

00:29:20.150 --> 00:29:23.549
Diana Lowry's book on the Chinese Civil War,

00:29:23.630 --> 00:29:27.670
that's L -A -R -Y, because it does strongly address

00:29:27.670 --> 00:29:31.490
those issues of trauma and the concealment of

00:29:31.490 --> 00:29:36.009
that trauma in the subsequent generations. Can

00:29:36.009 --> 00:29:38.589
you say there were winners and losers in this

00:29:38.589 --> 00:29:42.410
war? And if you do say that, who were they? That's

00:29:42.410 --> 00:29:45.490
interesting because... One of the arguments that

00:29:45.490 --> 00:29:49.309
one can make is that the official picture is

00:29:49.309 --> 00:29:52.890
that the communists win the civil war, they defeat

00:29:52.890 --> 00:29:56.549
the nationalists, and it's their ideology that

00:29:56.549 --> 00:29:59.990
becomes the dominant one in China after 1949,

00:30:00.250 --> 00:30:02.529
and the nationalists are essentially driven out.

00:30:02.710 --> 00:30:06.670
But as I've said earlier, the current platform

00:30:06.670 --> 00:30:11.569
of the Chinese Communist Party is... in many

00:30:11.569 --> 00:30:14.509
ways, indistinguishable from the one being advanced

00:30:14.509 --> 00:30:18.630
by Chiang Kai -shek. So one might suggest that

00:30:18.630 --> 00:30:21.490
even though the communists won the civil war,

00:30:21.710 --> 00:30:25.150
it was in a sense the ideology of the nationalists

00:30:25.150 --> 00:30:28.349
that was ultimately victorious. So the idea of

00:30:28.349 --> 00:30:32.309
a strong, one might say, conservative conception

00:30:32.309 --> 00:30:38.519
of China's position in the world. one that doesn't

00:30:38.519 --> 00:30:41.779
emphasize internal class struggles and doesn't

00:30:41.779 --> 00:30:44.019
emphasize the rights, particularly of the working

00:30:44.019 --> 00:30:47.259
class, which is what Chiang Kai -shek had advanced,

00:30:47.619 --> 00:30:51.380
is the one that the government in Beijing now

00:30:51.380 --> 00:30:56.720
puts forward. And those that support it, a fairly

00:30:56.720 --> 00:31:00.019
substantial part of the Chinese population, at

00:31:00.019 --> 00:31:03.420
least at the time of speaking, endorse and find

00:31:03.420 --> 00:31:08.220
credible. So many of the tensions that one finds

00:31:08.220 --> 00:31:11.240
between competing visions of what the Chinese

00:31:11.240 --> 00:31:15.140
revolution should be, if you look through the

00:31:15.140 --> 00:31:19.720
historical record, those tensions and those problems

00:31:19.720 --> 00:31:24.839
are largely hidden in public discussion in China

00:31:24.839 --> 00:31:26.940
in the present, when there's an enormous emphasis

00:31:26.940 --> 00:31:32.299
on the solidarity and unity of the Chinese nation

00:31:32.299 --> 00:31:35.420
as the defining feature of what Chinese people

00:31:35.420 --> 00:31:38.940
are. Unlike the American Civil War, which has

00:31:38.940 --> 00:31:42.440
been reasonably well documented, much less has

00:31:42.440 --> 00:31:45.180
been said and written by the survivors of the

00:31:45.180 --> 00:31:49.299
Chinese Civil War. Why is that? That's actually

00:31:49.299 --> 00:31:52.119
an issue that's very dear to my heart. If you

00:31:52.119 --> 00:31:55.799
look at what had happened in the discussion of

00:31:55.799 --> 00:32:00.099
the American Civil War in the period roughly

00:32:00.099 --> 00:32:04.700
60 to 70 years after it had broken out. What

00:32:04.700 --> 00:32:08.420
you see in the United States is remarkably similar

00:32:08.420 --> 00:32:12.599
to what we see in China now. And the two rival

00:32:12.599 --> 00:32:16.779
sides and the tensions that I suppose had existed

00:32:16.779 --> 00:32:22.859
between them were, I guess, able to conceal their

00:32:22.859 --> 00:32:27.759
differences through a common commitment, for

00:32:27.759 --> 00:32:32.819
example, to the idea of an American nation committed

