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The Ear to Asia podcast is made available on the Jakarta Post platform under agreement

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between the Jakarta Post and the University of Melbourne.

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Hello, I'm Ali Moore.

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This is Ear to Asia.

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You know, there's been this growing kind of perception that Cambodia is fully in China's

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camp whereas Vietnam and Thailand are hedging to some degree.

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There's certainly awareness, but they're open for business.

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In Cambodia, their perception of the decline of the United States, certainly it's shying

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away from the region, that the PRC's economic influence and military strength, since they're

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on the rise, they are much more appealing.

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In this episode, Cambodia's close China ties.

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What do they mean for the region?

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Ear to Asia is the podcast from Asia Institute, the Asia research specialist at the University

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of Melbourne.

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Under Hun Sen, Prime Minister and strongman leader for almost four decades, Cambodia has

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been aligning itself ever more closely with China, with substantial economic and political

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consequences for the Southeast Asian nation and with geopolitical implications for its

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neighbours and beyond.

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China's economic influence in Cambodia has been huge, with large scale Chinese investments

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and infrastructure projects fueling growth and development.

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Yet concerns have been raised both in the country and abroad about this increasing dependence

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and what it could mean politically.

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Cambodia's immediate neighbours, Vietnam and Thailand, both maintain a more cautious

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and ambivalent stance towards China, but still benefit from its economic largesse.

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So why is Hun Sen throwing his lot and that of his country so decisively towards Beijing?

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Who are the real beneficiaries of this apparent fealty?

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And what's the impact on ASEAN, to which Cambodia belongs, particularly on fellow member

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states directly affected by China's claim to 90% of the South China Sea?

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Joining me to look at the China-Cambodian relationship and what it means for the region

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and beyond is Southeast Asia and China historian Dr Matthew Galway of the Australian National

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University.

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He's also the author of the 2022 book, The Emergence of Global Maoism, China's Red Evangelism

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and the Cambodian Communist Movement, published by Cornell University Press.

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Welcome back to Ear to Asia, Matt.

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Thank you so much, Ali.

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Good to be here.

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Before we delve into the details of the Cambodia-China relationship, can we just step back a bit

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and look at China and Southeast Asia more broadly?

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Because we know China shares a border with three of the five mainland Southeast Asian

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nations and I guess it's logical to a point that it wants to draw them into its geopolitical

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orbit as it's done in the past.

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So Matt, what does China offer as incentives for engagement?

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Is it all about money?

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It's certainly a lot about money, yes.

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Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, which does not share a border but it's definitely part of this

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orbit and Thailand are very much aware that with the United States' move away from the

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region strategically that they needed an ally to fill that vacuum economically.

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The People's Republic of China represents that emerging market, this enormous growing

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economic powerhouse that is keen to invest in these countries.

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Now of course, the three of the five countries, Thailand, Vietnam and Laos, are certainly

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very wary of China and have a long history of cooperation and wariness of this emerging

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power.

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All three of them have approached China very much with their kind of unique skepticisms

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as well as optimism about the future with engagement with China.

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So let's look at the major neighbours, if you like, Thailand and Vietnam.

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As you say, they have the unique approaches to China.

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If we start with Thailand, historically Thailand's been in the orbit of the US, hasn't it?

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Absolutely, and has a staunch history of anti-communism in its political culture.

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In terms of its strategy regarding China, it's very much one of you scratch my back,

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I scratch yours, especially with regard to military equipment, technological exchange

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and raw materials.

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For instance, Thailand imports from the PRC computer components, motors, consumer electronics,

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machinery, metal products, chemicals, you name it, VT4 main battle tanks, military,

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of course, very important in Thai politics and society.

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Meanwhile, the PRC imports a lot from Thailand, much of the same, but instead of military

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equipment, they get a lot of raw materials like rubber, refined oil, crude oil and wood

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products.

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Whereas Vietnam has this long, long storied history of rivalry with China.

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Much of Vietnamese nationalist identity is forged in the crucible of resisting various

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different imperial powers, their inquests into Vietnamese territory.

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That patriotism spurred the nationalism that resisted, of course, French colonial rule,

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ending it in 1954, and then, of course, the incursion of the United States and the fight

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against the United States in the Vietnam War.

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As two observers from East Asia Forum note, Vietnam's strategy regarding the PRC is to

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hedge its bets to avoid opposition against the PRC and dependence on a rising power,

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engaging in deference and defiance with the threatening power and diversifying relations

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with other major powers.

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These three features are all present in this strategy towards the PRC and its economic

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designs for the region.

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When you talk there about the trade relationship, specifically to start with between Thailand

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and China, does China actually have a big economic footprint in Thailand?

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Pretty sizeable one, specifically with regard to the military sector, right?

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The Royal Thai Navy in May 2017 signed a big contract with the China Shipbuilding Industry

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Corporation for electronic submarines to be delivered actually this year.

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As one military commentator, Joe Chiaoming, stated, the PRC will also provide technical

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guidance to the Thai military.

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And this is just one kind of outgrowth of that investment.

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There's further investment, of course, in, for instance, building railways.

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For instance, the China Railway Construction Corporation Limited has invested billions

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of US dollars into extending this rail network to connect Bangkok to other regional railways

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and to be part of this cog in the moving wheel of a grand connection, this ultimately part

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of the Belt and Road Initiative.

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Through the development of canals and railway networks, these infrastructural investments

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will create this huge connection between China and its markets, as well as further ones in

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Southeast Asia, ultimately extending as far as Singapore and Malaysia is the overall goal.

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So what about Vietnam in terms of economic investment?

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I mean, as you said earlier, their government also has communist roots.

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It was a French colony like Cambodia, but it does have this ambivalent relationship

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with Beijing.

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So have they welcomed Chinese investment?

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They have.

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But as you mentioned rightly, Ali, it's one of great wariness.

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Vietnam has this long history of cooperation with communist China, itself now a communist

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country, but also one of wariness.

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These two countries went to war in the mid to late 1970s, particularly a 78 to 1980,

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the Sino-Vietnamese War or the Third Indochina War.

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And part of that was part of the Cold War kind of triangulation, the Cold War tripartite

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allegiances between the Soviet Union, China's warming up to the United States and vice versa.

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But now, ever since the 80s with Doi Moi and Nga Ngo Kai Fong, a reform and opening up

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in China, the PRC has become Vietnam's top trading partner, amounting to 22.6% of the

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total export values in Vietnam and 30% of its imports.

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Here both sides resume trade talks in 91, there's just been an enormous annual growth

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in bilateral trade, amounting to almost 517 billion by 2019.

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But this has coincided with a significant wariness of the CCP, the Chinese Communist

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Party, and the People's Republic of China's designs on maritime territories, specifically

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with regard to the South China Seas.

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So as business is good, there still is this concern that Xi Jinping and the CCP's designs

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on the South China Seas will ultimately force it to kind of, again, hedge its bets, to trust

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them insofar as business is good, but never at the expense of, of course, Vietnam's territorial

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integrity.

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And I guess, Matt, Australia sees that with China.

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China is a very important trading partner, the most important trading partner for Australia,

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but trade does not mean influence, does it?

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So how do you see future influence of China in both Thailand and Vietnam?

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With Vietnam, I think when it comes to the politics or the type of influence, Vietnam

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is very much staunch that it will determine its own destiny in the region.

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And as other economies in the region are kind of hedging their bets like Vietnam, or linking

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themselves warily and cautiously like with Thailand, you have a Cambodia, which is linking

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itself so inextricably to China economically and politically.

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So I think Vietnam is again, very wary of its neighbors and makes a country like Laos,

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which shares a border with China, what they're doing with kind of falling into the debt trap

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diplomacy of the Belt and Road Initiative, it raises alarm bells for Vietnamese leadership.

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They, of course, again, are happy that this exchange is happening.

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They've all, each country has signed memorandums of understanding for the Belt and Road Initiative,

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but they're, of course, not willing to cede, again, their political sovereignty for this.

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Cambodia becomes this very interesting story in the situation, a thorn in the side of Vietnam

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in some ways, because for a long time, of course, Vietnam occupied Cambodia during the

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80s, and China was a big player in, of course, criticizing that occupation.

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But what's happened is since Hun Sen has risen to power, and he's been in office through

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various undemocratic means for three decades plus, he's really kind of turned Cambodia

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into again, this client state of China.

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And that, of course, has alarm bells ringing amongst all of these ASEAN countries in the

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region who are again, willing to do business with China, but not see their political sovereignty

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and so doing.

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So you use the term there, client state.

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I mean, I suppose it is accurate, isn't it, to call Cambodia the most unequivocal supporter

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of China in the region.

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Why is that?

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Well, it's a host of reasons.