00:32:32.819 --> 00:32:36.819
to freedom. So the tension, I guess, between

00:32:36.819 --> 00:32:41.799
that struggle over Civil War memory in the 1920s

00:32:41.799 --> 00:32:48.420
or 1930s is one very much between what a South

00:32:48.420 --> 00:32:51.819
which had successfully instituted structures

00:32:51.819 --> 00:32:56.299
of racial segregation and a North which accepted

00:32:56.299 --> 00:33:00.039
those institutions with only a small number of

00:33:00.039 --> 00:33:04.480
white Northerners being. active in pursuing the

00:33:04.480 --> 00:33:07.099
radical cause of the reconstruction of the South

00:33:07.099 --> 00:33:11.859
after the 1860s surrender. Those clashes had

00:33:11.859 --> 00:33:14.980
been downplayed, for example, in favor of an

00:33:14.980 --> 00:33:17.019
idea that all Americans were committed to liberty

00:33:17.019 --> 00:33:20.279
and freedom, and having, for example, the Ku

00:33:20.279 --> 00:33:24.119
Klux Klan expanding into territories that had

00:33:24.119 --> 00:33:26.619
historically been associated with the Union cause.

00:33:27.309 --> 00:33:30.230
So, you know, you get Klansmen committing atrocities

00:33:30.230 --> 00:33:33.950
in Oklahoma, other areas of the West, which basically

00:33:33.950 --> 00:33:38.269
had been allied to the Union courts. So when

00:33:38.269 --> 00:33:41.410
we look at the American Civil War and the public

00:33:41.410 --> 00:33:45.589
discussion about it that we see now and compare

00:33:45.589 --> 00:33:48.890
it with the Chinese Civil War situation, we have

00:33:48.890 --> 00:33:51.829
to basically pay attention to the fact that the

00:33:51.829 --> 00:33:54.109
Chinese Civil War happened much more recently.

00:33:56.009 --> 00:33:58.690
I would argue that in an equivalent period in

00:33:58.690 --> 00:34:03.170
American history, the actual ferocity of the

00:34:03.170 --> 00:34:06.950
struggles, ideological, personal, in the Civil

00:34:06.950 --> 00:34:10.730
War had been largely downplayed in the dominant

00:34:10.730 --> 00:34:13.530
record. A very good example of that is the film

00:34:13.530 --> 00:34:16.610
Gone with the Wind. So Gone with the Wind is

00:34:16.610 --> 00:34:22.269
a 1939 film which was enormously popular with

00:34:22.269 --> 00:34:25.739
white Americans, northern and southern. which

00:34:25.739 --> 00:34:28.639
tells the civil war as a romantic story from

00:34:28.639 --> 00:34:30.800
the southern viewpoint. Now, we haven't quite

00:34:30.800 --> 00:34:34.280
got to that point in China where the Kuomintang

00:34:34.280 --> 00:34:38.460
is, in a sense, fully recuperated. But one could

00:34:38.460 --> 00:34:41.960
argue that the way in which the Chinese mainland

00:34:41.960 --> 00:34:45.280
conceives of the civil war essentially now is

00:34:45.280 --> 00:34:50.139
that it's a war over two competing visions of

00:34:50.139 --> 00:34:54.420
what a unified China should be, rather than...

00:34:54.670 --> 00:34:59.829
a massive and violent confrontation between rival

00:34:59.829 --> 00:35:03.789
conceptions of what the social system in China

00:35:03.789 --> 00:35:07.789
should be like. Is one of the reasons then the

00:35:07.789 --> 00:35:12.210
wildly differing narratives of the war between

00:35:12.210 --> 00:35:17.130
Taiwan and the CCP and does the victorious CCP

00:35:17.130 --> 00:35:20.710
then shape and influence the narrative on mainland

00:35:20.710 --> 00:35:24.679
China and in Taiwan is so different? Yeah, well,

00:35:24.820 --> 00:35:27.980
I mean, what's very important about the Taiwan

00:35:27.980 --> 00:35:34.000
situation is that the dominant viewpoint in Taiwan

00:35:34.000 --> 00:35:37.239
now that's associated with the government that's

00:35:37.239 --> 00:35:40.440
in power there argues that the Chinese civil

00:35:40.440 --> 00:35:45.519
war is a Chinese event that occurs on the Chinese

00:35:45.519 --> 00:35:51.500
mainland that Taiwan is really not part of. This

00:35:51.500 --> 00:35:54.900
is an historical viewpoint associated with the

00:35:54.900 --> 00:35:58.760
cause of Taiwan independence that treats Taiwan's

00:35:58.760 --> 00:36:02.780
history as being separate from that of mainland

00:36:02.780 --> 00:36:06.179
China, and that includes the story of the Civil

00:36:06.179 --> 00:36:09.079
War. Now, the Chinese nationalists, when they

00:36:09.079 --> 00:36:14.360
retreated to Taiwan in 1949, argued that what

00:36:14.360 --> 00:36:17.019
they were doing was preparing a base for the

00:36:17.019 --> 00:36:21.269
reunification of Taiwan with the mainland. And

00:36:21.269 --> 00:36:25.670
that was the ideology that was imposed through

00:36:25.670 --> 00:36:29.010
the schooling system. So the schooling was in

00:36:29.010 --> 00:36:32.369
Mandarin, which was the Chinese language of national

00:36:32.369 --> 00:36:35.449
unity for both nationalists and for communists,

00:36:35.510 --> 00:36:38.409
rather than the local forms of Chinese that were

00:36:38.409 --> 00:36:42.010
what was spoken at home by the people on Taiwan.