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And I love this question because my book, The Emergence of Global Maoism, which came

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out in 2022, really traces the roots of the emergence of Cambodia as a client state.

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Now, of course, through ideological support, rhetorical, and even military support, Cambodia

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became this massive China friend in the region, particularly during the Khmer Rouge years.

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But even before that, before ideology and military really factored into the equation,

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it was a big supporter of non-aligned independent states, newly independent states like Cambodia,

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which is independent from French rule in 53.

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And Sihanouk, who was the first head of state of the country, was a very close personal

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friend of many top-ranking CCP leaders, even though he disagreed with them ideologically.

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And that kind of charm offensive or cultural diplomacy that manifested in the 50s and 60s

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blew up into the Red Guard diplomacy of the PRC and the Cultural Revolution, where Sihanouk

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starts to criticize China more openly.

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And then over time, that will turn in the 80s and the 90s into China really trying to,

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again, support Cambodia to offset Soviet influence in Vietnam and American influence in Thailand.

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Into the 1990s up till now, having Hun Sen as a voice in support of China has been important

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for the PRC as it receives international backlash.

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In particular, now we think of what's going on in Xinjiang.

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Hun Sen has been unequivocal in his support for the PRC.

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We think of Taiwan and China, the so-called argument over whether there are two Chinas.

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Hun Sen has been a vocal advocate of the One China policy.

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And it's again kind of returned Cambodia into this positionality as China's most reliable

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mouthpiece and most staunch advocate in the region.

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And that is important as it tries to continue to build its influence in mainland Southeast

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Asia.

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So what does Cambodia get?

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I guess what does a close China relationship mean in practice?

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Well, in terms of aid and in terms of some of the investment, it's really kind of a mixed

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bag.

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So Cambodia will get, of course, through this, a significant amount of investment in things

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that matter for Cambodians.

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So for instance, China has invested hundreds of millions of dollars into restoring Angkor

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Wat, which is the quintessential symbol of Cambodia.

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It's in the flag.

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It's one of only a handful of flags that has a monument in it.

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So it just kind of shows the centrality of Angkor Wat symbolically.

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The PRC has also committed $200 million in low interest loans for the construction of

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bridges that span the Mekong and Tonlasap rivers.

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The CCP has access to Cambodian seaports through Chinese state companies to exploit oil reserves

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on the Gulf of Tonkin.

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And this is just the tip of the iceberg, of course.

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Sihanouk once called the PRC our number one friend and the number one friend of all peoples

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in Asia.

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Hun Sen, just upon Wen Jiabao's visit in 2006, described the PRC as Cambodia's most trustworthy

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friend.

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So it's amazing how the rhetoric is the same in this regard, that China is like a bulwark

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in support of Cambodia and investing in Cambodia.

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And in so doing, there's just a lot of important infrastructure developments, important restoration

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of those important symbols, those kind of cultural relics of Cambodia's past.

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And this has allowed the leadership like Hun Sen to point to all of that investment, to

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point to all of these developments and say, look how good China is to us, look how good

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I am at turning Cambodia into an emerging economy.

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And that has been one of the main kind of things that has propped up his continued political

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rule over these last four decades.

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Indeed, is, I suppose, Hun Sen inextricably linked to China?

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Would he still be there after all these decades if it wasn't for China?

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Well, I think when it comes to Hun Sen, it's always good to have powerful friends in high

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places.

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It's undeniable that having the PRC, having Beijing supporting him as somebody who keeps

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a status quo in terms of China friendliness in the region, in terms of providing Cambodia

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as a market for Chinese investment, whether that's the savoury in terms of infrastructural

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development or the unsavory in terms of turning a place like Sihanoukville into a very, very

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dangerous place, but a haven for gambling and organized crime.

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I think it's undeniable that the PRC's support of Hun Sen has kept him in office.

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I'm also quite confident in saying that Hun Sen has also done a lot in his own right,

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absent the PRC, as is importantly something that I've talked about in my book and Andrew

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Murtha talks about in his work, Brothers in Arms.

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Cambodia has often turned the PRC into the subordinate party, whether that's through

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diplomacy, political engagement, or in the case of this, these types of economic diplomacy.

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Cambodia is always going to wedge between Thailand and Vietnam.

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It's always going to put its sovereignty and autonomy first.

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So as the PRC is investing all this money in infrastructure, as it wants to prop up

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Hun Sen to keep him in office, Hun Sen is a wily operator.