00:36:42.250 --> 00:36:46.650
And that what you see in the process of what

00:36:46.650 --> 00:36:50.489
we call Taiwan democratization is an internal

00:36:50.489 --> 00:36:55.170
rejection by dissenting forces within Taiwan

00:36:55.170 --> 00:36:59.389
of that Chinese nationalist ideology. So it's

00:36:59.389 --> 00:37:03.230
not so much that modern Taiwan narratives of

00:37:03.230 --> 00:37:07.969
the Chinese civil war are a kind of retained

00:37:07.969 --> 00:37:12.210
version of the old Chinese nationalist idea about

00:37:12.210 --> 00:37:15.130
what the communists were, but in fact a critique.

00:37:15.670 --> 00:37:19.130
of the idea that Taiwan and the Chinese mainland

00:37:19.130 --> 00:37:21.809
belong together. So that's where the shift has

00:37:21.809 --> 00:37:24.869
occurred. So that, of course, means that there's

00:37:24.869 --> 00:37:27.289
freedom to discuss the events of the Chinese

00:37:27.289 --> 00:37:30.909
Civil War, in part because people on Taiwan say,

00:37:31.090 --> 00:37:34.389
well, it's not our problem. But of course, Taiwan

00:37:34.389 --> 00:37:40.150
is not a society in which the state censors public

00:37:40.150 --> 00:37:43.630
discussion of historical issues. Whereas in the

00:37:43.630 --> 00:37:46.420
Chinese mainland... The strong narrative is,

00:37:46.500 --> 00:37:50.300
I guess, that any discussion of public issues

00:37:50.300 --> 00:37:53.559
that raises questions about the unity of the

00:37:53.559 --> 00:37:57.539
nation is extremely dangerous. So that if you

00:37:57.539 --> 00:38:01.340
started to talk about the civil war and the rivalries

00:38:01.340 --> 00:38:03.920
that it entailed, you might start a new one.

00:38:04.199 --> 00:38:10.099
This idea of the civil war being a kind of hidden

00:38:10.099 --> 00:38:14.559
but looming threat. That, I would argue, is the

00:38:14.559 --> 00:38:18.179
thing that the Chinese Communist Party does with

00:38:18.179 --> 00:38:23.360
the civil war narrative. It says if we slacken

00:38:23.360 --> 00:38:27.480
our grip on public discussion, what will happen

00:38:27.480 --> 00:38:31.219
is internal disorder and a repeat of civil war

00:38:31.219 --> 00:38:34.079
structures. So even though I've argued earlier

00:38:34.079 --> 00:38:36.880
that the civil war is a repressed memory in China,

00:38:36.980 --> 00:38:42.639
it is invoked by the CCP. as what lies in store

00:38:42.639 --> 00:38:46.739
for you if there's any kind of public discussion

00:38:46.739 --> 00:38:51.079
of political differences between conceptions

00:38:51.079 --> 00:38:54.820
of what China should be. And that includes public

00:38:54.820 --> 00:38:58.159
discussions of the more painful parts of China's

00:38:58.159 --> 00:39:02.019
modern history. How has the Chinese diaspora

00:39:02.019 --> 00:39:05.280
then been affected? That's an extremely interesting

00:39:05.280 --> 00:39:09.599
question because the Chinese diaspora is a term

00:39:09.599 --> 00:39:12.980
that's used for many, many different kinds of

00:39:12.980 --> 00:39:16.199
individuals and cultures. I mean, the term might

00:39:16.199 --> 00:39:19.400
be applied to someone living in Indonesia who

00:39:19.400 --> 00:39:21.519
was of Chinese descent, whose family has been

00:39:21.519 --> 00:39:24.480
there for eight or nine generations, doesn't

00:39:24.480 --> 00:39:29.300
speak anything Indonesian or another local language.