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He's not going to risk depending too much on one side when he can use another to get

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what he wants.

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So I think that Hun Sen is, again, happy to have China support him, but at the same time,

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I'm also quite confident in thinking that he would just as easily pivot away from them

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if he found it politically expedient.

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You're listening to Ear to Asia from Asia Institute at the University of Melbourne.

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And just a reminder to listeners about Asia Institute's online publication on Asia and

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its societies, politics and cultures.

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It's called the Melbourne Asia Review.

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It's free to read and it's open access at melbourneasiarreview.edu.au.

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You'll find articles by some of our regular Ear to Asia guests and by many others.

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Plus, you can catch recent episodes of Ear to Asia at the Melbourne Asia Review website,

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which again, you can find at melbourneasiarreview.edu.au.

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I'm Ali Moore and I'm joined by Southeast Asia historian Dr Matthew Galway.

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We're discussing China's footprint in Cambodia and the implications for neighbouring countries.

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Matt, you just said there you think Hun Sen would pivot away if he thought that was in

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his interest.

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He doesn't want to risk too much, too many eggs in one basket.

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But I guess the question would be how dependent is the economy on China?

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And if he doesn't want to put too many eggs in one basket, what other eggs would there

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be?

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Cambodia, of course, under Hun Sen has accrued a significant trade deficit with China.

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Imports over 3.9 billion in raw fabrics, constituting the largest constituent of that in comparison

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to its exports of 830 million.

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Nearly 60% of products in Cambodian markets are Chinese made by 2006 and 24% of Cambodian

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imports were from the PRC by 2015.

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And these numbers have only grown since.

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There's also multiple large scale PRC investment projects in Cambodia, such as the lower Saison

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2 dam, which has accrued almost a billion dollars and the 3.8 USD billion deep water

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port project on a 90 kilometre stretch of Cambodian coastline.

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So there's this huge trade deficit that has emerged.

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So economically, they're almost inextricable.

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Politically, it's a little bit different.

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I think that Hun Sen has been in power for a long time.

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He was, of course, emerged in power by dint of Vietnamese Fiat to try and, again, oust

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the Khmer Rouge and have someone reliable in office who wasn't going to be both a China

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ally and somebody who was going to engage in open warfare with them.

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And somebody who, you know, over time was able to marshal that closeness, that close

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allyship with Vietnam into a long lasting position in political power in Cambodia.

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So as he's been able to kind of pivot away from that reliance on Vietnamese support,

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he knows what to do when he's betwixt and between two major forces.

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And I think that Cambodia's political distrust of Vietnam and Thailand will always dictate

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how it views China.

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If they feel that they're getting sandwiched or isolated because of these much more populous

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and much more economically strong countries in Vietnam and Thailand, China's prominence,

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the primacy that Cambodia places on China will increase.

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But as again, as I mentioned earlier, as the United States is kind of pivot away from this

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region and Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia have really kind of thrown more of their eggs into

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the Chinese basket, it just makes sense for Cambodia to continue its unequivocal support

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and open door policy when it comes to Chinese investment.

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Yeah, that's the interesting thing, isn't it?

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That there's definitely an economic imperative, but there's very much a geopolitical imperative.

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And these perceptions of security threats from Thailand and Vietnam do push Cambodia

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closer to China.

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But I do wonder, would China, for want of a better word, allow Cambodia to have a very

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different geopolitical view, to express a different view than it has been expressing

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in regional organisations like ASEAN, for example?

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I have to say, because of Hun Sen's political longevity and how he's been such a bulwark

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in support of the PRC, from saying that what's going on in Xinjiang under CCP rule is completely

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fine and that there's no genocide or ethnic cleansing or whatever you want to call it,

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it's hard to imagine.

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And the thing is, is that Hun Sen has invested so much importance on his familial dynasty

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remaining in political power.

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So I think that to imagine what role China would have if, say, Hun's successor, Hun Manet,

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his ordained successor, his eldest son, if he were to say, oh, I'm going to disaggregate

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Cambodia economically from China, I'm going to disaggregate it politically from China,

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it would be such an abrupt volt fasse that I really cannot imagine what that would do.

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One would hope that as these debts continue to accrue between Cambodia and China and as

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the country realises it cannot just bury these debts and socioeconomic inequality in Cambodia

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is as stark as ever, that people will become dissatisfied with this.

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And certainly there's a fair amount of animus in Cambodia today and in the past towards

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the Chinese and ethnic Chinese Cambodians or Sino-Khmais over that wealth inequality.