00:39:29.360 --> 00:39:32.559
That person can be classified as part of a Chinese

00:39:32.559 --> 00:39:36.530
diaspora. on the same terms as someone who has

00:39:36.530 --> 00:39:40.010
emigrated to a city like Melbourne from northern

00:39:40.010 --> 00:39:44.550
China in the last five years. The debates, I

00:39:44.550 --> 00:39:48.969
guess, in the diasporic world are very much specific

00:39:48.969 --> 00:39:51.349
to the particular context that you're talking

00:39:51.349 --> 00:39:55.829
about. In Malaysia, for example, what you found

00:39:55.829 --> 00:40:00.829
during the 1950s was a Chinese communist guerrilla

00:40:00.829 --> 00:40:03.679
movement opposed to the Malaysian state. which

00:40:03.679 --> 00:40:08.280
argued that Malaysia needed to follow China down

00:40:08.280 --> 00:40:12.559
the revolutionary path of the communists. That

00:40:12.559 --> 00:40:15.539
would contrast quite radically with the situation

00:40:15.539 --> 00:40:19.719
in East Timor, where the education system for

00:40:19.719 --> 00:40:22.079
the Chinese population that was living there

00:40:22.079 --> 00:40:25.139
was dominated by the ideologies of the Chinese

00:40:25.139 --> 00:40:27.619
nationalists. So in other words, if you thought

00:40:27.619 --> 00:40:29.780
about East Timor and the Chinese communists in

00:40:29.780 --> 00:40:33.639
Malaysia. as really representing rival conceptions

00:40:33.639 --> 00:40:37.500
of what China's future should be, then it's basically

00:40:37.500 --> 00:40:41.719
split upon civil war lines. Of course, much of

00:40:41.719 --> 00:40:45.440
the energy in modern Chinese nationalism came

00:40:45.440 --> 00:40:48.539
from what we call Chinese diasporic populations.

00:40:49.320 --> 00:40:53.440
Sun Yat -sen himself wired much of his sense

00:40:53.440 --> 00:40:56.420
of what... the future of China should be. He's

00:40:56.420 --> 00:40:59.460
considered the father of the Chinese nationalist

00:40:59.460 --> 00:41:03.400
revolution when he was living in Hawaii as a

00:41:03.400 --> 00:41:09.019
young person. And so the space that existed outside

00:41:09.019 --> 00:41:13.619
of control by the agents of the Qing government

00:41:13.619 --> 00:41:18.679
in the 19th century permitted radical nationalists

00:41:18.679 --> 00:41:21.760
and revolutionary conceptions of Chinese identity

00:41:21.760 --> 00:41:26.489
to come into being. And so you get, I suppose,

00:41:26.650 --> 00:41:31.250
shadow civil wars played out across the Pacific

00:41:31.250 --> 00:41:34.489
and Southeast Asia in Chinese communities. But

00:41:34.489 --> 00:41:38.329
you also get situations where people who are

00:41:38.329 --> 00:41:42.989
of diasporic Chinese heritage say, that's nothing

00:41:42.989 --> 00:41:46.130
to do with me. I'm Thai. I'm Thai of Chinese

00:41:46.130 --> 00:41:49.170
background. And so those struggles are for other

00:41:49.170 --> 00:41:53.730
people. Mao Zedong launched the Cultural Revolution

00:41:53.730 --> 00:41:59.010
in 1966, which ended when he died in 1976. Was

00:41:59.010 --> 00:42:01.730
this Cultural Revolution a repeat of the Civil

00:42:01.730 --> 00:42:06.090
War? I would argue that in many ways, it was

00:42:06.090 --> 00:42:09.309
a successor to the Civil War. It was a revolution,

00:42:09.570 --> 00:42:13.269
a struggle that broke out in the education system

00:42:13.269 --> 00:42:17.699
at first. The argument, I suppose, that one can

00:42:17.699 --> 00:42:20.639
make about the education system is that it was

00:42:20.639 --> 00:42:25.079
one of the origin points of the Civil War and

00:42:25.079 --> 00:42:27.760
of the revolution, because educational discontent,

00:42:27.760 --> 00:42:30.539
as I mentioned, Mao Zedong was a primary school

00:42:30.539 --> 00:42:33.599
teacher, was one of the forces that drove many

00:42:33.599 --> 00:42:37.340
people down the radical and socialist path. So

00:42:37.340 --> 00:42:39.980
you could say there was unfinished business about

00:42:39.980 --> 00:42:43.000
education and how much revolution there should

00:42:43.000 --> 00:42:46.940
be in education. A second part was that in the

00:42:46.940 --> 00:42:49.360
large cities such as Beijing, where the Cultural

00:42:49.360 --> 00:42:52.739
Revolution sort of exploded, you had schools

00:42:52.739 --> 00:42:57.099
in which there were students who had family backgrounds

00:42:57.099 --> 00:42:59.599
that were associated with the losing side of

00:42:59.599 --> 00:43:04.059
the Civil War. And they are in classes with the

00:43:04.059 --> 00:43:08.179
children of communist revolutionary cadets. And

00:43:08.179 --> 00:43:13.630
the argument often became one between Those who

00:43:13.630 --> 00:43:18.730
said we are carrying the revolution on because

00:43:18.730 --> 00:43:22.130
the revolution is about who is the most committed

00:43:22.130 --> 00:43:26.289
to radical class -based politics, regardless

00:43:26.289 --> 00:43:29.190
of what our family background is, versus people

00:43:29.190 --> 00:43:33.289
who said family background is decisive. Our families

00:43:33.289 --> 00:43:35.929
made the revolution. Your families were on the

00:43:35.929 --> 00:43:38.329
other side. You say you're in favor of radical

00:43:38.329 --> 00:43:41.429
class politics. I think you're probably secretly

00:43:41.429 --> 00:43:45.099
conspiring. with the forces of the Chinese nationalists

00:43:45.099 --> 00:43:49.400
on Taiwan or other bourgeois liberals such as

00:43:49.400 --> 00:43:55.199
the Americans. So civil war structures were shadows

00:43:55.199 --> 00:43:58.159
in that sense. A second point, though, is that

00:43:58.159 --> 00:44:01.099
if you're thinking about people who were teenagers

00:44:01.099 --> 00:44:04.340
or in early adulthood during the Cultural Revolution,

00:44:04.719 --> 00:44:07.780
they were people who were children when the civil

00:44:07.780 --> 00:44:11.019
war was going on. One of the problems that they

00:44:11.019 --> 00:44:13.800
faced was that their parents had been involved

00:44:13.800 --> 00:44:19.619
in this massive struggle full of drama and heroism,

00:44:19.619 --> 00:44:22.940
and they were just studying. So there's this

00:44:22.940 --> 00:44:28.199
sense of how do we capture the drama that our

00:44:28.199 --> 00:44:34.579
parents' lives were shaped by in our lives? And

00:44:34.579 --> 00:44:37.039
when you think about people having watched, you

00:44:37.039 --> 00:44:39.780
know, propaganda film after propaganda film about

00:44:39.780 --> 00:44:42.739
the revolutionary struggle, one of the things

00:44:42.739 --> 00:44:46.460
that it did was to dramatize violence as the

00:44:46.460 --> 00:44:50.079
principal thing in any real revolution. This

00:44:50.079 --> 00:44:52.619
is another thing that communists said, you can't

00:44:52.619 --> 00:44:55.579
change the social order without violence. The

00:44:55.579 --> 00:45:00.199
nationalists said, violence is corrosive to national

00:45:00.199 --> 00:45:03.840
development. I just want to go back to the US

00:45:03.840 --> 00:45:08.280
relationship with China. How has the civil war

00:45:08.280 --> 00:45:11.960
in the US shaped its worldview and its response

00:45:11.960 --> 00:45:15.599
to both the Chinese revolution in 1911 and the

00:45:15.599 --> 00:45:20.119
Chinese civil war, you know, 1945 onwards? Well,

00:45:20.199 --> 00:45:23.199
I think this is a very important and much understudied

00:45:23.199 --> 00:45:27.719
question. This civil war split the United States

00:45:27.719 --> 00:45:32.269
in the east, creating... incredible levels of

00:45:32.269 --> 00:45:37.489
distrust. After the defeat of the South, one

00:45:37.489 --> 00:45:40.389
of the things for dealing with the problems of

00:45:40.389 --> 00:45:43.389
the South was to essentially let southerners

00:45:43.389 --> 00:45:47.889
expand across the United States, filling up the

00:45:47.889 --> 00:45:50.610
territories, you know, what we now think of as

00:45:50.610 --> 00:45:54.250
the Midwest and the West. That reaches an end

00:45:54.250 --> 00:46:00.630
point in the 1890s, and the U .S. has nowhere

00:46:00.630 --> 00:46:06.389
to go except further east. And this kind of coincides

00:46:06.389 --> 00:46:09.929
with the revolutionary outbreak in the 1890s

00:46:09.929 --> 00:46:11.949
in China, the beginnings of it. And Sun Yat -sen

00:46:11.949 --> 00:46:14.329
himself is a person who receives an essentially

00:46:14.329 --> 00:46:18.710
American education in Hawaii. And Hawaii is annexed

00:46:18.710 --> 00:46:22.889
by a coup by American forces, essentially, in

00:46:22.889 --> 00:46:27.019
the 1890s and provides the... core of their infrastructure