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So one can only imagine what might happen if disequilibria remains as stark as it is

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now.

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And when it comes to Hun's ordained successor, I see a lot of business as usual.

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There's someone who I think will want to do the same thing as his father, maintain the

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familial dynasty in office.

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And it seems to me that China is really hedging its bets on business as usual in the Cambodian

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political arena.

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At the same time, debt issues aside and the point that you make whether people will lose

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patience with that, does aligning with China actually have broader support in the Cambodian

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political sphere?

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Is it considered in many ways the best strategic option?

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Because Sam Ransi, for example, the former president of the opposition CNRP, does he

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support the China focus?

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Well, Sam Ransi is sadly because of the 2017 outlawing of the Cambodian National Rescue

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Party, Sam Ransi is sadly not somebody who's going to be able to do anything politically

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in terms of influence and bringing about change.

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I've been a Cambodian observer for almost two decades and optimism does not come to

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the Cambodia observer.

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It's going to be the Cambodian People's Party again with the upcoming elections, and it

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will probably be the same for the subsequent elections if there are subsequent elections.

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So in terms of what Sam Ransi or any kind of opposition party might view vis-a-vis China

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and its continued investment in Cambodia, it's hard to imagine where they might stand.

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It might be expedient to come out and say, hey, we cannot continue this China-Cambodia

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relationship.

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It's not beneficial to most Cambodians, for one, and it isolates us from our neighbors

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who are immediate, I don't want to say threat, but they're certainly more pressing in terms

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of direct engagement.

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So whether or not anybody who occupies that space, whether there is some miraculous return

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of Sam Ransi to the political arena and he's actually allowed to reform the National Rescue

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Party, or if there's another political opponent who poses a genuine threat to Hun Sen's continued

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autocratic rule, it would, I guess, have to depend on what they're campaigning on.

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Sadly, in the Cambodian political arena, it is far too easy to target Vietnam.

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And this is something that Andy Murtha has looked at as well in his work, and he and

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I have discussed at length about, is that Vietnam rather than China is the eternal boogeyman,

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blaming Vietnam for X wires, it seems to be what riles people up.

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It gets them to go to the ballot boxes.

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It is something that both parties, even Sam Ransi and the royalist predecessors have done

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in their campaigning, is to blame them rather than to look at a country like China where

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you have this massive trade deficit.

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So we'll see, but it's sadly might be business as usual.

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So we might not actually see any change in this regard.

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You did touch on what people think earlier, but if Vietnam is painted as the eternal boogeyman,

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is the relationship with China at the forefront of the Cambodian people's mind?

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Is it something that people are very conscious of, the level of ties and how the relationship

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is perceived outside the country?

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That's a good question.

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I think generally I wouldn't say so.

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In terms of the city, absolutely.

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People are very cognizant of it.

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You're in Phnom Penh, you're in Siem Reap, you're in Battambang.

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You know, Sienokville.

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It's something you can't avoid.

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And this is kind of a resurgence of animus towards, again, whether it's ethnic Chinese

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or the PRC now, where it's, oh, that's Chinese companies, oh, that's Chinese products that

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are over flooding the markets and pushing Cambodian produced goods or handicrafts out

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of the market.

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50, 60 years ago, many of these Khmer Rouge leaders will write economics dissertations

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lampooning foreign investment into consumer goods that are flooding the market and pushing

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Cambodian products, particularly handicrafts, out of the commercial sector.

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So I'd say in the rural sector, it's not the same.

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I think the issues are much more about land.

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The Cambodian People's Party, of course, has immense rural support because CPP of propagandists

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will say, look at all the good we're doing, while it's systematically not improving their

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lot on the whole.

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And the issues kind of are more about land reform and whether day to day they will see

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their standards of living improve.

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The issue is less about kind of this foreign bogeyman, so to speak.

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However, because Vietnam has occupied that role so much under the French rule, of course,

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it's kind of got this collective consciousness where you can just say, oh, we'll blame the

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Vietnamese.

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And believe you me, the Khmer Rouge and their slogans and in their broadcast were able to

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rally a lot of support around an impending Vietnamese invasion and destruction of Cambodia

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rather easily among rural workers.

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Whereas in the cities, people are a lot more discerning.

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They see the emergence of China as the second largest economy in the world, soon to be the

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world's largest economy, and can't help but think, okay, this is good for us in some ways,

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but probably for most of us not something that's beneficial.

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So I think there's a lot more wariness among intellectuals, people who are urban dwellers

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than the level of either fear or skepticism that you see in the rural sector.

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What about how other countries view the closeness of China and Cambodia?

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You did touch on this with Vietnam and Thailand, but are those two countries, and I'll ask

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about the West in a minute, but are Vietnam and Thailand acutely aware with anything they

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do that they may not just be dealing with Cambodia?

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I think that's certainly true.

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There's been this growing kind of perception that Cambodia is fully in the PRC camp, whereas

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Vietnam and Thailand are hedging to some degree, there's certainly awareness, but they're

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open for business for sure.

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In Cambodia, their kind of perception of the decline of the United States, or certainly

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it's shying away from the region, really since the ascendance of the Trump presidency, that

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the PRC's economic influence and military strength, since they're on the rise, they

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are much more appealing than say linking Cambodia to the United States, which some policymakers

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in Phnom Penh view as having lost its prestige and supremacy in Asia.

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The majority of countries in Southeast Asia see a rising China as an opportunity and a

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challenge, whereas Cambodian leaders view a rising China as an opportunity strategically

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and economically.

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However, like Vietnam, which is hedging its bets with China, Cambodia seems to view the

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strategic direction of Southeast Asia towards the great powers with China at the centerpiece

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of these things, whereas for instance, like a country like Laos and Myanmar, there isn't

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the same kind of privilege of strategic maneuverability because of that.

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What about the impact on regional groupings like ASEAN, for example, which Cambodia joined

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in 1999?

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I mean, is Cambodia considered to be China's leverage point inside ASEAN?

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I'd say so at this stage.

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That's something that of course Vietnamese and Thai officials are well aware of it.

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Laos as well.

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Laos, of course, has also amounted an enormous trade deficit and debt with China.

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And the BRI, there is constant fear of the debt trap diplomacy that might go with signing

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on to these memorandums of understanding.

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So there's indeed that wariness.

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Again, if Cambodia is a client state, continues to be a client state, yet the rest of these

404
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countries are not, what happens in ASEAN?

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Is Cambodia China's voice in ASEAN?

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We'll have to wait and see.

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But so far they've given no indication otherwise.

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All I know is that Cambodian leaders thus far in ASEAN have been unequivocal in their

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support for China in defiance of evidence of human rights violations.

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That's for sure.

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Talking about human rights violations, it has to be acknowledged, doesn't it, that

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of course the impact of economic sanctions imposed by the US and the EU over human rights

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violations, that impact has been blunted, hasn't it, because of China's support?

414
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Definitely yes.

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And it's amazing that Cambodia, just referring to the earlier question about Hun Sen's stranglehold

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on political power, that again, pointing to China, pointing to Beijing as this loyal ally,

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having someone like Xi Jinping paying a state visit to Cambodia.

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And he had Wen Xiaobao earlier, the first in his 2006 visit, the first since 1963 of

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a major CCP leader, Liu Xiaoxi and his wife visited there.

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It's the symbolism of having China as the big guy, the person you can fall back to,

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the person you can rely on.

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That's something that has been almost an unbroken constant in Cambodian politics since independence,

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certainly since 1955, 56.

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Whether that means that Hun Sen will aggregate even further into China's camp economically

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and politically to ensure the security of his family dynasty and political office, we'll

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have to wait and see.

427
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But I'm still wary to say that he would give up certain things if China asked him to, because

428
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I do think that he's very aware that Cambodia has been able to marshal this relationship

429
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into a point where the CCP is often the subordinate party.

430
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And I do think that if there were other opportunities that he thought were better, like for instance,

431
00:30:28,720 --> 00:30:32,480
that the United States were to enter the redraw, Australia were to say, hey, we're going to

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start targeting small states and investing in these smaller states in Southeast Asia,

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whether he might see that as beneficial and to try and do what Sihanouk did in the 50s,

434
00:30:41,920 --> 00:30:45,960
play the US and the Soviet Union and China off each other as much as he possibly could

435
00:30:45,960 --> 00:30:48,520
so he didn't rely too much on one.

436
00:30:48,520 --> 00:30:50,920
That's a difficult diplomatic game though, isn't it?

437
00:30:50,920 --> 00:30:52,480
Is even he founded.

438
00:30:52,480 --> 00:30:53,480
Absolutely true.

439
00:30:53,480 --> 00:30:54,480
Absolutely true.