00:46:27.019 --> 00:46:30.599
for expansion across the Pacific. So American

00:46:30.599 --> 00:46:33.699
empire, which is in some ways a solution to the

00:46:33.699 --> 00:46:36.420
problems of the Civil War, runs up against the

00:46:36.420 --> 00:46:40.059
Chinese Republic. That said, the Americans also

00:46:40.059 --> 00:46:43.300
felt that, or some of them felt, that the Chinese

00:46:43.300 --> 00:46:46.199
Republican movement was their child. They had

00:46:46.199 --> 00:46:50.940
produced a Republican structure similar to their

00:46:50.940 --> 00:46:53.659
own. Now, you remember that when the Chinese

00:46:53.659 --> 00:46:57.699
Republic was established in 1911, almost everywhere

00:46:57.699 --> 00:47:03.960
else in the region was in some kind of colonial

00:47:03.960 --> 00:47:08.780
empire. And with the exception of France, those

00:47:08.780 --> 00:47:12.519
colonial empires were monarchies. So the Americans

00:47:12.519 --> 00:47:14.860
argued that essentially the Chinese Revolution

00:47:14.860 --> 00:47:21.239
is a revolution that is succeeding. to the mantle

00:47:21.239 --> 00:47:27.699
that we, I suppose, took upon ourselves when

00:47:27.699 --> 00:47:31.099
we started our own revolution. Others argued

00:47:31.099 --> 00:47:34.159
that the Chinese revolution was far more radical

00:47:34.159 --> 00:47:37.300
than the American revolution and left to say

00:47:37.300 --> 00:47:40.380
in the 1960s, well, you know, the American revolution

00:47:40.380 --> 00:47:43.619
was... a slaveholder revolution. The Chinese

00:47:43.619 --> 00:47:47.199
revolution is one in which the power of slaveholders

00:47:47.199 --> 00:47:51.000
and landowners is being overthrown and that we

00:47:51.000 --> 00:47:55.280
should learn from it. Xi Jinping is the son of

00:47:55.280 --> 00:47:57.380
someone who fought in the civil war and is the

00:47:57.380 --> 00:48:00.460
first paramount leader of the CCP and China who

00:48:00.460 --> 00:48:03.920
was born in the post -civil war era. How has

00:48:03.920 --> 00:48:06.079
the civil war affected him personally and in

00:48:06.079 --> 00:48:09.630
how he leads the CCP and China? analysts of Xi

00:48:09.630 --> 00:48:14.670
Jinping's career tend to focus on the idea that

00:48:14.670 --> 00:48:18.230
he is someone who has inherited his position

00:48:18.230 --> 00:48:24.170
as a result of wide trust on the part of the

00:48:24.170 --> 00:48:28.309
old members of the Chinese Communist Party in

00:48:28.309 --> 00:48:33.110
someone whose family is one of theirs. So if

00:48:33.110 --> 00:48:35.349
you thought of the Chinese Communist Party as

00:48:35.349 --> 00:48:39.880
having changed from being an organization put

00:48:39.880 --> 00:48:42.940
together by people committed to a common cause,

00:48:43.019 --> 00:48:46.760
to being something that's a bit more like a family

00:48:46.760 --> 00:48:50.260
business. You could argue that Xi Jinping is

00:48:50.260 --> 00:48:56.659
someone who is, you know, like an heir to a large

00:48:56.659 --> 00:49:01.599
family -based corporation. And so, like other

00:49:01.599 --> 00:49:05.690
people from his generation, He was shaped by

00:49:05.690 --> 00:49:08.989
the conflicts in the elite schools in Beijing

00:49:08.989 --> 00:49:15.150
between different factions of students fighting

00:49:15.150 --> 00:49:18.710
over what they perceived to be the correct direction

00:49:18.710 --> 00:49:23.170
of the Chinese Revolution. Xi Jinping spent some

00:49:23.170 --> 00:49:26.849
of his youth in the impoverished areas that the

00:49:26.849 --> 00:49:31.150
Chinese communists occupied during the 1930s

00:49:31.150 --> 00:49:34.679
and during World War II. And so I guess he has

00:49:34.679 --> 00:49:38.539
a very strong sense of his own life as being

00:49:38.539 --> 00:49:43.280
moulded by the landscapes, cultural and physical,

00:49:43.460 --> 00:49:46.139
of the Chinese Civil War and the Chinese Revolution.

00:49:46.679 --> 00:49:53.179
His relationship to Chinese radicalism is complex.

00:49:53.679 --> 00:49:58.840
He is a stability -oriented person who is active

00:49:58.840 --> 00:50:02.239
in the repression of any... dissent from the

00:50:02.239 --> 00:50:05.320
working classes in particular within China. But

00:50:05.320 --> 00:50:09.639
at the same time, he believes he is a Marxist.