440
00:30:54,480 --> 00:30:55,920
It's a marvel he did it for as long as he did.

441
00:30:55,920 --> 00:30:58,800
But of course, we sadly know how that turned out.

442
00:30:58,800 --> 00:31:03,800
He was removed through a bloodless coup that the CIA allowed happen in 1970 and the rest

443
00:31:03,800 --> 00:31:05,160
is history.

444
00:31:05,160 --> 00:31:09,840
So we've talked quite a lot about this from Cambodia's point of view and Hun Sen's point

445
00:31:09,840 --> 00:31:12,200
of view, and we're almost out of time, Matt.

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00:31:12,200 --> 00:31:15,560
But I do want to ask about this from China's perspective.

447
00:31:15,560 --> 00:31:20,760
What do you think ultimately China's ambitions are in Southeast Asia?

448
00:31:20,760 --> 00:31:24,280
And do you think that they're fairly happy with the status quo?

449
00:31:24,280 --> 00:31:30,500
Do they want to see themselves able to exert greater influence in the region?

450
00:31:30,500 --> 00:31:32,240
I think yes.

451
00:31:32,240 --> 00:31:38,680
The PRC certainly sees these economies and look, we're looking at Thailand and Vietnam.

452
00:31:38,680 --> 00:31:43,840
These are large populations emerging if not emergent economies.

453
00:31:43,840 --> 00:31:50,120
Vietnam has since still more in the 80s has really succeeded in many respects in establishing

454
00:31:50,120 --> 00:31:53,960
a planned economy that is open to liberal marketization.

455
00:31:53,960 --> 00:31:57,120
Thailand, of course, military rule for many years.

456
00:31:57,120 --> 00:31:59,860
There's few bright spots where there was hope of democracy, but what have you.

457
00:31:59,860 --> 00:32:01,180
But it's a large economy.

458
00:32:01,180 --> 00:32:03,160
It's a very populous nation.

459
00:32:03,160 --> 00:32:05,680
Laos and Cambodia are emerging economies.

460
00:32:05,680 --> 00:32:12,440
Laos and Cambodia both remain two very, very poor countries with great wealth inequality.

461
00:32:12,440 --> 00:32:14,320
But there's a lot of potential there.

462
00:32:14,320 --> 00:32:20,060
So I think that the PRC through the Belt and Road Initiative sees these countries as great

463
00:32:20,060 --> 00:32:24,480
opportunities for Chinese investment and political influence.

464
00:32:24,480 --> 00:32:29,880
And Cambodia is its restoration as a client state in the region is very important politically

465
00:32:29,880 --> 00:32:31,360
for China.

466
00:32:31,360 --> 00:32:35,280
It can count on Cambodia to say you're not doing anything wrong.

467
00:32:35,280 --> 00:32:39,360
It will be the most vocal advocate for the things that China does well.

468
00:32:39,360 --> 00:32:43,260
And it will never criticize it for things like Xinjiang, for instance.

469
00:32:43,260 --> 00:32:44,260
And that's important.

470
00:32:44,260 --> 00:32:48,440
There's a long history of Cambodia doing that, a long history of China establishing relations

471
00:32:48,440 --> 00:32:52,640
with smaller countries to gain that diplomatic voice.

472
00:32:52,640 --> 00:32:58,240
For instance, before there was international recognition or UN recognition of the PRC as

473
00:32:58,240 --> 00:33:02,920
China, because the Republic of China in Taiwan was occupying that seat in the UN up until

474
00:33:02,920 --> 00:33:06,960
the 70s, countries like Cambodia were the ones to say there is one China.

475
00:33:06,960 --> 00:33:10,560
Sion Ngoke himself supported the one China policy.

476
00:33:10,560 --> 00:33:11,560
And he was not alone.

477
00:33:11,560 --> 00:33:16,400
And it was through that kind of cultural diplomacy that those nice kind of exchanges where it's

478
00:33:16,400 --> 00:33:18,240
like, OK, we'll send a dance troupe over here.

479
00:33:18,240 --> 00:33:22,560
You can send a student delegation here to study that China was able to turn those quote

480
00:33:22,560 --> 00:33:27,520
unquote soft power initiatives into ones that were much more economically rooted in the

481
00:33:27,520 --> 00:33:28,960
70s and 80s.

482
00:33:28,960 --> 00:33:30,820
And those continue to this day.

483
00:33:30,820 --> 00:33:36,040
So I think ultimately, yes, I think ultimately their goal is to regard these emerging markets

484
00:33:36,040 --> 00:33:41,960
in Cambodia and Laos as an opportunity for investment, as an opportunity to get Chinese

485
00:33:41,960 --> 00:33:43,860
products into these markets.

486
00:33:43,860 --> 00:33:48,560
And that is one side of a two-sided coin that will involve eventual political influence,

487
00:33:48,560 --> 00:33:53,700
which will again create either a status quo in the region or certainly provide a bulwark

488
00:33:53,700 --> 00:33:59,640
against, say, a Vietnam or a Thailand holding power in a place like ASEAN.

489
00:33:59,640 --> 00:34:05,520
And if China sees both those countries, Laos and Cambodia, as great opportunities, Cambodia

490
00:34:05,520 --> 00:34:07,040
is the bigger one, isn't it?

491
00:34:07,040 --> 00:34:12,360
Because I guess Hun Sen and the role that he has created for himself over decades in

492
00:34:12,360 --> 00:34:13,360
the region.

493
00:34:13,360 --> 00:34:14,360
Absolutely.

494
00:34:14,360 --> 00:34:15,360
100%.

495
00:34:15,360 --> 00:34:18,200
It's a fascinating time in history for this region, isn't it?

496
00:34:18,200 --> 00:34:19,960
Oh, I can't get enough of it.

497
00:34:19,960 --> 00:34:20,960
It's amazing.

498
00:34:20,960 --> 00:34:26,480
And, you know, one again looks with a great amount of pessimism about the political future

499
00:34:26,480 --> 00:34:29,920
of a country like Cambodia when it comes to democracy.

500
00:34:29,920 --> 00:34:35,340
There's all this optimism in Thai politics because two anti-Hunta parties registered

501
00:34:35,340 --> 00:34:37,920
first and second in their recent elections.

502
00:34:37,920 --> 00:34:42,200
Meanwhile, I look to Cambodia with a great amount of sadness, knowing full well that

503
00:34:42,200 --> 00:34:46,920
the elections will not have that type of optimism or any kind of change.

504
00:34:46,920 --> 00:34:47,920
Yet it is fascinating.

505
00:34:47,920 --> 00:34:53,360
It is a fascinating country with a very fraught and troubled history that because of this

506
00:34:53,360 --> 00:34:59,060
China relationship that is not new, one that has six, seven decades of history in terms

507
00:34:59,060 --> 00:35:03,040
of PRC to Cambodia relations, I can't seem to get enough of it.

508
00:35:03,040 --> 00:35:07,480
So I hope that listeners will also find it interesting and dig more deeply into it as

509
00:35:07,480 --> 00:35:08,480
well.

510
00:35:08,480 --> 00:35:11,080
I am absolutely sure that they have found it interesting.

511
00:35:11,080 --> 00:35:16,320
Matt, thank you so much for your insights and for joining once again, Ear to Asia.

512
00:35:16,320 --> 00:35:17,320
Thank you so much, Ali.

513
00:35:17,320 --> 00:35:22,800
Our guest has been Dr Matthew Galway from the Australian National University.

514
00:35:22,800 --> 00:35:27,900
Ear to Asia is brought to you by Asia Institute of the University of Melbourne, Australia.

515
00:35:27,900 --> 00:35:32,520
You can find more information about this and all our other episodes at the Asia Institute

516
00:35:32,520 --> 00:35:33,520
website.

517
00:35:33,520 --> 00:35:39,240
Be sure to keep up with every episode of Ear to Asia by following us on the Apple Podcasts

518
00:35:39,240 --> 00:35:43,600
app, Spotify or wherever you get your favourite podcast.

519
00:35:43,600 --> 00:35:44,640
Please rate and review us.

520
00:35:44,640 --> 00:35:49,680
It helps new listeners find the show and put in a good word for us on your socials.

521
00:35:49,680 --> 00:35:53,800
This episode was recorded on the 29th of June, 2023.

522
00:35:53,800 --> 00:35:57,440
Producers were Calvin Parham and Eric van Bemmel of Profactual.com.

523
00:35:57,440 --> 00:36:04,040
Ear to Asia is licensed under Creative Commons, copyright 2023, the University of Melbourne.

524
00:36:04,040 --> 00:36:05,040
I'm Ali Moore.

525
00:36:05,040 --> 00:36:28,320
Thanks for your company.