00:50:09.820 --> 00:50:14.679
He asserts that his philosophy is guided by Marxism

00:50:14.679 --> 00:50:18.920
and by what's called the positive aspects of

00:50:18.920 --> 00:50:22.000
Chinese cultural tradition. And so he thinks

00:50:22.000 --> 00:50:26.039
and states that he belongs within that matrix

00:50:26.039 --> 00:50:31.429
ideologically of those two forces. You could

00:50:31.429 --> 00:50:35.570
say that he represents a kind of civil war compromise

00:50:35.570 --> 00:50:39.010
in some ways between the nationalist affiliated

00:50:39.010 --> 00:50:42.489
ideologies based around Chinese tradition and

00:50:42.489 --> 00:50:47.170
the official belief that Chinese communist policy

00:50:47.170 --> 00:50:53.050
is guided by Marxism. So it's a kind of unholy

00:50:53.050 --> 00:50:56.530
alliance when one looks at the intellectual traditions

00:50:56.530 --> 00:51:00.639
of the Chinese Communist Party. a kind of coherent

00:51:00.639 --> 00:51:04.179
approach if you see it from the point of view

00:51:04.179 --> 00:51:09.260
of trying to reconcile the warring forces within

00:51:09.260 --> 00:51:13.260
the civil war. Why is Taiwan so important to

00:51:13.260 --> 00:51:16.639
the CCP? Will retaking it provide some closure?

00:51:17.199 --> 00:51:24.250
I look at the Taiwan issue as one of a number

00:51:24.250 --> 00:51:27.449
of cases that you find around the world where

00:51:27.449 --> 00:51:30.170
you have nationalism that is focused on lost

00:51:30.170 --> 00:51:34.730
territories and that you organize your domestic

00:51:34.730 --> 00:51:38.590
self -representation around the idea that a bit

00:51:38.590 --> 00:51:42.530
of your country has been cut off and you are

00:51:42.530 --> 00:51:47.289
fighting to restore the wholeness of what you

00:51:47.289 --> 00:51:50.989
might call the body of the nation by eventually

00:51:50.989 --> 00:51:55.190
sewing the severed limb back onto the body from

00:51:55.190 --> 00:51:57.250
which it was cut off. So, you know, examples,

00:51:57.369 --> 00:52:01.349
one that I'm particularly fond of is that in

00:52:01.349 --> 00:52:06.869
a war between Chile and Peru and Bolivia in the

00:52:06.869 --> 00:52:10.610
19th century, territories that are now in northern

00:52:10.610 --> 00:52:13.969
Chile that belong to Bolivia were taken over.

00:52:14.150 --> 00:52:18.429
And Bolivian nationalism to this day discusses

00:52:18.429 --> 00:52:23.619
this lost world. Hungarian nationalism has in

00:52:23.619 --> 00:52:26.079
one of its more radical kind of formulations

00:52:26.079 --> 00:52:29.420
an idea that there are parts of Hungary that

00:52:29.420 --> 00:52:31.559
were lost as a result of the peace settlement

00:52:31.559 --> 00:52:34.920
in World War I. This is a case that one finds

00:52:34.920 --> 00:52:38.960
in context after context. Cambodian nationalists

00:52:38.960 --> 00:52:41.659
argue that southern Vietnam was taken from them

00:52:41.659 --> 00:52:46.000
by the Vietnamese. conjuring up the idea that

00:52:46.000 --> 00:52:50.559
Taiwan is a territory that belongs to the Chinese

00:52:50.559 --> 00:52:54.440
nation and must be restored to it is part of

00:52:54.440 --> 00:52:56.380
a broader pattern. There are some interesting

00:52:56.380 --> 00:52:58.840
ironies about that because, of course, Mongolia

00:52:58.840 --> 00:53:01.760
was also part of the territory of the Qing dynasty,

00:53:01.880 --> 00:53:07.119
but the Mongolians are a separate polity, largely

00:53:07.119 --> 00:53:10.860
as a result of having emerged as the first socialist

00:53:10.860 --> 00:53:15.280
state other than the Soviet Union in 1921. And

00:53:15.280 --> 00:53:18.579
much of the territory of the Russian Far Eastern

00:53:18.579 --> 00:53:22.599
Siberia, or some of it, is also part of the old

00:53:22.599 --> 00:53:25.260
territories of the Qing dynasty. But that stuff

00:53:25.260 --> 00:53:28.719
never gets discussed. So part of it is that kind

00:53:28.719 --> 00:53:31.820
of cold -eyed view of this problem would be to

00:53:31.820 --> 00:53:34.639
say that if you keep focusing on the idea that

00:53:34.639 --> 00:53:39.710
Taiwan is cut off from us, you get... people

00:53:39.710 --> 00:53:43.690
to divert their attention from contradictions

00:53:43.690 --> 00:53:47.369
within the country. One final question then,

00:53:47.510 --> 00:53:50.210
and it's slightly more philosophical, I suppose,

00:53:50.329 --> 00:53:53.070
than all the other parts of our discussion, is

00:53:53.070 --> 00:53:56.909
what will it take to heal the wounds of the Chinese

00:53:56.909 --> 00:54:00.809
civil war? Well, I mean, I think it's a little

00:54:00.809 --> 00:54:03.210
bit like the question of what will it take to

00:54:03.210 --> 00:54:07.699
heal the wounds of the US civil war. We've seen

00:54:07.699 --> 00:54:11.420
in American politics since the rise of the MAGA

00:54:11.420 --> 00:54:15.199
movement, you know, intense disagreement over

00:54:15.199 --> 00:54:18.940
the meaning of the American Civil War with people

00:54:18.940 --> 00:54:21.199
saying, well, if you've got statues of Robert

00:54:21.199 --> 00:54:25.320
E. Lee in Richmond, Virginia, you're basically

00:54:25.320 --> 00:54:31.480
honoring a cause which was dedicated to the enslavement

00:54:31.480 --> 00:54:34.400
of African -American people. And other people

00:54:34.400 --> 00:54:41.969
saying. We, as Virginians, see Lee as part of

00:54:41.969 --> 00:54:48.369
our past. And we acknowledge that our past is

00:54:48.369 --> 00:54:53.730
there when we have that statue. In many ways,

00:54:53.750 --> 00:54:57.929
I think the American Civil War struggles really

00:54:57.929 --> 00:55:02.130
only came to the fore as a public problem in

00:55:02.130 --> 00:55:06.340
my lifetime. I'm 60. And, you know, it's worth

00:55:06.340 --> 00:55:10.239
remembering that when I was born, it was still

00:55:10.239 --> 00:55:13.619
illegal for black and white people to marry each

00:55:13.619 --> 00:55:17.340
other in a number of states in the US. An interesting

00:55:17.340 --> 00:55:21.019
fact about Barack Obama is that Obama is president

00:55:21.019 --> 00:55:24.519
of the United States because Hawaii was officially

00:55:24.519 --> 00:55:27.739
incorporated into the United States just prior

00:55:27.739 --> 00:55:30.780
to his birth. Segregationalists in the South

00:55:30.780 --> 00:55:37.170
said, we can't. have Hawaii integrated into the

00:55:37.170 --> 00:55:40.989
United States because that will open the way

00:55:40.989 --> 00:55:43.190
for a mixed race person to become president.

00:55:43.449 --> 00:55:46.309
And that's exactly what happened. The struggles

00:55:46.309 --> 00:55:49.789
of the American Civil War were raging right up

00:55:49.789 --> 00:55:53.489
until the time of Obama's life, and I think are

00:55:53.489 --> 00:55:56.329
still raging now. In the case of the Chinese

00:55:56.329 --> 00:56:00.190
Civil War, I think the wounds are very deep and

00:56:00.190 --> 00:56:03.840
very recent. I don't see the resolution of the

00:56:03.840 --> 00:56:07.579
contradictions in the Chinese civil war as being

00:56:07.579 --> 00:56:13.500
able to be resolved at any point in the near

00:56:13.500 --> 00:56:17.539
future. So I suspect that primarily they will

00:56:17.539 --> 00:56:21.139
be passed over in silence. Lewis, thank you very

00:56:21.139 --> 00:56:23.579
much. Thanks very much. That was a pleasure.

00:56:24.300 --> 00:56:28.380
Our guest has been Dr. Lewis Mayo from Asia Institute.

00:56:29.740 --> 00:56:32.760
Air to Asia is brought to you by Asia Institute

00:56:32.760 --> 00:56:35.719
of the University of Melbourne, Australia You

00:56:35.719 --> 00:56:38.260
can find more information about this and all

00:56:38.260 --> 00:56:41.179
our other episodes at the Asia Institute website.

00:56:41.679 --> 00:56:44.659
Be sure to keep up with every episode of Ear

00:56:44.659 --> 00:56:47.420
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00:56:56.659 --> 00:56:59.539
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the word on your socials. This episode was recorded

00:57:03.199 --> 00:57:07.440
on the 22nd of October 2024. Producers were Kelvin

00:57:07.440 --> 00:57:10.820
Param and Eric Van Bemmel of Profactual .com.

00:57:11.059 --> 00:57:13.920
Ear to Asia is licensed under Creative Commons,

00:57:14.179 --> 00:57:16.679
copyright 2024, the University of Melbourne.

00:57:16.880 --> 00:57:19.639
I'm Sami Shah. Thanks for your company.
